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Donald Trump's Dangerous Team of Crackpots Will Spread Corruption and Start New Wars in the Middle East Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=36166"><span class="small">Patrick Cockburn, The Independent</span></a>   
Saturday, 19 November 2016 15:45

Cockburn writes: "Isis is under pressure in Mosul and Raqqa, but it is jubilant at the election of Donald Trump."

Smoke-filled skies loom over a destroyed tank on the south side of Baghdad. (photo: Carolyn Cole/LA Times)
Smoke-filled skies loom over a destroyed tank on the south side of Baghdad. (photo: Carolyn Cole/LA Times)


Donald Trump's Dangerous Team of Crackpots Will Spread Corruption and Start New Wars in the Middle East

By Patrick Cockburn, The Independent

19 November 16

 

Foreign policy advisor John Bolton proposes carving out a Sunni state in northern Iraq and eastern Syria. As a recipe for deepening the conflict in the region, it could scarcely be bettered

sis is under pressure in Mosul and Raqqa, but it is jubilant at the election of Donald Trump. 

Abu Omar Khorasani, an Isis leader in Afghanistan, is quoted as saying that “our leaders were closely following the US election, but it was unexpected that the Americans would dig their own graves.” He added that what he termed Trump’s “hatred” towards Muslims would enable Isis to recruit thousands of fighters. 

The Isis calculation is that, as happened after 9/11, the demonisation and collective punishment of Muslims will propel a proportion of the Islamic community into its ranks. Given that there are 1.6 billion Muslims – about 23 per cent of the world’s population – Isis and al-Qaeda-type organisations need to win the loyalty of only a small proportion of the Islamic community to remain a powerful force.

Blood-curdling proposals for the persecution of Muslims played a central role in Trump’s election campaign. At one moment, he promised to stop all Muslims from entering the US, though this was later changed to “extreme vetting”. The use of torture by water-boarding was approved and applauded, and Hillary Clinton was pilloried for not speaking of “radical Islamic terrorism”.  

Trump and his aides may imagine that much of this can be discarded as the overblown rhetoric of the campaign, but Isis and al-Qaeda propagandists will make sure that Trump’s words are endlessly repeated with all their original venom intact.

Nor will this propaganda about the anti-Muslim bias of the new administration be so far from the truth, going by the track record of many of the people in its security and foreign policy team. Trump is reported to have offered the post of National Security Adviser to General Michael Flynn, who was sacked by President Obama as head of the Defence Intelligence Agency in 2014. Flynn notoriously sees Islamic militancy not only as a danger, but as an existential threat to the US. He tweeted earlier this year that “fear of Muslims is RATIONAL”.

There is an obsessive, self-righteous quality to Flynn’s approach that led him to join chants of “lock her up” in reference to Hillary Clinton during election rallies. Former associates complain of Flynn’s political tunnel vision that could wreak havoc in the Middle East. His consulting company, the Flynn Intel Group, appears to lobby for the Turkish government and Flynn recently wrote an article calling for all-out US support for Turkey, who Washington has been trying to stop launching a full scale invasion of Syria and Iraq. Unsurprisingly, the Turkish president welcomed Trump’s election with enthusiasm and sharply criticised protests against it in the US (something that would be swiftly dealt with by police water cannon in Turkey).

A striking feature of the aspirants for senior office under Trump is a level of personal greed high even by the usual standards of Washington. Trump famously campaigned under the slogan “Drain the Swamp” and castigated official corruption, but it is turning out that the outflow pipe from swamp is the entry point of the new administration. 

One grotesque example of this is Rudy Giuliani, who exploited his fame as mayor of New York at the time of 9/11 to earn millions in speaking fees and consultancy for foreign governments and companies. Apparently, none were too dubious for him to turn down. In 2011 and 2012 he reportedly made speeches defending the sinister Iranian cult-like movement, the Mojahideen e-Khalq, that had been on the State Department’s list of terrorist organisations. 

Giuliani is a swamp creature if ever there was one, yet this week he was publicly turning down the post of Attorney General and was, at the time of writing, being considered for the post of Secretary of State.

Isis and al-Qaeda may underestimate the degree to which they will benefit from Trump’s election, which came at a bleak moment in their fortunes. He and his henchmen have already frightened and enraged hundreds of millions of Muslims and vastly expanded the constituency to which the jihadis can appeal.

A clampdown against them that, in practice, targets all Muslims plays straight into their hands. What made 9/11 such a success for Osama bin Laden was not the destruction of the Twin Towers, but the US military reaction that produced the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. This could happen again.

There are other potential long-term gains for the beleaguered Isis leader Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi, whatever the outcome of the siege of Mosul. The Taliban, al-Qaeda and Isis are all militarised fanatical movements born out of the chaos of war in Afghanistan and Iraq, and they are flourishing in similarly anarchic conditions in Syria, Libya, Yemen, Somalia and beyond. 

In theory, Trump is a non-interventionist; opposed to US military involvement in the Middle East and North Africa, he wants to bring the war in Syria to an end. But he has simultaneously opposed the agreement with Iran on its nuclear programme and criticised Barack Obama for pulling the last US troops out of Iraq in 2011 (though in fact this was under an agreement signed by George W Bush). 

But Bush and Obama were both non-interventionists when first elected – until the course of events, and the enthusiasm of the Washington foreign policy establishment for foreign military ventures, changed all that. 

The US army and air force is today heavily engaged in Iraq and Syria and that is not going to end with Obama’s departure. In contradiction to Trump’s non-interventionism, leading members of his foreign policy team such as John Bolton, the belligerent former US ambassador to the UN, has been advocating a war with Iran since 2003. Bolton proposes carving out a Sunni state in northern Iraq and eastern Syria, a plan in which every sentence betrays ignorance and misjudgements about the forces in play on the ground. As a recipe for deepening the conflict in the region, it could scarcely be bettered.

There have always been crackpots in Washington, sometimes in high office, but the number of dangerous people who have attached themselves to the incoming administration may be higher today than at any time in American history. 

For instance, one adviser to the Trump national security transition team is, according to Shane Harris and Nancy Youssef of The Daily Beast, one Clare Lopez, author of a book called See No Sharia, which says that Islamists and the Muslim Brotherhood in particular have infiltrated the White House and the FBI, as well as the US Departments of State, Justice, Defence and Homeland Security. Lopez believes that terrorists caused the 2008 financial crash by short-selling stocks.

Optimists have been saying this week that Trump is less ideological than he sounds and, in any case, the US ship of state is more like an ocean liner than a speedboat making it difficult to turn round. They add privately that not all the crooks and crazies will get the jobs they want. 

Unfortunately, much the same could have been said of George W Bush when he came into office before 9/11. It is precisely such arrogant but ill-informed opportunists who can most easily be provoked by terrorism into a self-destructive overreaction. Isis is having a good week.  

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FOCUS: Vive la France - but Which France? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=21753"><span class="small">Clancy Sigal, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Saturday, 19 November 2016 13:06

Sigal writes: "The French felt so smug and secure behind their stone forts, their glorious army, their language and admired culture that when it all collapsed, pretty much overnight, only the poets and novelists had words for l'exode, the exodus of millions of panicked civilians away from the lightning-fast Nazi army in 1940."

Allied soldiers in front of the Eiffel Tower during World War II. (photo: unknown)
Allied soldiers in front of the Eiffel Tower during World War II. (photo: unknown)


Vive la France - but Which France?

By Clancy Sigal, Reader Supported News

19 November 16

 

“Hitler always meant what he said.”
– John Wheeler-Bennett, historian of German history

he French felt so smug and secure behind their stone forts, their glorious army, their language and admired culture that when it all collapsed, pretty much overnight, only the poets and novelists had words for l’exode, the exodus of millions of panicked civilians away from the lightning-fast Nazi army in 1940.

France’s unforeseen, surprising defeat turned the world upside down. “In the space of several days we have lost all certainty,” said poet Paul Valery.

Novelist Leon Werth, another refugee, tried to find sense in the incoherence. “Everything since Paris is inexplicable by laws of reason.”

The poet Camille Bourniquel remarked that “the Middle Ages have been reinvented.” Another writer said, “France had jumped backwards six centuries”.

Although the Nazi defeat of the French happened decades ago it feels awfully familiar. Way down in the boondocks, in France’s south, the citified Leon Werth kept meeting rural people who warmly greeted soldiers of the Nazi New Order. “WE’RE IN A COUNTRY WE DIDN’T KNOW EXISTED… a France that rejoices in the German victory.”

Recently, a buddy, a midwest reporter, writes that on a recent road trip when he and his wife got off the interstate “From one end of Pennsylvania to the other, country roads and village streets were lined with yard signs proclaiming allegiance to Trump. There had to be thousands, with scarcely a Clinton sign between them…. Unmistakable signs that rural and small-town folks have had it with culture wars they didn't sign up for.”

1940 Parisians didn’t get it either or had forgotten, or unconsciously denied, France’s poisonous strain of anti-Semitism that had fueled the small towners’ welcome to Fritz. The deep conservatism of the French countryside had always been there – even in occasional rebellion – but simply ignored until Paris intellectuals suddenly had to flee for refuge in villages they’d only driven or hiked past before.

Even today French scholars and citizens argue over what happened and why during the Nazi occupation. But at the time it was a crude matter of surviving day to day. Attentisme, “wait and see”, more than active resistance tended to be the motto of an ordinary French citizen.

You had to walk in their shoes.

When I got to postwar France almost all my café friends had been in the Nazi occupation including some deported as slave laborers. Having just arrived from Hollywood (see below) with its blacklists and informers, I was intensely curious how they’d coped under a much more lethal persecutor.

It boiled down to improvising informal networks of solidarity, for food, money, hiding places, with heightened understanding of the endangered Jews who, if caught, were killed. Gays, doubly at risk, had their own special underground.

It was a terrible time. Somehow, in all this, most of my friends kept a weird, civilized, generous, prickly sense of humor.



Visit my website: http://www.clancysigal.com/

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FOCUS: Thousands Around the World Rally Against Dakota Pipeline Print
Saturday, 19 November 2016 11:24

Excerpt: "On Tuesday, November 15th, over 200 actions took place around the world in solidarity with water protectors at Standing Rock. The actions were called by Native American leaders around the country. I attended two of the actions, one in Des Moines, Iowa, and another later in the day in Omaha, Nebraska."

To reach and support those activists who locked themselves to pipeline equipment, water protectors walk a path carved out by the pipeline on Standing Rock Sioux sacred ancestral grounds. (photo: Rob Wilson)
To reach and support those activists who locked themselves to pipeline equipment, water protectors walk a path carved out by the pipeline on Standing Rock Sioux sacred ancestral grounds. (photo: Rob Wilson)


Thousands Around the World Rally Against Dakota Pipeline

By Scott Galindez, Reader Supported News

19 November 16

 

n Tuesday, November 15th, over 200 actions took place around the world in solidarity with water protectors at Standing Rock. The actions were called by Native American leaders around the country. I attended two of the actions, one in Des Moines, Iowa, and another later in the day in Omaha, Nebraska.

Many of the actions, including the one in Omaha, were at offices of the Army Corp of Engineers, who on Monday who dealt a blow to the progress of the Dakota Access Pipeline, saying in a letter that more analysis and discussion with the Standing Rock Sioux tribe is needed before construction can take place under the Missouri River.

Ed Fallon of Bold Iowa hailed the decision but warned that talk of rerouting the pipeline around Standing Rock was not a solution. Fallon argued that rerouting the pipeline would not protect communities down-river from a spill. After a rally of 150 water protectors in Des Moines, Fallon led a delegation to the EPA headquarters to encourage them to tell the Army Corp that the pipeline would have a negative impact on the environment and should be stopped. Fallon told reporters on his way to the EPA, “We will not stop fighting, as long as there is no oil running through the pipeline.”

Landowners on the pipeline route were present, including Zach Ide, who talked about how emotional he got when his grandmother called him to tell him that the pipeline construction had started on his family's land. He said his grandmother had to keep her blinds closed as the workers buried the pipeline about 150 yards from her home. Ide was critical of Governor Terry Branstad for doing business with a limited liability partnership to transport toxic chemicals through Iowa. He also asked how crazy it was that Iowa only required a $250,000 surety bond in case of an accident.

In Omaha, 300 water protectors rallied outside the headquarters of the Army Corp of Engineers. The rally, led by Native leaders, was opened with a prayer from an Omaha Tribe elder and songs from Omaha Tribe drummers. Frank LaMere, of the Winnebago Tribe of Nebraska, who will be an associate chair of the Nebraska Democratic Party, told those gathered that he didn't see “professional protestors, I see my Omaha relatives, I see my Winnebago relatives, I see my Sioux relatives, I see my Meskwaki relatives, I see my Ojibwe relatives, I see my Lakota relatives, I see Nebraskans, I see Iowans, I see farmers, I see those who come from those communities, I see no professional protesters. I see people who care more about the water than money. I see people who care more about the land than power, who care more about the generations, the children and the grand children and those still to come. That is who I see here today.”

LaMere, a member of the American Indian Movement in the 70s, told the crowd that he doesn't see good things coming with the rise of Donald Trump to the presidency. He fears that one of Trump's first acts will be to send troops to rough up Indian people at Standing Rock and clear them away from the path of the pipeline. He said we will need 50,000 not just 5 or 6 thousand people to go to Standing Rock and defend the land.

Michael Wolfe, the tribal chairman of the Omaha Nation, also addressed the crowd. Wolfe called those gathered a “visual prayer.” Wolfe told the crowd about a meeting he and Standing Rock Sioux chief David Archambault and other tribal leaders had where Chief Archambault asked how much support he would receive if they fought the pipeline. Wolfe, also known as White Tailed Deer, went on to explain that he did know how much support would come, he expressed his gratitude that people from all over the world are standing up and supporting the resistance. Wolfe was also active in the American Indian Movement and asked the crowd, “Why do we Native Americans always have to stand up for our rights when they get to enforce their rights on us?” He thanked everyone for being there and called on them to spread the news when they leave, traveling in all directions.

Since the rally was in Omaha, Wolfe also touched on the threat that the Keystone Pipeline would return. Wolfe warned that with Trump being a businessman, he would side with the moneyed interests. He called on Trump to “not let the dollar deafen his ears or blind his eyes, look and hear us, we are crying out for help, don't let this continue Trump, show a human side of yourself, show that you are representing all of America, not just the rich.”

Watch the full Omaha rally here:



Scott Galindez attended Syracuse University, where he first became politically active. The writings of El Salvador's slain archbishop Oscar Romero and the on-campus South Africa divestment movement converted him from a Reagan supporter to an activist for Peace and Justice. Over the years he has been influenced by the likes of Philip Berrigan, William Thomas, Mitch Snyder, Don White, Lisa Fithian, and Paul Wellstone. Scott met Marc Ash while organizing counterinaugural events after George W. Bush's first stolen election. Scott will be spending a year covering the presidential election from Iowa.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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A Call to the World: Boycott Trump's America Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=5494"><span class="small">Steve Weissman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Saturday, 19 November 2016 09:52

Weissman writes: "No surprise, I back the protesters and feel sad that distance and a gammy lung keep me from joining in. Trump may - or may not - have won an Electoral College majority fair and square. But belief in democracy does not require us to endorse the decision of our fellow citizens or the scapegoating of immigrants and Muslims. We need instead to find nonviolent ways to resist Trump and the worldwide ultra-right he encourages."

Anti-Trump protesters in front of the Trump International Hotel in downtown Washington, D.C. (photo: Andrew Stefan/RSN)
Anti-Trump protesters in front of the Trump International Hotel in downtown Washington, D.C. (photo: Andrew Stefan/RSN)


A Call to the World: Boycott Trump's America

By Steve Weissman, Reader Supported News

19 November 16

 

“Give Trump a chance,” urge the would-be peacemakers. “Bring the country together.”

ot my president,” say tens of thousands protesting in the streets across the country. “No hate, no fear, immigrants are welcome here!”

No surprise, I back the protesters and feel sad that distance and a gammy lung keep me from joining in. Trump may – or may not – have won an Electoral College majority fair and square. But belief in democracy does not require us to endorse the decision of our fellow citizens or the scapegoating of immigrants and Muslims. We need instead to find nonviolent ways to resist Trump and the worldwide ultra-right he encourages.

Hundreds of ways to resist will emerge in the weeks and months ahead. One extremely creative idea comes from my Ramparts colleague and sometimes co-writer Frank Browning, author most recently of “The Fate of Gender.” Like so many of us, Frank is horrified. Why did so many Americans, whether personally racist or not, vote for someone who expressed so much bigotry, misogyny, and hate? And what can we do to force a clampdown on the post-election surge in hate crimes?

A native of Kentucky now living in France, Frank has asked me and several others to reach out to those beyond Trump’s national borders and ask them a simple question: Will you join us in fighting Trump’s politics of hatred by refusing to visit the United States? We call our campaign “Boycott Trump’s America.”

The initial target will be the American travel and tourist industry, in which Trump and his family play a leading role. International visitors to the US spent $216.9 billion in 2015, creating a $61 billion trade surplus. As with the historic boycott of apartheid in South Africa, this will unfortunately hurt workers, many of whom are immigrants. But similar to the tourist and business boycott of North Carolina following its notorious bathroom law, a sharp, well-publicized kick in the pants has and can put real pressure on the hatemongers behind Trump as well as on Trump himself. It also could lead to an even more extensive boycott of American goods and services.

How do we spread the word? Mostly though emails, social media, expat groups and leading publications around the world, and – soon – a website. We are not creating an organization. We are not asking for money. We are not breaking any laws, though Trump and the Republican-dominated Congress could soon change that.

Why should Europeans and others want to join us? Largely in their own interest. Trump and his newly appointed chief strategist and senior counselor ? Steve Bannon ? have been working closely with Britain’s anti-immigrant Brexiteers, especially Nigel Farage. A white nationalist and former boss of the hate-filled Breitbart News, Bannon has just sought an alliance with the “Le Pen women” and their neo-fascist Front National, while Trump’s victory has given an enormous boost to like-minded nasties across Europe. Boycotting Trump’s America will help Europeans and others fight against their own hate-filled ultra-nationalists.

What can you do? Wherever you live, click on our Facebook page and friend us to follow the boycott and the worldwide fight against the growing ultra-right. If you live outside the US, please add your name to our public declaration. Let the world know how you feel. Unless you need to care for a loved one, attend a funeral, join an anti-racist protest, or something else absolutely necessary, tell everyone that you will not visit Donald Trump’s America.

If you have suggestions or want to help in some specific way, please email us at This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it .



A veteran of the Berkeley Free Speech Movement and the New Left monthly Ramparts, Steve Weissman lived for many years in London, working as a magazine writer and television producer. He now lives and works in France, where he is researching a new book, "Big Money and the Corporate State: How Global Banks, Corporations, and Speculators Rule and How to Nonviolently Break Their Hold."

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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The Problem With Abandoning the Paris Agreement Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=28739"><span class="small">Robinson Meyer, The Atlantic</span></a>   
Saturday, 19 November 2016 09:45

Meyer writes: "If the Trump administration withdraws the United States from the Paris Agreement, the country would face a massive global diplomatic backlash and permanently cede worldwide leadership on climate and renewable-energy issues to China, experts warn."

The Eiffel Tower lit up during the Paris climate talks, referencing the 1.5C target that governments have agreed to pursue efforts to hold temperatures to. (photo: Shun Kambe)
The Eiffel Tower lit up during the Paris climate talks, referencing the 1.5C target that governments have agreed to pursue efforts to hold temperatures to. (photo: Shun Kambe)


The Problem With Abandoning the Paris Agreement

By Robinson Meyer, The Atlantic

19 November 16

 

Bill O’Reilly and Barack Obama agree: President-elect Trump shouldn’t walk away from the first international climate treaty.

f the Trump administration withdraws the United States from the Paris Agreement, the country would face a massive global diplomatic backlash and permanently cede worldwide leadership on climate and renewable-energy issues to China, experts warn.

Withdrawing from the treaty “would be a huge mistake, even forgetting about climate change,” said Todd Stern, the former U.S. special envoy on climate change. He added that it would have “radiating bad impacts with respect to U.S. standing” on all other international issues.

We know very little for sure about the Trump administration’s foreign policy. So far, he has seemed to choose Russia-friendly advisors like General Michael Flynn, and he has not backed down from previous threats of a trade war with China. If the U.S. were to renege on its NATO commitments or enter a battle of tariffs with China, this could so remake global order that climate would slide off the international agenda.

But if the administration pursues a largely typical, business-friendly foreign policy, then the United States’ withdrawal from Paris could scuttle some of its other diplomatic goals. It could struggle to favorably renegotiate NAFTA, for instance. Leaving Paris could also damage American companies and economic innovation while needlessly ceding diplomatic ground to China.

We saw two early signs of that this week. On Tuesday, more than 300 companies called on the president-elect to remain in the Paris Agreement and continue helping the U.S. move toward a “low-carbon economy.” These firms include DuPont, Intel, General Mills, the Kellogg Company, Mars Incorporated, L’Oréal, and the Craft Brew Alliance. Many of the companies have donated thousands or tens of thousands of dollars to Republican lawmakers or campaigns in the past.

And on Wednesday, China’s vice foreign minister, Liu Zhenmin, promised that his country had not invented climate change as a hoax. Four years ago, Trump tweeted that “the concept of global warming was created by and for the Chinese in order to make U.S. manufacturing non-competitive.”

“If you look at the history of climate-change negotiations, actually it was initiated by the [Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change] with the support of the Republicans during the Reagan and senior Bush administration during the late 1980s,” said Liu.

In other words, a Chinese diplomat had to assure the U.S. president that, no, his country hadn’t invented a widely documented scientific phenomenon (which was discovered in part by American scientists).

When it was ratified last month, the Paris Agreement became the first truly global treaty to address climate change. It is largely non-binding for the United States, and it does not legally require this country to reduce its emissions.

During the campaign, Donald Trump promised he would withdraw the United States from the Paris Agreement if he were elected.

Technically, the U.S. could not withdraw from the Paris Agreement for four years. But it could summarily stop participating in the annual meetings that the treaty requires. It could also announce its withdrawal from the much older overarching treaty, the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change adopted by President George H.W. Bush in 1992.

Due to a fluke in terms, it would only take the United States one year to withdraw from the broader UNFCCC. But leaving the UNFCCC would carry broader problems for American firms.

The Obama administration had hoped to meet the non-binding promises that it made at Paris through a set of EPA regulations called the Clean Power Plan. Generally, these rules pushed states to build fewer coal-burning plants while installing more renewable-energy capacity. It also set up the basics of an interstate cap-and-trade structure.

The Clean Power Plan, however, was put on hold by the Supreme Court earlier this year, and the D.C. Circuit is now examining whether it can pass legal muster. The Trump campaign promised to repeal these executive actions on the first day of the administration. To start, it could simply decline to defend them in the courts.

But to truly undo them, it would have to go through a lengthy rule-making process. The EPA must regulate carbon dioxide as an air pollutant thanks to a 2007 Supreme Court decision, Massachusetts v. EPA. Were Congress to amend the Clean Air Act such that the EPA no longer had this obligation, Republicans could open up greenhouse-gas-emitting companies (like factories and manufacturers) to private litigation under a 2011 Supreme Court decision.

Oren Cass, a senior fellow at the Manhattan Institute who researches energy and the environment, said that the U.S. could cancel the Clean Power Plan while continuing to attend annual UN climate meetings.

“I would hope that Trump’s plan isn’t just to remove the U.S. from the [UN Framework Convention on Climate Change]. That doesn’t strike me as useful,” he said.

“I think it would be perfectly sensible to say that President Obama made a pledge that he had no idea how he was going to meet,” he added. The U.S. could say that “if anyone was curious, we don’t consider that to be binding—but we look forward to seeing you again next year.”

Stern, the former U.S. climate envoy, also warned against leaving the Paris Agreement. Stern led the American negotiating team for both the Paris Agreement and the older Kyoto Protocol. He believes that if the United States abandons the Paris process, it will essentially cede leadership on the issue to China.

“The Chinese are already warning that if Trump were to pull out, he would be defying the wishes of the entire planet. The Chinese are pretty clear that they have no intention of walking away,” Stern told me. “I think you’re going to see that all over, other countries are going to be furious with us. It’s not like, ‘oh, the U.S. isn’t there, we’ll go ahead anyway.’ No. They’re going to be furious, but I don’t think they’ll walk off.”

If this discussion seems familiar, it’s because something like this has happened before. In 2001, the newly elected Bush administration announced that it would not abide by the Kyoto Protocol. The Kyoto Protocol, a shorter and less detailed agreement than Paris, was meant to tackle global warming by implementing a cap-and-trade deal, but it only covered developed countries like Germany and Australia.

The situation around the Kyoto protocol in the early 2000s looked far worse than the situation around the Paris Agreement today. Most of the details of the treaty had not been worked out, and important considerations—such as whether carbon trapped in forests would determine emission calculations—were unresolved.

“Those were big sources of disagreement that had caused complete deadlock at previous conferences. There was a real sense of dread and despair” around the Kyoto Protocol, said Michael Wara, a professor of environmental and international law at Stanford.

“The U.S. walks away, and then they said we need to paper over our differences and make this work,” he told me. The signatories to the Kyoto Protocol reached an agreement partly out of resentment of the United States.

Bush would later clarify that he had refused to sign the Kyoto Protocol because it did not include India or China. But both countries are included in the Paris Agreement.

Wara said that if the United States were to abandon the Paris Agreement, then China would likely take over global leadership on the issue.

“My impression from afar is that President Xi, and China more generally, see this as a strategic issue that they are investing more heavily in. It’s not even a matter of investing in climate. It’s that policies they are committing to are consistent with overall economic strategy,” he said.

In other words, China’s climate policies are served by its overall need to transition to a more service-dominated economy. Switching to renewable energy, and pushing for electric car adoption, also helps it address its pollution problem.

Were the United States to simply abandon the Paris process, it is likely that the mechanisms which guide the agreement—such as whether countries’ emission-reduction goals are subject to outside scrutiny—would become less transparent.

“You are likely to get international climate policy with Chinese characteristics,” Wara told me. This would mean, in part, that China’s faulty and unreliable energy statistics would define whether it was complying with the agreement. The American strategy, led by Stern, has been to seek outside validation for other countries’ climate goals.

Leaving negotiations around the Paris Agreement is not the worst thing that the Trump administration could do for U.S. climate and clean-energy policy, however. Were the United States to start a trade war with China, it would devastate the country’s emerging renewable-energy economy.

“From a clean-energy perspective in the United States, a trade war with China has the potential to do enormous harm,” Wara told me. Supply chains for American solar panels and wind turbines are so delicate, and so dependent on global trade, that a trade war could perversely allow China to race ahead on renewable technology.

This could prove supremely unpopular: An overwhelming majority of Americans, more than 80 percent, favor expanding wind and solar energy. And it would cut into American competitiveness at a vital time for the industry.

”I think it was two years ago, the module price for solar fell below a dollar for watt. And I was like, ‘Wow, that’s unbelievable!,’” Wara said. “But the price right now is 35 cents per watt, and it’s headed to 30. It’s not like that means solar panels are cheap, it means that it unlocks all these different important ways for how you approach solar as a business. You can look at solar as an add-on.”

“If those cost declines continue, and we are divided in a protectionist setting, we’re also likely to be at a real competitive disadvantage,” he added.

For now, though, that conversation seems to be months off. The Trump administration must first confront the Paris Agreement question. And there, he will hear from two unusual allies who agree he should keep it: Barack Obama and Bill O’Reilly.

Paris “has made our economy more efficient, it’s helped the bottom line of folks, and it's cleaned up the environment,” said President Obama earlier this week. “It says to China and India and other counties that are potentially polluting: Come on board. Let’s work together so you guys can do the same thing.”

“President-elect Trump should accept the Paris treaty on climate to buy some goodwill overseas,” said O’Reilly on his show Wednesday night. “It doesn't really amount to much anyway, let it go.”

Stern would agree. “There’s just so much more consequence to this than Kyoto,” he told me on Monday. “We know there’s collateral damage when a president takes a step like” de facto withdrawing from the Paris Agreement.

He went on. “If [Trump] has senior national-security advisors—the secretary of state, the national-security advisor, others in that establishment—who have some wisdom about them, I think that they would warn him to say, you don’t do that. The cost-benefit is just crazy against that. That little political hit with the base is the only thing that argues in favor of it, against what I would anticipate to be … a huge diplomatic backlash, all over the world.”

If the United States left Paris, “I don’t think people are going to want to go back to their drawing board and start over. It will be consequential, and I suspect it will have the impact of having the whole system just kind of … not work … as effectively and as rapidly as it would if the U.S. were there,” he said.

“If the U.S. wanders off, that’s going to harm the pace and effectiveness of the system. I think that they will try to show that they’re in—and, at some level, make us look bad.”

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