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FOCUS: The Boldest Piece of Legislation Ever Written in Modern History |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=15102"><span class="small">Bernie Sanders, Reader Supported News</span></a>
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Saturday, 04 April 2020 11:23 |
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Sanders writes: "Our country is now facing its worst crisis in modern history. We are in the midst of a COVID-19 pandemic that could lead to the death of hundreds of thousands of Americans and infect millions of others, and we are entering an economic downturn that could be worse than the Great Depression of the 1930s."
Bernie Sanders. (photo: Antonella Crescimbeni)

The Boldest Piece of Legislation Ever Written in Modern History
By Bernie Sanders, Reader Supported News
04 April 20
ur country is now facing its worst crisis in modern history. We are in the midst of a COVID-19 pandemic that could lead to the death of hundreds of thousands of Americans and infect millions of others, and we are entering an economic downturn that could be worse than the Great Depression of the 1930s.
Last week, 3.3 million Americans filed for unemployment. This week that number doubled to 6.6 million claims — ten times higher than any other week on record. It is certain that well over 10 million people have lost their jobs — more than in the Wall Street crash of 2008.
In this unprecedented moment in modern American history, it is imperative that we respond in an unprecedented way. And that means that Congress must pass, in the very near future, the boldest piece of legislation ever written in modern history.
There are many, many issues that must be addressed in our response to this pandemic, and working together, we will make sure they are addressed.
But today, I am outlining a set of six core provisions that must be included in the next legislation Congress passes to support working people in this country during this horrific crisis. Please read them and add your name to say that you agree:
1. Addressing the Employment Crisis and Providing Immediate Financial Relief
There is little doubt in my mind that we are facing an economic crisis that could be even worse than the Great Depression. The St. Louis Federal Reserve has projected that 47 million more people may become unemployed by the end of June, with unemployment reaching 32 percent. In my view, we must make sure that every worker in America continues to receive their paycheck during this crisis and we must provide immediate financial relief to everyone in this country.
An important precedent for that approach was taken in the recent stimulus package in which grants were provided to the airlines for the sole purpose of maintaining the paychecks and benefits of some 2 million workers in that industry through September 30. We must expand that program to cover every worker in America and we must make it retroactive to the beginning of this crisis. This is not a radical idea. Other countries, such as the UK, Norway, Denmark, France, and others have all come up with similar approaches to sustain their economy and prevent workers from losing their jobs.
Our primary goal during this crisis must be to prevent the disintegration of the American economy. It will be much easier and less expensive to prevent the collapse of the economy than trying to put it back together after it collapses.
To do this, we must also begin monthly payments of $2,000 for every man, woman, and child in our country, and guarantee paid family leave throughout this crisis so that people who are sick do not face the choice of infecting others or losing their job.
2. We Must Guarantee Health Care to All
Let’s be clear: we were facing a catastrophic health care crisis before the pandemic, and now that crisis has become much, much worse. Already, 87 million people are uninsured or underinsured. Layoffs will mean tens of millions of people more will lose their current insurance — which will result in countless deaths and bankruptcies. Already in the last two weeks, an estimated 3.5 million people have lost their employer-sponsored insurance.
And as the pandemic grows, we are seeing more and more reports of people who have delayed treatment due to concerns about cost. In this pandemic, uninsurance will lead to deaths and more COVID-19 transmissions.
Therefore, during this crisis, Medicare must be empowered to pay all of the deductibles, co-payments and out-of-pocket healthcare expenses for the uninsured and the underinsured. No one in America who is sick, regardless of immigration status, should be afraid to seek the medical treatment they need during this national pandemic. Let me be clear: I am not proposing that we pass Medicare for All in this moment. That fight continues into the future. But, for the moment, we must act boldly to make sure everyone can get the health care they need in the coming months.
3. Use the Defense Production Act to Produce the Equipment and Testing We Need
Unbelievably, in the United States right now, doctors and nurses are unnecessarily putting their lives on the line treating people suffering from the coronavirus because they lack personal protective equipment like masks, gloves, and surgical gowns. The CDC has directed health professionals to use homemade gear like bandanas or scarves and some workers at the VA are being told to re-use one surgical mask for a week at a time. HHS estimated that our country needs 3.5 billion masks in response to this crisis.
President Trump has utilized the Defense Production Act thousands of times for the military and for enforcement of his immigration policies, yet he has resisted using its power to save lives during the pandemic. That is unacceptable. We must immediately and forcefully use the Defense Production Act to direct the production of all of the personal protective equipment, ventilators and other medical supplies needed.
We must also utilize this power to produce antibody tests so we can begin figuring out who has already contracted the virus and has developed some immunity to COVID-19.
In addition, OSHA must adopt a strong emergency standard to protect health care workers, patients, and the public during this crisis. We must crack down aggressively on price gougers and hoarders, and use any means necessary to secure supplies.
4. Make Sure No One Goes Hungry
Even before this crisis hit, one in every seven kids in America was going hungry and nearly 5.5 million seniors in our country struggled with hunger. Already in this crisis we see lines at food banks and growing concern that our most vulnerable communities and those recently unemployed may struggle to feed their families.
As communities face record levels of food insecurity, we must increase SNAP benefits, expand the WIC program for pregnant mothers, infants, and children, double funding for the Emergency Food Program (TEFAP) to ensure food banks have food to distribute, and expand Meals on Wheels and School Meals programs. When necessary, we must also develop new approaches to deliver food to vulnerable populations — including door-to-door drop offs.
5. Provide Emergency Aid to States and Cities
Even as state and local employees like police officers, firefighters and paramedics work on the front lines of this pandemic, states and cities that pay their salaries are facing enormous budgetary pressures.
Congress must provide $600 billion in direct fiscal aid to states and cities to ensure they have the personnel and funding necessary to respond to this crisis. In addition, the Federal Reserve must establish programs to provide direct fiscal support and budgetary relief to states and municipalities.
6. Suspend Monthly Payments
Even before this crisis, half of the people in our country were living paycheck to paycheck. In America today, over 18 million families are paying more than 50 percent of their income on housing. Now, with growing unemployment, families are facing financial ruin if we do not act quickly and boldly.
That’s why we must suspend monthly expenses like rent, mortgages, medical debt and consumer debt collection for 4 months. We must cancel all student loan payments for the duration of this crisis, and place an immediate moratorium on evictions, foreclosures, and utility shut-offs.
Brothers and sisters: In this unprecedented moment in our history it is easy to feel like we are alone, and that everyone must fend for themselves. But that would be a mistake and a terrible tragedy. Now, more than any other moment in our lives, we must remember that we are all in this together — that when one of us gets sick, many more may get sick. And when my neighbor loses their job, I may lose my job as well.
Add your name to say you support these ideas to support the working people of this country during the coronavirus crisis.
Further, we cannot wait until our economy collapses to act. It will be far easier and less expensive to act now, in a very bold way, than to try to rebuild our country later.
If we work together and unite behind these basic principles of economic and health justice, I am confident that we will not only get through this unprecedented crisis together but that we will lay the groundwork for a better and more just America in the future.
In solidarity, Bernie Sanders

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"Working Together Is What Humans Are Built to Do": Social Trust Is Key to Stemming the Coronavirus Crisis |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=35861"><span class="small">Bill McKibben, The New Yorker</span></a>
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Saturday, 04 April 2020 08:17 |
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McKibben writes: "One saga that we should not soon forget involves Rand Paul, the Republican senator from Kentucky. On March 16th, out of 'an abundance of caution,' he said, he got an early test. For a week, while waiting for the results, he kept circulating in public, continuing his work on Capitol Hill where he voted against a bill that would have offered free tests to all Americans."
Bill McKibben. (photo: Wolfgang Schmidt)

"Working Together Is What Humans Are Built to Do": Social Trust Is Key to Stemming the Coronavirus Crisis
By Bill McKibben, The New Yorker
04 April 20
he coronavirus pandemic is now so sprawling that it has revealed the souls of tens of thousands of individuals, from remarkably kind nurses to online sellers seeking to corner the market for hand sanitizers (until finally deciding to donate them). One saga that we should not soon forget involves Rand Paul, the Republican senator from Kentucky. On March 16th, out of “an abundance of caution,” he said, he got an early test. For a week, while waiting for the results, he kept circulating in public, continuing his work on Capitol Hill (where he lambasted and then voted against a bill that would have offered free tests to all Americans), and even working out in the Senate gym and swimming in the Senate pool. The test results came back positive, and Paul then went into self-quarantine.
The reason to focus on this story is not to suggest that Paul is a selfish jerk; he is a medical doctor, for heaven’s sake. It’s because he is the foremost representative of libertarian philosophy in our nation’s Capitol, and that philosophy has helped produce the world we live in: one in which we struggle to solve both the coronavirus pandemic and the larger climate crisis. Last week, I tried to show how those crises were linked through the variable of time; this week, it’s social trust that’s the issue.
Ayn Rand and her novels—one of which, “Atlas Shrugged,” was once, according to a survey for the Library of Congress, the second-most influential book in the country —helped get this ball rolling. Rand’s novels are worth thinking about, because they’ve shaped the thinking of American leaders since the Reagan era, when Rand’s acolyte Alan Greenspan became the most powerful economic figure on the planet. This view of the world—that government is the problem, that we should free individuals and corporations from its clutches—has made it all but impossible to address global warming. The Koch brothers, for instance, came directly from this milieu; it was after the late David Koch failed in his Vice-Presidential bid on the Libertarian Party ticket, in 1980, that he and his older brother Charles became two of the G.O.P.’s biggest funders. Since they were among America’s biggest oil and gas barons, it was no wonder that they opposed restrictions on the fossil-fuel industry, but it wasn’t just self-interest: the government action necessary to tackle climate change is incompatible with their belief system. The right-wing syllogism became, I think, the following:
—Markets solve all problems. —Markets aren’t solving global warming. —Q.E.D.: Global warming is not a problem.
That’s not logical, but it is comforting if you’ve committed to the basic idea that, as Ronald Reagan once put it, “The nine most terrifying words in the English language are ‘I’m from the government and I’m here to help.’ ” But, of course, that’s nowhere near the scariest sentence. Try: “The hillside behind town is on fire.” “The subway system is flooded.” “Your test came back positive.” “There are no ventilators.”
Old impulses die hard. Donald Trump—who once described himself as a fan of Rand’s and her book “The Fountainhead” because “it relates to business (and) beauty (and) life and inner emotions. That book relates to . . . everything”—has been using the pandemic to, among other things, drastically relax what environmental laws remain. Meanwhile, his economic adviser Larry Kudlow told CNBC, “I just think the private sector is going to solve this disease.” As Charlie Baker, the governor of Massachusetts, said, when informed of Trump’s desire to “pack churches” on Easter, “Yeah. No.” In fact, the countries dealing best with the coronavirus are precisely those with high levels of social trust: South Korea, for instance, where a comprehensive national health system made sure that no one had to worry about getting a test or paying for treatment. Or the Scandinavian nations, which a United Nations report released on March 20th said are in the best position to deal with such crises. Nations “with higher levels of social trust and connections are more resilient in the face of natural disasters and economic crises,” it concluded, because “fixing rather than fighting becomes the order of the day.” It’s probably no accident that, in many ways, the Nordic nations also lead the climate fight, or that South Korea’s ruling party proposed a sweeping Green New Deal to confront the economic slump that the virus left behind. Working together is what humans are actually built to do.
Passing the Mic
The fossil-fuel-divestment movement has been one of the most productive fronts in the fight against climate change for nearly a decade, growing into the largest campaign of its kind, with endowments and portfolios worth twelve trillion dollars pledging to sell their fossil-fuel stock. But some of this country’s richest universities, including Yale and Harvard, have declined to join, despite votes showing students and faculty overwhelmingly in favor of divestment. So some Harvard students and alumni started a group called Harvard Forward, which, with a petition drive, managed to get five climate-focussed candidates on the ballot in the university’s Board of Overseers elections, which alumni would have been able to vote in beginning this week. (Harvard announced on Tuesday that, because of the coronavirus, it would postpone the balloting until midsummer.) One of them is Thea Sebastian, who graduated from the college in 2008 and the law school in 2016, and is the policy counsel for an N.G.O. called the Civil Rights Corps, where she “coordinates nationwide strategies to address race-based and wealth-based injustices in our criminal-legal system.”
Harvard is filled with scholars studying the climate crisis. Why do you think the administration has been so unwilling to follow institutions around the world and divest from fossil fuels?
Harvard has been an incredible leader on many issues, taking difficult stances that challenged accepted norms. Take, for example, our leadership on affirmative action. Take our stance on “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell.”
Where our endowment is concerned, we haven’t shown this same courage. We only divested from apartheid after the moment had passed. And on climate change, we’re poised to do the same.
In my view, our reticence stems from a belief that investments and values are separable. If we’re doing good research and going carbon-neutral, we can make money however we want. It’s the same bifurcation—a line between profit and purpose—that describes much of our economy.
The thing is, this bifurcation doesn’t hold. Our investments are a crucial instrument of our values. That’s true both at Harvard and far, far beyond. We won’t fix climate change—or solve structural inequities—without building an economy where companies act and invest responsibly. I want Harvard to lead this charge. And, in my view, that starts with divestment.
Much of your work is on civil rights and structural inequality. Harvard is as close to the center of the establishment as it’s possible to get. Can it really play a role in dismantling systems it helped build?
Yes! That’s why Harvard must play this role. We currently have a society where economic fortunes are mostly determined by Zip Code and skin color. And, unfortunately, American higher education isn’t exactly helping. In many ways, it’s making things worse.
The thing is, Harvard has an incredible opportunity to address this problem. First, Harvard has an incomparable platform to amplify cutting-edge, exciting policies to increase diversity and insure that first-generation students have every opportunity to attend and succeed at Harvard. What Harvard does, given its stature, will percolate elsewhere.
Second, Harvard builds the leaders of tomorrow. If our curriculum encourages our students to engage these inequities, we can build new health, educational, economic, and other systems that genuinely ensure opportunity for all.
You’re right that Harvard is the establishment. So let’s use that. Let’s orient this establishment toward solving climate change, structural inequality, and the greatest challenges of our generation.
Describe how hard alumni had to work to sign a petition nominating you for the Board of Overseers.
The last petition candidates, in 2016, only needed approximately two hundred signatures to make the Overseers ballot. This year, Harvard Forward needed almost three thousand. Worse, the online process was so cumbersome that it was almost unusable. Given my experience in voting rights, I know that these things matter.
Harvard Forward cleared this enormous hurdle to make the Overseers ballot. And, looking to April, we’re more inspired than ever to make our campaign successful.
Climate School
Well worth reading: Eliza Griswold’s fine essay on how faith-based activists are giving up carbon for Lent because they “believe that being willing to make personal sacrifices encourages us to conceive of ourselves in the context of the larger system that needs to change.” (And, while we’re on the topic of religion, do not skip reading Pope Francis’s remarkably moving sermon, delivered last week to an utterly empty St. Peter’s Square. “Greedy for profit, we let ourselves get caught up in things, and lured away by haste. We did not stop at your reproach to us, we were not shaken awake by wars or injustice across the world, nor did we listen to the cry of the poor or of our ailing planet.”)
The week’s great gift comes from Greta Thunberg and her family: first, the news that they are on the mend after contracting the coronavirus, and, second, a new book, “Our House Is on Fire: Scenes of a Family and a Planet in Crisis.” I confess that I picked up this book assuming that I knew what it would be about; I was wrong. The story of Thunberg’s school strike and the global movement it launched comes only in the last few pages; before that is an incredibly frank and beautifully written account, in the voice of Greta’s mother (and the opera star), Malena Ernman, of how the family figured out how to work with the neurological and developmental differences (Asperger’s, O.C.D., and so on) of Greta and her younger sister, Beata, and how those differences helped open them to a world that was hurting. In the worlds of both environmentalism and mental health, it became a classic the day it was published.
Scoreboard
The world is suffering through an unending skein of losses this week; there’s no use pretending otherwise. But, by necessity, indigenous communities have been forced to take a longer view of history than most of us, and they won two legal victories. In a huge victory for the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe, a federal court ruled that the government had failed to do a complete environmental review of the Dakota Access Pipeline before granting permits. Meanwhile, in Nova Scotia, a judge decided that further consultation with the Mi’kmaq band was required before plans for a giant natural-gas underground-storage cavern could proceed.
Warming Up
To return to the theme of this week’s newsletter—“We’re all in this together”—the genre of great music from cloistered humans just keeps growing. (Can some TV producer please put together a weekly “Quarantine’s Got Talent,” and make it a celebration, not a competition?) A couple of my favorites, which may have already shown up on your timeline: Daniel Matarazzo is clearly Tom Lehrer reborn—for rollicking public-health advice, this can’t be topped. The Rotterdam Philharmonic Orchestra has figured out video-conferencing technology. And Mirko and Valerio, homebound twelve-year-old Sicilian twins, have fiddled with Coldplay simply to make you grin.

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Middle East Peace Plan: The Charade of Trump's "Deal of the Century" |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=53893"><span class="small">Haneen Zoabi, Jacobin</span></a>
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Saturday, 04 April 2020 08:15 |
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Zoabi writes: "Earlier this year, Donald Trump presented his so-called peace plan for the Middle East, a travesty of a scheme that seeks to rubber stamp Israeli land grabs and shatter the project of Palestinian sovereignty."
Palestinian protesters in the city of Ramallah in the West Bank. (photo: AFP)

Middle East Peace Plan: The Charade of Trump's "Deal of the Century"
By Haneen Zoabi, Jacobin
04 April 20
Earlier this year, Donald Trump presented his so-called peace plan for the Middle East, a travesty of a scheme that seeks to rubber stamp Israeli land grabs and shatter the project of Palestinian sovereignty. Former Knesset member for the Arab Party list Haneen Zoabi on why it must be overturned.
n January, Donald Trump released his vision for Middle East peace, hailing his plan as the “deal of the century.” In reality, the plan is a “deal” for one side only, granting every demand extremist right-wing Israelis have ever made — bar expulsion. It was drafted by administration officials with long-standing support for Israeli settlements, without Palestinian input, and offered Palestinians Bantustan-like enclaves in the West Bank
The deal is a list of Israeli exemptions from war crimes and crimes against humanity. Israel thus gained from the formula in which violations that are not immediately held to account slowly turn to norms by which to live.
The Deal of the Century is the expected outcome of ignoring Israel’s long-standing violations of international law.
It denies Palestinian refugees their right of return, enshrined in UN Resolution 194 and affirmed by the UN General Assembly every year since 1949, including multiple subsequent resolutions to that effect.
The deal prevents Palestinian statehood. The Palestinian state that it does talk about is fraudulent and fake. It keeps in place the exact same settlements that are an outcome of colonial conquest, and actively obstructs any form of meaningful state sovereignty.
Entity Without Sovereignty
According to the UN, settlements are part of the architecture of Israel’s war crimes that destroy the conditions of Palestinian life (whether of natural resources or land) and, in their own language, “deny Palestinians the basis for a real statehood and a viable economy.”
There is in fact no change from the ongoing apartheid and colonialist policies Israel has implemented since its establishment: maximum land and minimum Palestinians.
This explains the relative apathy with which Israeli society has reacted to the deal, which is . As Rabin made clear to the Israeli public in a speech in the Knesset on October 5, 1995: “We view a permanent solution [as involving] a Palestinian entity which is less than a state”.
That’s exactly how Israel developed the notion of a Palestinian “entity” devoid of sovereignty. To the Israeli public, the deal is not presented as withdrawal from territory, but rather the ridding of its demographic and administrative burdens over Palestinians.
The Israeli media has thus accurately presented Trump’s plan as continuous with the occupation, an extension of old Israeli plans to promote settlements in the midst of large Palestinian population centers.
Two Fundamentalisms
If the Israeli political establishment under Labour Zionists had seemed — albeit in contradiction to the facts on the ground — to be somewhat restrained in public by questions of international legitimacy, the right wing always sought to fortify territorial conquest by recourse to claims of Jewish historical and moral rights.
Now, the right wing has won the national argument. The current national consensus expresses a new convergence both in word and deed between secular Zionist fundamentalists and religious Zionist fundamentalist over the question of annexation and expropriation of vast amounts of occupied Palestinian land.
Trump’s Deal of the Century, therefore, represents the success of a settler-colonial project that seeks to substitute the settler for the native. A gift from the United States to its Middle Eastern ally, it formalizes Israeli impunity for its international crimes.
It is not a peace deal but rather a certificate of appreciation granted by the United States to Israel’s colonial project — a project that has been morally and legally condemned in various international and human rights forums around the world for many years.
Palestinians are nowhere to be seen in a plan that determines their fate and their future. For the deal constitutes a political end for the Palestinian people and their national narrative. It orders them to totally surrender to a project that is responsible for the many tragedies that have befallen them.
The settlement of the refugees in their host countries embodies political liquidation in its most striking form, and presents the Palestine question as one of mere individual material existence under minimal conditions. Such a plan requires no Palestinian consent: it’s just imposed on Palestinians unilaterally because they now seem too divided and too weak to resist it — and Arab regimes privately applaud.
A New Normal
Trump’s deal is innovative in three ways. Firstly, it substitutes terms like “peace” and “state” for “entity” and “self-government.” In this deal, Israeli security is disguised in the language of “peace.” Israel’s unilateral annexation pretends to be a two-state solution.
This resembles a therapeutic strategy which tells you that if you can’t change your reality then just change the way you look at it. Regard occupation as sovereignty, domination as freedom, oppression as justice. This is what Israeli think tanks describe as a welcome shift in conceptualizing reality.
Secondly, Trump’s deal is new in its international moral dimension. At a time when UN institutions, as well as international and Israeli human rights organizations, call on Israel to be prosecuted for war crimes, Trump has offered impunity and forgiveness, seeking to transform Israel’s violations of rights to a right of violation. That’s the deal’s most dangerous aspect: to build new international legitimacy based not on international law but on the laws of the jungle.
Even as it attempts to marginalize and liquidate the Palestinian question, Trump’s deal, in fact, internationalizes it par excellence. The cost of liquidating Palestine is the erosion, if not the destruction, of the international legal system. If Palestine falls, so will fall justice, the international order, and the democratic norms that Europe boasts about.
If the Trump deal passes — legally or morally — the world will no longer be the same. It will have changed a set of understandings and a world order that Europe has upheld since World War Two.
As a cursory look at the list of UN resolutions on Israel indicates, “Israel had been condemned in forty-five resolutions by the United Nations Human Rights Council. Since the creation of the Council in 2006, it has resolved almost more resolutions condemning Israel than it has on the rest of the world combined.
The forty-five resolutions comprise almost half (45.9 percent) of all country-specific resolutions passed by the Council. These include war crimes and apartheid crimes (the second most severe after ethnic cleansing). Between 1967 and 1989 alone, Israel has violated 131 UN Security Council resolutions.
Sustaining Israel’s international exception and exemption from punishment can only mean upholding a lawless new world order. Israel would become the legal-moral benchmark for questions of peoples’ rights and laws of war.
Indeed, since 2000, Israel has sought to change the international laws and regulations governing wars and state assassinations — further empowering state aggression against stateless people and individual human rights.
The Trump deal is thus a test for the Western world, its peoples and official institutions. Not only a conformation between Palestine and a cruel Israel, but one between Israel and international democratic norms.
Indeed, Israel will continue working to develop a legal discourse that allows the deal to appear compatible with international law, while at the same time undermining the credibility of UN resolutions that deny the deal’s legitimacy. Considering its emerging lawfare power — exhibited during the latest wars on Gaza — that seeks to legitimize killing Palestinian civilians, this is not mission impossible for Israel.
According to an extensive investigative report published in Haa’in Hashviit in 2017, Israel has been attempting to influence domestic policies in foreign states, potentially leading to an unprecedented interference in the national and international discourse of other nations. This interference is a new, previously unknown type of publicity. These operations are conducted in a manner of secrecy much similar to how military and intelligence operations are conducted.
Israel will thus utilize these powers in its fight to legitimize Trump’s deal as a framework for conflict resolution. It will attempt to demonstrate that the European Union is wrong to maintain that the deal goes against “the conventional international standards.”
And Israel will warn Europe against opposing the deal on the grounds that it could cause unrest on the Palestinian side or embolden the Israeli far right which opposes it (on the grounds that the deal does not propose a full annexation of the Palestinian territories). The choice Israel will offer to Europe will be the choice between annexation and apartheid. Thus, once the deal is presented as the only option against unilateral annexation, Europe will inevitably feel that it must call on the Palestinians to return to the negotiating table.
Thirdly: The Deal of the Century is a new paradigm For the first time, Israel has admitted — to an international audience — that apartheid is no longer simply a temporary reality. It is also the country’s long-term peace vision: ratifying Israel’s Jewish Nation-State Law, which grants self-determination to the Jewish people only in Israel-Palestine.
Israel’s true intentions are clear for all to see. There is now a fork in the road: either a continuation of the catastrophic path — begun with Oslo, and culminating in Trump’s deal — or a new path of unified struggle. It’s now time for the Palestinians to formulate their counter-project.
Our collective aim must be decolonizing the Jewish state and achieving freedom and justice for all. The Palestinians have already accepted that Israelis have nowhere else to go. It’s now time to end Israel’s colonialism and racism, and institute equality for all. That should be the new horizon for justice in Palestine.

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What I Might Be Doing When This Is Over |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=47905"><span class="small">Garrison Keillor, Garrison Keillor's Website</span></a>
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Friday, 03 April 2020 12:53 |
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Keillor writes: "Interesting times we're living in and I wonder what name we'll give it when it's over. Corona Spring is too pretty. Maybe it'll be The Darkness of the Don."
Garrison Keillor. (photo: MPR)

What I Might Be Doing When This Is Over
By Garrison Keillor, Garrison Keillor's Website
03 April 20
nteresting times we’re living in and I wonder what name we’ll give it when it’s over. Corona Spring is too pretty. Maybe it’ll be The Darkness of the Don. Maybe we’ll call it Twenty-19. It’s not like a hurricane or blizzard, nobody will have great stories to tell, just memories of claustrophobia and social aversion and being thrilled because we didn’t have to go on a ventilator.
I grew up among taciturn loners, adherents of a separatist Christian cult that believed in silence — “Be still and know that I am God” was their favorite verse — so quarantine is nothing to me. My uncle Lonnie toured the country in a freak show as the World’s Most Silent Man, appearing with the Fat Lady, the Penguin Boy, the Alligator Woman, the Human Pincushion, and a sword-swallower and fire-eater named Vince the Invincible. Lonnie sat on a stool in his green plaid suit and the barker said, “And now I direct your attention to a man who holds the world record for silence. Lonnie has not spoken a word for 47 years. Why? We do not know. Feel free to talk to him, as you wish. I have in my hand a ten-dollar bill and I will give it to whoever can get Lonnie to respond.” Ten bucks was serious money back then. People yelled insults, trying to arouse a response, and Lonnie sat and took it all in, and if someone yelled, “The man is deaf!” Lonnie shook his head.
He came to the Minnesota State Fair Midway every year and I went to see him. We sat in his trailer between shows and he talked a little. I told him I wanted to be a storyteller. He said, “Why?” I said, “We need stories to be able to understand ourselves.” He said, “Oh, really?”
He became the World’s Most Silent Man when he was 30 and still living on his father’s farm and one day he took ten dozen eggs to town to sell and the buggy hit a bump and the eggs broke so Lonnie stopped and made a fire and fried the eggs on a shovel and a hobo came along and shared the eggs with him, a hobo who worked in a carnival every summer as a geek in a freak show, and he offered to get Lonnie a job and Lonnie, who hated farming and had been ready to leave home for years, joined the show. He loved the show people and that became his life.
It was easy work, being the WMSM, sitting politely while people cursed and abused him, and he fell in love with Leila the Tattooed Girl and they traveled the country in their own trailer, leading a secluded life like the one we have now with the virus. The virus Lonnie feared was stability. He spent his life on the road, died with his boots on while onstage and they did six more shows with him and he became the World’s First Posthumous Performer.
I went into the storytelling trade, working solo, but now the virus has brought an end to that, and I think about joining the WMSM’s old freak show. The Penguin Boy and Fat Lady are gone, replaced by the Abusive Nanny, the Cat Strangler, the World’s Most Drunk Driver, and a genuine Klansman. I would be the Corona Man. The barker would yell, “I direct your attention now to the tall dog-faced man who is an asymptomatic bearer of the deadly COVID-19 virus and who will now be passing through the crowd selling vials of souvenir sanitizer.” I’ll jump off the stage, howling, and the crowd will disperse, the tent will empty, and the crowd waiting in line will come in for the next show.
Life is good and we are so lucky. You need a sad dog-faced Corona Man to jump out and throw a scare into you and you go home feeling achy and feverish and people put you to bed and fuss over you and time passes and one morning you realize that you are okay. Dread and fear are what make a great story; the awareness of death is the prerequisite for all our pleasures; when I jump out at you with the bag of Purells, you will be thrilled even if I am more than six feet away, and your family will be more precious to you and your cheeseburger and fries will feel like a king’s feast.

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