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There's Never Been a Better Time for Us to End Private Health Insurance Than Right Now Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=51192"><span class="small">Tim Higginbotham, Jacobin</span></a>   
Wednesday, 01 April 2020 12:59

Excerpt: "The coronavirus crisis will lead to health insurance premium increases by up to 40 percent next year. We can't afford that. Instead of seeing premiums skyrocket or bailing out private health companies, we need to seize this moment to abolish private insurance and create a single, national insurance plan."

Hospital equipment is seen in an emergency field hospital to aid in the COVID-19 pandemic in Central Park on March 30, 2020 in New York City. (photo: Stephanie Keith/Getty)
Hospital equipment is seen in an emergency field hospital to aid in the COVID-19 pandemic in Central Park on March 30, 2020 in New York City. (photo: Stephanie Keith/Getty)


There's Never Been a Better Time for Us to End Private Health Insurance Than Right Now

By Tim Higginbotham, Jacobin

01 April 20


The coronavirus crisis will lead to health insurance premium increases by up to 40 percent next year. We can’t afford that. Instead of seeing premiums skyrocket or bailing out private health companies, we need to seize this moment to abolish private insurance and create a single, national insurance plan.

he US health care system is going to be overwhelmed by the coronavirus pandemic for months to come. But when the spread of the virus finally does subside, many of its impacts will be here to stay. With millions of Americans likely to need expensive hospital stays this year, our nationwide health care costs are expected to increase by as much as $251 billion, according to a new analysis. As a result, US health insurance premiums could rise by up to 40 percent in 2021, exacerbating a crisis of ever-increasing costs that already leave Americans paying far more for care than the people of any other country.

What this means is that we’re about to hit a fork in the road with the private insurance industry. The coronavirus is shredding insurers’ profits right now, underlining the fact that private insurance is simply not built to handle a medical crisis. Having to cover a surge of expensive treatment — and, in some cases, having to waive co-pays —  is antithetical to the premise of for-profit insurance. Saddled with these unexpected costs, private insurers’ only alternative to drastically raising our premiums will be to request a massive government bailout to avoid bankruptcy.

Allowing private companies to bankroll our health care system has always been a terrible policy choice, but the horror of this approach is about to become even more evident. Hiking premiums in the midst of a devastating pandemic to make up for their losses is an act of cruelty, to be sure. But it’s also the only logical act for companies whose sole purpose is to chase accrescent profits.

Instead of allowing our premiums to skyrocket or bailing out a heartless industry with public funds, thereby prolonging a profit-driven nightmare, we need to seize this watershed moment by taking the step many Americans have demanded for over a century. It’s time to abolish the private insurance industry and create a single, national insurance plan in its place.

Now Is the Time

There has never been a more obvious moment to take the leap to single-payer health care. The familiar arguments against it, disingenuous in the first place, are suddenly outwardly ridiculous and easy to refute.

Joe Biden has been using his scarce media appearances to assure viewers that he still opposes Medicare for All, Bernie Sanders’s popular single-payer plan that would comprehensively cover all Americans at no out-of-pocket cost. But his arguments — that Medicare for All would be too expensive, that it would disrupt people’s employer-sponsored coverage, and that it would bring too large a change from the status quo — no longer carry the weight they once did. Even CNN’s Anderson Cooper recently pressed Biden to explain how his health care plan would solve the problems made evident by the current pandemic.

On the question of cost, Sanders and his fellow Medicare for All advocates have long argued that single-payer health care will cost substantially less than our current system. This is backed up by virtually every major economic analysis of his plan, although these studies have long been ignored by Medicare for All’s opponents in Congress and the media. But they become harder to ignore the more expensive the current system gets — and a massive hike in premiums or a major government bailout will only underscore Sanders’s argument further.

As for the criticism that Medicare for All would throw people off their employer-sponsored insurance, it’s a bit more difficult to defend this argument when the country is projected to possibly reach its highest ever levels of unemployment. The major flaw in tethering health care to employment has never been clearer: workers are constantly at risk of losing their employer-sponsored insurance.

Now it’s happening on a mass scale — millions of Americans have already lost their jobs during the pandemic, and it’s only going to get worse.

Liberals have spent the last decade celebrating the fact that the Affordable Care Act lowered the number of uninsured people in the United States from 44 million to a still-astonishing 28 million. Suddenly, that modest improvement is being reversed. Because we’ve relied on a fragile method of coverage instead of a bulletproof approach of automatic, universal enrollment in a public plan, all of the progress made by liberals is subject to erasure by a single crisis.

Perhaps the biggest obstacle to building the public demand for Medicare for All has been the mere fact that it will bring a major disruption to the status quo. The concept of socializing one-sixth of the US economy — which is what Medicare for All entails — has been used to frighten those wary of change.

But the pandemic has already disrupted the status quo. We no longer face a choice between keeping things as they were and implementing a major change. Change is coming, no matter what, and it’s our choice whether we respond to it by using public funds to prop up a broken system that constantly kills and bankrupts Americans in the name of profit, or by using those same funds to create a stable, single-payer program designed in the interest of public health.

Don’t Bail Out an Industry That Shouldn’t Exist

We’ve already tried bailouts. The Affordable Care Act (ACA) was essentially a bailout in that it heavily subsidized insurance companies in order to get them to take measures that otherwise would not be sufficiently profitable. In fact, the government continues to pump hundreds of billions of public dollars each year into the industry to protect its profits.

It’s a broken approach no matter the scale. But what’s coming will be massive — it will make the ACA subsidies look incredibly meager. We cannot allow such a historic bailout of an industry that should not exist in the first place.

The logical fix to the problems of our health care system has always been to implement a single, national insurer. Instead of profit, we need to prioritize public health and well-being. Even when we’re not facing such a monumental crisis, our current system causes millions to suffer, physically and financially.

But this crisis has brought us to a unique crossroads. With our health care providers crying out for the help they need, with millions finding themselves suddenly uninsured, and with the insurance industry proving itself fundamentally incapable of protecting public health, we have the opportunity to choose a better way.

It’s long past time for single-payer health care. We’ve been demanding it for more than a century — people have fought their entire lives and died without ever seeing it become a reality. But we’ve never had a moment quite like this, where the flaws and shortcomings of our long-standing multi-payer system are so abundantly clear.

So let’s make our demand even clearer: instead of bailing out the industry that murders and bankrupts us and our families, let’s erase the industry altogether and take health coverage into public hands through a Medicare for All, single-payer program.

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The Coronavirus Is Exposing the Flaws of Erdogan's Strongman Rule Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=53872"><span class="small">Asli Aydintasbas, The Washington Post</span></a>   
Wednesday, 01 April 2020 12:59

Aydintasbas writes: "In Turkey, a video of a truck driver went viral this week, as he voiced the feelings of millions of working-class Turkish citizens too poor to observe the government's stay-home advice."

Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan at Huber Palace in Istanbul on March 27. (photo: Turkish Presidential Press Servi)
Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan at Huber Palace in Istanbul on March 27. (photo: Turkish Presidential Press Servi)


The Coronavirus Is Exposing the Flaws of Erdogan's Strongman Rule

By Asli Aydintasbas, The Washington Post

01 April 20

 

n Turkey, a video of a truck driver went viral this week, as he voiced the feelings of millions of working-class Turkish citizens too poor to observe the government’s stay-home advice.

“Now you are telling me to self-quarantine at home. Man, how can I?” he asked. “I don’t have a pension. Am not a state employee. Am not rich. I am a worker, a truck driver. If I don’t work, I have no bread. I cannot pay the rent, the electricity or water bill. That’s worse than dying. Before you ask us to stay home … stop making a fool of yourself. Take measures for us so we can take precautions for ourselves. Either I stay at home at your word and die from hunger or I die from the virus. In the end, it’s not the virus but your system that will kill me.”

Within days, he was detained.

The episode reveals the dual problems Turkey is facing today: illiberalism and economic mismanagement. Both have been exacerbated under President Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s one-man regime in ways that are now fully exposed by the novel coronavirus.

Of course, the pandemic is presenting all types of challenges for governments across the globe. In the Turkish case, with early measures and a vigorous stay-home policy, there is reason to be hopeful that “the curve” will not be as steep as in Italy or the United States. The streets of Istanbul have been empty for two weeks, and the compulsive in-house hygiene of Turkish households may prove to be a good thing after all. Schools, restaurants, malls, offices and mosques have been shut down, and the country is in a virtual lockdown.

But not for everyone. Factories and construction sites are still running, and the meager $15 billion stimulus Erdogan announced last week is among the lowest in the Group of 20 countries. Only $300 million is earmarked in the government stimulus bill as a one-time direct payment to families in need (2 million families are to receive roughly $150) and the stimulus for companies is deferred debt payment or more lending from state banks. Instead of offering more support to citizens in need, Erdogan was on air this week announcing a bank account number for donations.

Turkey had been broke long before the virus came along, due to a combination of bad macro decisions and its declining political prestige, souring the once-stellar investment climate. It’s a systemic problem: When one man’s will replaces all institutional policymaking, inevitably there are mistakes.

As the sole decision-maker in the economy, Erdogan has been insistent on high government spending and created a classical developing world construction bubble, with projects that span from one of the world’s biggest airports to a bridge across the Dardanelles or another bridge across Bosporus going to cronies. (The government even had a tender last week to start the construction on Canal Istanbul, another one of Erdogan’s pet projects to build a costly sea channel in Istanbul parallel to the Bosporus.)

With dangerously low reserves in the central bank, Turkey cannot tell its citizens “It’s all right. I’ll take care of you if you stay home.”

The state of our democracy is far worse. For authorities, controlling the flow of information and suppressing dissent seems to be just as important as stopping the spread of the virus. Official figures on the coronavirus are announced by the minister of Health only, with no location or geographical detail. A doctor who digressed from the official figures in an in-house workshop was made to publicly apologize, and a woman who posted a video on social media showing a newly dug graveyard was called in for questioning. There is apparently a law that says you can be jailed for “spreading misinformation” to create social panic — in this case about the virus.

The Turkish president was once a champion of democracy and expanded the share of the lower income bracket in the economic pie with reforms in health care and the economy. But with declining popularity and too long a tenure, Erdogan is now at the helm of a regime that puts preservation of the status quo above everything else.

The truck driver from the viral video was finally released thanks to the public outcry. In explaining his detention, Turkey’s minister of Interior said, with no irony, “I look to make sure that he is really downtrodden — to know there isn’t an ulterior motive.” He noted that 2,752 social media accounts were identified for propagating misinformation: “Most are outside the country,” he noted. “We’re trying to detain as many as possible.”

The Turkish case violates what political scientists call “the authoritarian bargain.” Authoritarian regimes can sustain power not only through repression but because, like the Gulf countries, they distribute resources to citizens. In Turkey, we seem to get neither the money nor the democracy — which is why the current model is not sustainable. Our society is far more advanced than this outdated system.

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FOCUS | Coronavirus Makes It More Clear Than Ever: Health Care Is a Human Right Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=53457"><span class="small">Jesse Jackson, Chicago Sun Times</span></a>   
Wednesday, 01 April 2020 12:07

Jackson writes: "We need everyone with symptoms to get tested and all with the virus to get treatment. If anyone hesitates because they fear they can’t afford the cost, they put the rest of us at risk."

Supporters of single-payer health care march to the Capitol in Sacramento in April 2017. (photo: Rich Pedroncelli/AP)
Supporters of single-payer health care march to the Capitol in Sacramento in April 2017. (photo: Rich Pedroncelli/AP)


Coronavirus Makes It More Clear Than Ever: Health Care Is a Human Right

By Jesse Jackson, Chicago Sun-Times

01 April 20


The COVID-19 crisis exposes the foolishness of pretending that health care is a private marketplace.

ho is going to pay for this? 

For months that question was used as a weapon against supporters of Medicare for All. Now, it is on everyone’s mind as they worry about the costs of the testing and treatment for the coronavirus. The virus is highly contagious. We need everyone with symptoms to get tested and all with the virus to get treatment. If anyone hesitates because they fear they can’t afford the cost, they put the rest of us at risk. 

No one should be worried about the costs of treatment.

Those costs, however, are going to be staggering, particularly if the fears of the administration’s leading expert, Dr. Anthony Fauci, are realized and a million or more may become infected with the disease. Hospitalization and treatment will cost hundreds of billions. The average cost of hospitalization for pneumonia patients is about $20,000, but many coronavirus patients tend to need to stay on ventilators longer and fight off more complications than pneumonia patients.

Across the country, Americans are terrified at the potential costs if they get sick. Twenty-seven million Americans have no health insurance at all. Four in 10 working Americans have a high-deductible plan that forces them to pay thousands of dollars out of pocket before they get benefit from the premiums taken out of their paychecks each week. 

A 2009 Harvard Medical School study estimated that every year an estimated 45,000 people in the U.S. die because of lack of health care coverage. Many suffer because they put off necessary treatment because they can’t afford it. Now, as Rep. Ro Khanna, D-Cal., put it, “The reality is, there are a lot of people that are thinking, ‘I don’t want a couple thousand-dollar bill to get tested or get treated.’”

The rescue bill just passed by Congress covers the costs of testing. Trump promised that any cost of treatment also would be covered, but the insurance lobby immediately corrected him. Since then, under immense pressure, Cigna and Humana have joined CVS Aetna insurance in agreeing to waive patient cost-sharing on treatment for those insured. 

Hopefully, this will reassure people enough that they won’t avoid getting tested and treated, posing the threat to all. But this won’t be charity. Some health-care analysts think the insurance industry could benefit from the pandemic because people generally are putting off visits to doctors and hospitals as much as possible. 

In any case, insurers admit that if the costs soar they will factor it into the cost of plans next year. As Peter Lee, the head of Covered California, an independent state agency, noted, insurers are likely to seek rates next year that are double their additional costs from the virus. If costs go up 20 percent, rates could jump as much as 40 percent. That could mean, Lee warned “that many of the 170 million Americans in the commercial market may lose their coverage and go without needed care.” 

The insurers will sustain their profits; it’s the patients who will suffer.

The government is investing billions of dollars to develop a vaccine for the virus, and to develop other drugs that can help treat it. Yet, because the government turns over any drug developed to the private pharmaceutical companies, Health Secretary Alex Azar — a former lobbyist for the drug companies — said he couldn’t guarantee that the treatments would be affordable. Already, as the Intercept reported, bankers are goading drug companies to prepare to raise prices to benefit from the expected demand. 

The U.S. spends about twice as much per capita for its patchwork health-care system than most industrialized countries. Why were we caught with such shortages of masks, ventilators or hospital beds? 

A central reason is that about $500 billion of what we spend on health care each year doesn’t go to health care. It is wasted on costly bureaucracies needed to bill the maze of private insurers or track down patients for their co-pays. It goes to hundreds of billions in profits for insurance companies and drug companies. It goes to excessive CEO salaries rising to $80 million or so a year.

In the end, the federal government will and should step up to cover the costs of all testing and treatment for the pandemic. It will have to reimburse states to cover soaring Medicaid and hospital costs. It will pay for developing the necessary drugs. It will pay for the costs of covering seniors under Medicare. It will pay for the costs incurred by those without insurance or with employer-based insurance. Yet, in part because of this, the insurance companies and drug companies will keep racking up record profits.

At this point, the overriding imperative is that every person in the U.S. understand that they should get the testing and treatment they need. All should be reassured that their costs will be covered. Congress went part of the way with the last rescue package. It should finish the job, preferably by having Medicare pay for all the costs directly.

But we shouldn’t be satisfied with single-payer coverage just during a massive pandemic. This crisis exposes dramatically the foolishness of pretending that health care is a private marketplace. Health care is a human right. This pandemic gives ample evidence of why we need to move to a Medicare for All system where high-quality health care is guaranteed to all. 

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FOCUS: The November Election Is Going to Be a Nightmare Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=32632"><span class="small">Paul Waldman, The Washington Post</span></a>   
Wednesday, 01 April 2020 10:42

Waldman writes: "We still have time to reinforce the election system, prepare for November and mitigate the chaos."

Voting by mail. (photo: Don Ryan/AP)
Voting by mail. (photo: Don Ryan/AP)


The November Election Is Going to Be a Nightmare

By Paul Waldman, The Washington Post

01 April 20

 

resident Trump has a unique propensity to blurt out what others will only imply, and on “Fox & Friends,” the president offered a revealing lament about the proposals House Democrats had made for the rescue package that eventually passed.

“The things they had in there were crazy,” he said. “They had things — levels of voting that, if you ever agreed to it, you’d never have a Republican elected in this country again.”

That may be an exaggeration, but what is clear is that the November elections could be an absolute mess, not just in how difficult it could be to vote but in determining a winner as well.

The Democratic proposal Trump was referencing would have given money to states to aid in conducting this year’s elections, which have been complicated so severely by the coronavirus pandemic. In addition to the funding, it would have required that states make mail-in voting available to everyone (right now many states require you to have an excuse they consider valid to vote absentee) and in the case of a national emergency, mail ballots to every registered voter.

Because of Republican objections, those requirements didn’t make it into the final bill. It did include $400 million in funding to help states prepare for November. That will help, but it’s unlikely to be enough, as states will have to scramble to print more mail ballots and pay for postage, create more dropoff locations, hire people to process ballots, create online registration systems, and inform the public of the changes. The Brennan Center estimates that shoring up the election system in the wake of the coronavirus will cost $2 billion.

And states will struggle to make up the difference on their own. The pandemic and the recession are already putting a terrible strain on state budgets, and no one think the rescue package’s $150 billion in aid to states and localities is sufficient. So the idea that states will shift large amounts of money to their election systems in this time of need seems more hope than reality.

But Trump is right in his essential premise: If we made it too easy and convenient for people to vote, Republicans would lose more often than they do now.

At the very least, we can say that most Republicans think that’s true. Which is why they have spent the past few years doing everything they can to erect barriers to voting, particularly for African Americans, poor people, students, residents of cities and anyone else who might be too willing to vote for Democrats.

They aren’t going to suddenly be gripped by a feeling of civic oneness to do what they can to make the election run smoothly and fairly. It’s more likely that we’ll see just the opposite, with fights over who is going to be allowed to vote and how intensifying as we get to November.

We should say that there are some Republicans working to make voting easier. In Ohio, for instance, the Republican secretary of state wanted to mail ballots to all voters for the primary — but the GOP-controlled legislature would only let him mail postcards with instructions on how to request an absentee ballot, inserting an extra layer of paperwork and putting the onus on voters.

Meanwhile, Republicans are being told by their own side that any attempt to expand mail voting is a liberal plot to allow widespread fraud and potentially steal elections.

That’s despite the fact that five states — Washington, Oregon, Colorado, Hawaii and Utah — already conduct all-mail elections with little complication and healthy turnout.

But Republicans are convinced that Democrats are just taking the opportunity of this public health crisis to push their preexisting election reform agenda. And to a degree, that’s true. It just happens that part of this agenda — letting anyone vote by mail if they want to — is absolutely necessary when we’re in the midst of a pandemic that makes it dangerous for people to gather in large groups.

So we’re likely to see fights at the state level as Democrats move aggressively to make sure everyone can participate in November while Republicans resist those efforts. You could see it particularly vividly in states where power is divided. That includes the battlegrounds of Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Michigan and North Carolina, all of which have Democratic governors and Republican-controlled state legislatures.

If that all weren’t frightening enough, consider election scholar Rick Hasen’s nightmare scenario, one that derives from the time it takes to process what will inevitably be an unprecedented number of mail ballots:

What if Trump is ahead in Michigan and Pennsylvania on election night and he declares victory, but after millions of absentee ballots are processed a week or so later Biden is declared the winner in those states and wins the election? Will Republicans believe Trump if he claimed the later count was the result of fraud, despite all evidence to the contrary?

If you think America is divided now, imagine if Biden is declared the official winner while Trump claims that in fact he won and tells his supporters that the election is being stolen from them.

We still have time to reinforce the election system, prepare for November and mitigate the chaos. But it’s hard to avoid the conclusion that one way or another it’s going to be a mess. The only question is how bad it’ll be, and whether we can make it to the other side with our democracy intact.

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Covid-19 Brings Out All the Usual Zombies Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=51503"><span class="small">Paul Krugman, The New York Times</span></a>   
Wednesday, 01 April 2020 08:24

Krugman writes: "Let me summarize the Trump administration/right-wing media view on the coronavirus: It's a hoax, or anyway no big deal. Besides, trying to do anything about it would destroy the economy. And it's China's fault, which is why we should call it the 'Chinese virus.'"

Economist Paul Krugman. (photo: Getty Images)
Economist Paul Krugman. (photo: Getty Images)


Covid-19 Brings Out All the Usual Zombies

By Paul Krugman, The New York Times

01 April 20


Why virus denial resembles climate denial.

et me summarize the Trump administration/right-wing media view on the coronavirus: It’s a hoax, or anyway no big deal. Besides, trying to do anything about it would destroy the economy. And it’s China’s fault, which is why we should call it the “Chinese virus.”

Oh, and epidemiologists who have been modeling the virus’s future spread have come under sustained attack, accused of being part of a “deep state” plot against Donald Trump, or maybe free markets.

Does all this give you a sense of déjà vu? It should. After all, it’s very similar to the Trump/right-wing line on climate change. Here’s what Trump tweeted back in 2012: “The concept of global warming was created by and for the Chinese in order to make U.S. manufacturing noncompetitive.” It’s all there: it’s a hoax, doing anything about it will destroy the economy, and let’s blame China.

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