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FOCUS: DNC Leak Shows Mechanics of a Slanted Campaign Print
Tuesday, 26 July 2016 10:43

Taibbi writes: "As is sadly the case with most political stories these days, whether or not you care about the so-called 'DNC leak' probably depends on which candidate you supported in the primaries."

Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton and former U.S. president Bill Clinton greet supporters during a primary night gathering on April 26, in Philadelphia. (photo: Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)
Democratic presidential candidate Hillary Clinton and former U.S. president Bill Clinton greet supporters during a primary night gathering on April 26, in Philadelphia. (photo: Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)


DNC Leak Shows Mechanics of a Slanted Campaign

By Matt Taibbi, Rolling Stone

26 July 16

 

Documents released by Wikileaks detail how the DNC worked with the Clinton camp to downplay a key story about questionable fundraising

s is sadly the case with most political stories these days, whether or not you care about the so-called "DNC leak" probably depends on which candidate you supported in the primaries.

If you supported Hillary Clinton, it probably won't bother you that the Democratic National Committee is revealed in these documents to have essentially acted as an arm of the Clinton campaign during the contested primary season

Most people guessed at this anyway. But it wasn't until these documents were dumped last week under mysterious circumstances that the extent to which the party both advocated for Hillary and against her opponent Bernie Sanders was made plain.

Nowhere is the discrepancy on greater display than in an episode involving the DNC's reaction to a May 2nd article by Politico reporters Ken Vogel and Isaac Arnsdorf, which itself pointed at a backdoor advantage for the Clinton campaign.

The exchanges over this Politico story were barely mentioned in the wake of the DNC leak, except by right-wing media that shortsightedly dinged Vogel for submitting a draft of his piece of the DNC before publication, suggesting "collusion."

Vogel maybe shouldn't have sent a whole copy for review, but his intent wasn't to give the DNC or Hillary a break – far from it. It seems pretty clear that he wanted to make sure he didn't miss with a piece full of aggressive, original reporting that took on a very powerful target.

In the piece, headlined "Clinton fundraising leaves little for state parties," Vogel and Arnsdorf discovered an anomaly in Federal Election Commission filings.

A joint fundraising committee called the Hillary Victory Fund, ostensibly designed to funnel money from rich donors to local party committees, had in fact been used as a cut-out to funnel money back to the national party and the Clinton campaign.

As an example, take couples who paid or raised $353,400 to sit at a table with George Clooney, a sum that Clooney himself called an "obscene amount of money." The figure represented the maximum allowable donation given the structure of the Hillary Victory Fund, a joint venture between the Clinton campaign, the DNC and 32 state committees.

Donors can give a maximum of $5,400 per election cycle to Hillary's campaign, $33,400 per year to the DNC, and $10,000 per year to each of the 32 state committees in the fund.

If you assumed that the Clooney guests had already given their maximum $5,400 to the Clinton campaign, that left just over $353,000 for the DNC and the committees.

But Vogel and Arnsdorf found that less than 1 percent of the $61 million raised by the Hillary Victory Fund went to the state committees.

Actually it's better to say that only 1 percent of the money "remained" with the committees. In talking to state sources, the Politico reporters found that large sums of money would sometimes appear briefly in state committee coffers, and disappear just as quickly, and then just as quickly be deposited into DNC accounts.

The money sometimes came and went before state officials even knew it was there. Politico noted that the Victory Fund treasurer, Beth Jones, is also the COO of the Clinton campaign.

This was problematic at the very least because large sums of money were going to the DNC that came from donors who in many cases had already given the maximum amount to the DNC.

Vogel-Arnsdorf also noted that of the $23.3 million spent directly by the fund, most "had gone toward expenses that appear to have directly benefited Clinton's campaign, including $2.8 million for 'salary and overhead' and $8.6 million for web advertising that mostly looks indistinguishable from Clinton campaign ads."

The context was significant. Technically, Sanders raised more money than Hillary Clinton in each of the first three months of this year. Sanders early in the year also had a massive advantage over Clinton among small donors, raising $67 million from them through January 31st, compared to less than $22 million for Clinton during the same period.

What the Vogel-Arnsdorf story pointed to, then, was the Clinton campaign – with the aid of the DNC – using large-money donors like Clooney's friends to get around a fundraising shortfall among small donors.

This is also significant because one of Clinton's campaign talking points throughout emphasized that she was aiding down-ballot Democrats, while Sanders was not.

Even the likes of Clooney thought the money was going to the committees. "The overwhelming amount of the money that we're raising," the actor told Meet the Press, "is not going to Hillary to run for president, it's going to the down-ticket."

Politico's "1 percent" report put all of this in question.

In the leaked DNC documents, we see remarkable exchanges between high-ranking officials, talking about how best to deal with the potential scandal.

In the most bizarre and darkly comic moment, DNC Communications Director Luis Miranda emails his colleagues about which local Democratic official to put on Morning Joe to rebut the story.

Miranda asks DNC Deputy Policy Director for State Party Programs Maureen Garde, then-DNC National Political Director Raul Alvillar, and DNC CEO Amy Dacey if they should put Indiana State Chair John Zody on the show.

But Miranda had a problem. The Vogel-Arnsdorf story had quoted a state official and a party operative who were pissed about their disappearing money.

Since those complaining were unnamed, they could be anyone. Even Zody! In which case, putting him on TV might not be a good idea.

Miranda, anxious to know if Zody is "in a good place" on the issue, writes (emphasis mine):

"From: Miranda, Luis
Sent: Monday, May 02, 2016 4:33 PM
To: Maureen Garde; Alvillar, Raul; Dacey, Amy
Subject: FW: Can we use John Zody for TV tomorrow?

"Do we know if the Indiana State Chair is in a good place on the Victory Fund before we book them? Any concerns with helping them get on air? Given the Sanders claim of money laundering I don't want to help book if they're one of the parties that are complaining off the record."

To which Alvillar responds:

"I just talked to him last week. He didn't mention anything to me. Let us check really quick."

What this exchange shows is that the DNC officials, hilariously, didn't know which local chiefs they'd screwed to the point of off-the-record revolt with their Victory Fund maneuvers.

Later, they discussed how to deal not with Politico, but the fact-checking site PolitiFact. The site had earlier rated George Clooney's claim about most of the money going down-ticket "mostly true."

But after the Vogel-Arnsdorf story, PolitiFact reporter Eugene Emery was understandably exercised and reached out to Miranda for an explanation, hinting that he was considering re-doing his rating.

The leaked papers show the DNC officials consulting with the Clinton campaign about how to deal with the meddlesome Emery.

"I spent about half hour on the phone with Gene pushing back on the Politico story," an exasperated Miranda writes, to Clinton campaign spokesman Josh Schwerin.

Miranda added: "He's hung up on the notion that if a state party chair wants to keep some of that money, they don't get to decide."

Schwerin responds, "He seems to think the DNC has nothing to do with electing down ballot Dems which is just crazy."

In fact, as he says this week, "crazy" Gene Emery was "hung up" on a very reasonable question.

"I just kept asking them," says Emery, "what are the odds that all of these committees would get this money and turn right around and send it all back to the DNC? They wouldn't keep a thousand dollars? Coffee money even?"

The campaign never really answered that question, and still hasn't.

In any case, Schwerin later went on to write: "I'm speaking with the editor tomorrow before they post anything."

To its credit, PolitiFact deflected the "pushback" and ultimately downgraded their rating of Clooney's claim to "half-true."

What's patently obvious from these emails is that there was virtually no distinction between DNC and Clinton campaign officials when it came to the handling of this media problem. They were all on the same team, working in tandem to try to talk down the likes of Vogel and Emery.

Meanwhile, the Sanders campaign is treated as an enemy. After Vogel's story came out, Sanders campaign chief Jeff Weaver sent DNC Treasurer Andrew Tobias a letter asking him to sign a petition calling for the state committees to receive "all the money allowable" from the Victory Fund.

Weaver, with pointed irony, signs his letter:

"In solidarity,
Jeff Weaver"

Tobias circulates this letter to other DNC staffers, saying, "Seems awfully unfair and inaccurate?"

Soon after, communications chief Miranda circulates a note to staffers asking them to search "if there's any coverage of Bernie Sanders camp calling the victory fund 'money laundering.'"

As was the case with DNC officials teaming up to look for a negative "narrative" about how Bernie Sanders "never got his act together," and pondering the possibility of a negative story about his religion, the DNC actively searched for a negative angle on the Sanders reaction to the Politico piece within hours after its release. They focused on the use of the term "money laundering."

In fact, the use of the term first came from Democratic Party state fundraising sources in the Politico story

As Vogel and Arnsdorf wrote, "[state fundraisers] worry that participating states… could see very little return investment from the DNC or Clinton's campaign, and are essentially acting as money laundering conduits for them."

When the Sanders campaign put out a press release citing those quotes, the DNC complained that the Sanders camp was jumping the shark in its language, and pointed reporters toward a legal expert who pooh-poohed the notion that the law had been broken.

By evening that day, news outlets were describing this not as an exposé about the DNC and Clinton, but as an inside-baseball fight between the Sanders and Clinton camps.

"Clinton and Sanders spar over joint fundraising efforts," wrote one CNN headline.

That CNN story even added language that "a Clinton campaign aide refuted some of Politico's report Monday." This was despite the fact that the "refuting" amounted to a promise that more money would reach the state parties in upcoming months.

What does it all mean? If you're a Clinton fan, probably nothing.

To anyone else, it shows that the primary season was very far from a fair fight. The Sanders camp was forced to fund all of its own operations, while the Clinton campaign could essentially use the entire Democratic Party structure as adjunct staff. The DNC not only wasn't neutral, but helped with oppo research against Sanders and media crisis management.

DNC chief Debbie Wasserman Schultz was forced to resign as a result of this mess, which exposed to Sanders voters the extent to which they were viewed organizationally as annoyances to be managed. The immediate question going forward for the party is whether the two camps can put aside their differences in time to defeat the more-than-a-little-scary Donald Trump.

But down the road, someone will have to address the problem of a Democratic Party structure that effectively had no internal advocates for a full 43 percent of its voters. As we've seen with the Trump episode on the other side, people don't much like having to fight against the party claiming to represent them.


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Next Steps for Our Revolution Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=15102"><span class="small">Bernie Sanders, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Tuesday, 26 July 2016 08:07

Sanders writes: "We must transform American politics to make our political and economic systems once again responsive to the needs of working families. We cannot do this alone. All of us must be a part of Our Revolution."

Presidential candidate Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont talks to supporters during a rally at the University of Washington, in Seattle. (photo: Joshua Trujillo/Seattlepi.com)
Presidential candidate Senator Bernie Sanders of Vermont talks to supporters during a rally at the University of Washington, in Seattle. (photo: Joshua Trujillo/Seattlepi.com)


Next Steps for Our Revolution

By Bernie Sanders, Reader Supported News

26 July 16

 

ur campaign has always been about a grassroots movement of Americans standing up and saying: "Enough is enough. This country and our government belong to all of us, not just a handful of billionaires."

I just finished speaking at the Democratic National Convention, where I addressed the historic nature of our grassroots movement and what's next for our political revolution.

I hope that I made you proud. I know that Jane and I are very proud of you.

Our work will continue in the form of a new group called Our Revolution. The goal of this organization will be no different from the goal of our campaign: we must transform American politics to make our political and economic systems once again responsive to the needs of working families.

We cannot do this alone. All of us must be a part of Our Revolution.

Join Our Revolution and help continue our critical work to create a government which represents all of us, and not just the 1 percent – a government based on the principles of economic, social, racial and environmental justice. Add your name here.

When we started this campaign a little more than a year ago, the media and the political establishment considered us to be a "fringe" campaign. Well, we're not fringe anymore.

Thanks to your tireless work and generous contributions, we won 23 primaries and caucuses with more than 13 million votes, all of which led to the 1900 delegates we have on the floor this week at the Democratic convention.

What we have done together is absolutely unprecedented, but there is so much more to do. It starts with defeating Donald Trump in November, and then continuing to fight for every single one of our issues in order to transform America.

We are going to fight to make sure that the most progressive platform in the history of the Democratic Party becomes law. This means working for a $15 federal minimum wage, fighting for a national fracking ban, and so many more progressive priorities.

The political revolution needs you in order to make all this happen and more.

Add your name to say that you will join Our Revolution and be part of the fight for our progressive vision for America.

Thank you for being a part of the continued political revolution.

In solidarity,

Bernie Sanders



Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Michelle Obama Elegantly Eviscerated Donald Trump Print
Tuesday, 26 July 2016 08:06

Traister writes: "Michelle Obama, who lit up the room, silenced the booing throngs, and opened up a can of elegant whoop-ass on everyone who has been behaving poorly, all without mentioning any offenders by name."

First Lady Michelle Obama takes the stage during the first day of the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia, Monday, July 25, 2016. (photo: Paul Sancya/AP)
First Lady Michelle Obama takes the stage during the first day of the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia, Monday, July 25, 2016. (photo: Paul Sancya/AP)


Michelle Obama Elegantly Eviscerated Donald Trump

By Rebecca Traister, New York Magazine

26 July 16

 

n the opening night of the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia, it was not an elected official, but one of the most brilliant and inspiring first ladies in American history, Michelle Obama, who lit up the room, silenced the booing throngs, and opened up a can of elegant whoop-ass on everyone who has been behaving poorly, all without mentioning any offenders by name. It was not just one of the best and most ingenious speeches ever given by a political spouse at a party convention, it was one of the finest speeches I have heard at a convention, period.

It had been — and would continue to be — a rocky, intense evening at the Wells Fargo Center. The house was packed to the rafters, a marked contrast from last week’s perpetually half-full arena in Cleveland, but both enthusiasm and tension were high. Despite the program’s best and cheesiest efforts at "Kumbaya" healing (Paul Simon actually sang “Bridge Over Troubled Water,” which was a poor choice for many reasons, most having to do with Art Garfunkel), loud rancor between Bernie loyalists and Hillary supporters remained steady. Anti-Hillary hecklers were so disruptive during Al Franken and Sarah Silverman’s performed rapprochement that Silverman, a vocal Bernie supporter, lost her temper, snapping with obvious irritation, “Bernie-or-Bust people: You’re being ridiculous!” When New Jersey senator Cory Booker was delivering the portion of his speech about the ways in which America’s founding documents did not account for Native Americans, blacks, or women, Bernie supporters shouted “War Hawk!” over him. Even as progressive hero Elizabeth Warren told the story of her early life as the daughter of a janitor, progressives tried to drown her out by yelling, “We Trusted You!”

On Monday, only Michelle Obama had the power to shut them up.

It was clear from her introduction that she was going to come out strong and tough; a video showed kids talking about their admiration for her, with one saying, “The First Lady has inspired me to become a stronger, more happy, independent young female,” another unknowingly riffing on an old Tammy Wynette–Hillary Clinton joke it would take too long to explain said, “She’s not just a woman standing next to a man,” and another noting of Michelle, “She’s making her own place in history.”

When she came out, Michelle Obama reminisced briefly about her improbable path to the White House and the ambivalence she felt once she got there. Without taking any direct digs at Melania Trump for having plagiarized a portion of her 2008 convention speech just a week ago (Yes, it was only a week ago), Michelle gently recalled her own, original oratory. “Remember how I told you about [Barack Obama’s] character and his conviction, his decency, and his grace?” Yeah, we remember, Michelle. We’ve been listening to it a lot in the past seven days!

Of her daughters, whom she called “the heart of our hearts,” Obama discussed “the joy of watching them grow from lovely little girls to poised young women,” and then — with her gift for detailed, moving narrative — recounted the first day they went to their new school after moving into the White House. “I will never forget that winter morning as I watched our girls, just 7 and 10 years old,” Michelle said, “pile into those black SUVs with those big men with guns; I saw their little faces pressed up against the window, and the only thing I could think was ‘What have we done?’”

It was a bit of real talk from Michelle, whose mixed feelings about her family’s historic tenure in the White House have never been far from the surface. She has chafed so clearly at the constraints of their life in the fishbowl that her husband joked in May, at the White House Correspondents’ dinner, about her attempting to escape over the White House fence. “It’s only nine more months, baby,” he added in an aside to her then. “Settle down.”

But on Monday, that story about her anxiety over her daughters served another rhetorical purpose, one that neatly dovetailed with a message recently emerging from the Clinton campaign, about the impact an imagined Donald Trump presidency might have on America’s children.

Again, Michelle didn’t have to mention Trump by name to hit him hard, noting how she and her husband have taken pains to tell their daughters “to ignore those who question their father’s citizenship or faith” and to “insist that the hateful language they hear from others on TV does not represent the true spirit of this country.” This is Michelle sticking a shiv in Donald Trump’s birtherism and his brutishness. But she managed to do it and stay true to the cheery theme of her convention, not the dystopian vibe of his convention, pointedly advising, “When someone is cruel or acts like a bully, our motto is, ‘When they go low, we go high!’”

Noting that when we go to the polls in November, we will be deciding not between parties but about “who will have the power to shape our children for the next four to eight years of their lives,” Michelle was full-throated and unequivocal in her proclamation: “I’m here tonight because in this election there is only one person I trust with that responsibility, only one person who is truly qualified to be president of the United States and that is our friend, Hillary Clinton.”

And here, she turned her critical gaze straight at the Berners; she didn’t say his name, but instead recalled with a steady smile how, “When [Hillary] didn’t win the nomination eight years ago, she didn’t get angry or disillusioned; Hillary did not pack up and go home. Because as a true public servant, Hillary knows that this is so much bigger than her own desires and disappointments.” After a day — and night — of Bernie booers, these brief, sharp lines felt hot and stinging, with their implicit comparison of their tantrums to the good sportsmanship of their nemesis.

Describing the amount of shit Hillary gets, how she is “picked apart for how she looks or how she talks or even how she laughs,” Michelle described what she admired most about the other woman in a very small club of controversial first ladies: “How she never buckles under pressure, never takes the easy road”; here she said with emphasis, “Hillary Clinton has never quit on anything in her life.”

Michelle then returned her oblique ass-kicking to the unspecified subject of Donald Trump, simply by praising Hillary Clinton as “someone who knows this job and takes it seriously. Someone who understands that the issues a president faces are not black and white and cannot be boiled down to 140 characters. Because when you have the nuclear codes at your fingertips and the military in your command, you can’t make snap decisions. You can’t have a thin skin or a tendency to lash out.”

In the final portion of her speech, Michelle Obama pulled off one final, hard thing: She laid out a vision of America that was optimistic, loving, proud, and patriotic, even as it began with an acknowledgment of its original and continuing sins. Describing Hillary as a woman “who has the guts and the grace to keep coming back and putting those cracks in that highest and hardest glass ceiling,” Michelle explained, “This is the story of this country, the story that has brought me to this stage tonight, the story of generations of people who felt the lash of bondage, the shame of servitude, the sting of segregation, but who kept on striving and hoping and doing what needed to be done so that today, I wake up every morning in a house that was built by slaves and I watch my daughters — two beautiful, intelligent, black young women — playing with their dogs on the White House lawn.”

This was surely one of the most beautifully articulated and personal evocations of America’s imperfect progress I’ve ever heard. And though I was watching from the distance, it seemed that the words she was speaking and role she was playing on this huge national stage at this crucial moment in this country’s history were not lost on Michelle Obama herself. She appeared to grow teary as she spoke of another imperfect step forward, noting that “because of Hillary Clinton, my daughters — and all our sons and daughters — now take for granted that a woman can be president of the United States.”

It was a pretty magnificent speech; Michelle managed to be cutting without being nasty, patriotic while remaining clear-eyed about America’s faults, hopeful without getting schmaltzy.

There are plenty of Americans who would do well to copy a little bit of what she offered up tonight.


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The Rush to Blame Russia for the DNC Email Hack Is Premature Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=29990"><span class="small">Trevor Timm, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Tuesday, 26 July 2016 08:04

Timm writes: "It's amazing how quickly the media are willing to forgo any skepticism and jump to conspiracy-tinged conclusions where Putin is involved. He has been linked to everything from Brexit, Jeremy Corbyn, Greece and Spain. People treat him like an omnipotent mastermind who secretly and effortlessly controls world events. Here's an idea: maybe we should stop giving him so much credit?"

Russian president Vladimir Putin. (photo: Reuters)
Russian president Vladimir Putin. (photo: Reuters)


ALSO SEE: FBI Investigates Hacking of Democratic Party Organization

The Rush to Blame Russia for the DNC Email Hack Is Premature

By Trevor Timm, Guardian UK

26 July 16

 

There is some circumstantial evidence that the hack may have originated in Russia, but there are many questions that haven’t been resolved

ince WikiLeaks published the DNC’s hacked emails on Sunday, there has been a flurry of accusations – including from the Hillary Clinton campaign – that Russian president Vladimir Putin orchestrated both the hack and the leak, in an attempt to help Donald Trump win the presidency.

First, it would certainly be disturbing if Russia is trying to affect our democratic process, but maybe we should wait until we see actual evidence before deciding, as some have, that Putin ordered hackers to help swing the US election on the eve of the Democratic convention?

It’s amazing how quickly the media are willing to forgo any skepticism and jump to conspiracy-tinged conclusions where Putin is involved. He has been linked to everything from Brexit, Jeremy Corbyn, Greece and Spain. People treat him like an omnipotent mastermind who secretly and effortlessly controls world events. Here’s an idea: maybe we should stop giving him so much credit?

Yes, there is some circumstantial evidence that the hack may have originated in Russia, but there are also many questions that haven’t been resolved. As Adam Johnson detailed, when you look closely, the evidence is shoddy and often contradictory. Even in the New York Times article that spent dozens of paragraphs speculating about Russian involvement concluded at the bottom: “It may take months, or years, to figure out the motives of those who stole the emails, and more important, whether they were being commanded by Russian authorities, and specifically by Putin.”

The bulk of the “evidence” has come from the statements of cybersecurity firms FireEye and Crowdstrike, both of which have lucrative contracts with the US government. As FireEye’s CEO once made clear, his company has a financial stake in nation-state hacking tensions.

If the allegations involving Russia are true, there are plenty more logical motivations besides evil genius-level electioneering, and the media should probably stop feigning shock that a country would stoop to this level. As Edward Snowden pointed out on Twitter with an accompanying NSA document, “Our government specifically authorized the hacking of political parties.” The US has also considered hacking and then releasing sensitive and embarrassing information in China in retaliation for cybersecurity attacks, as the New York Times reported last year.

This is not to say people should not be angry or upset if Russia is trying to influence American politics, but if the US wants to place blame at the feet of the Russians, they should do so transparently and in public, without leaving it to anonymous officials and cybersecurity firms to make claims without providing hard evidence. The US started down this course during the Sony hack last year, and in this case, transparency might be the best deterrent in the future – which, by the way, is something both Snowden and the Snowden-hating national security blog Lawfare argued on Monday.

Beyond the geopolitical implications, this whole affair also brings up another issue that has been greatly debated over the past year: end-to-end encryption. Possibly the most ironic of all the emails consisted of a DNC official calling a BuzzFeed article “the dumbest thing I’ve ever read”. The article suggested both parties’ national committees had no idea what they were doing when it came to cybersecurity.

If politics led to logical conclusions, the disastrous hack of the DNC might encourage the party to take a much stronger stance embracing end-to-end encryption, which is a cybersecurity tool as much as a privacy enhancer. For example, if the DNC were communicating over WhatsApp – which is fully end-to-end encrypted so that anyone who breached WhatsApp’s servers would not have access to the content of the messages – they would have made it much harder for the hackers. In fact, Congressman Ted Lieu castigated his colleagues earlier this year for not using end-to-end encryption when communicating with staffers – for precisely the reason that it left them open to observation by foreign spies.

But we don’t live in a logical world, so we can probably look forward to politicians continuing to stoke cybersecurity fears and escalating international tensions without doing anything effective about it.


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From Anita Hill to Gretchen Carlson, a Myth About Sexual Harassment Victims That Just Won't Die Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=25409"><span class="small">Bryce Covert, ThinkProgress</span></a>   
Tuesday, 26 July 2016 08:03

Covert writes: "An old line of attack against those who speak out against sexual harassment is surfacing once again in response to allegations against recently ousted Fox News executive Roger Ailes."

Fox News CEO and Chairman Roger Ailes and his wife, Elizabeth Tilson, leave the News Corp. building in New York on Tuesday. Ailes is stepping down from his role and Rupert Murdoch will be taking over as chairman and acting CEO. (photo: Drew Angerer/Getty)
Fox News CEO and Chairman Roger Ailes and his wife, Elizabeth Tilson, leave the News Corp. building in New York on Tuesday. Ailes is stepping down from his role and Rupert Murdoch will be taking over as chairman and acting CEO. (photo: Drew Angerer/Getty)


From Anita Hill to Gretchen Carlson, a Myth About Sexual Harassment Victims That Just Won't Die

By Bryce Covert, ThinkProgress

26 July 16

 

n old line of attack against those who speak out against sexual harassment is surfacing once again in response to allegations against recently ousted Fox News executive Roger Ailes. After former host Gretchen Carlson filed a lawsuit against Ailes, eliciting similar stories from a number of other women who worked for him, many pundits are publicly questioning why they worked with him and even praised him at the same time that he was harassing them.

While it may seem contradictory, there are plenty of reasons for victims of harassment to stay silent and keep trying to build their careers. Doing so can still go hand in hand with enduring abuse.

When initially asked about the lawsuit, Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump said he thought the allegations were “unfounded.” He went further on Meet the Press this Sunday, casting doubt on some of the women because they worked with Ailes and said positive things about him.

“I can tell you that some of the women that are complaining, I know how much he’s helped them. And even recently. And when they write books that are fairly recently released, and they say wonderful things about him. And now all of a sudden they’re saying these horrible things about him,” he said.

Trump’s not the first to make this defense. Ailes himself has made it. Besides the public lawsuit from Carlson, Ailes has reportedly been accused of harassing Fox host Megyn Kelly, who told an internal investigation into Ailes’s behavior of her experiences early in her career. In response, Ailes’s lawyer told the New York Times, “Roger Ailes has never sexually harassed Megyn Kelly. In fact, he has spent much of the last decade promoting and helping her to achieve the stardom she earned, for which she has repeatedly and publicly thanked him.”

Ailes hinted at a similar self defense in his farewell letter to Fox after he was ousted. “I take particular pride in the role that I have played advancing the careers of the many women I have promoted to executive and on-air positions,” he said. “Many of these talented journalists have deservedly become household names known for their intelligence and strength, whether reporting the news, fair and balanced, and offering exciting opinions on our opinion programs.”

Even the media has fallen into this line of thinking. In a sit-down interview with Carlson, New York Times reporters John Koblin and Jim Rutenberg wrote of “a series of handwritten notes that Ms. Carlson sent Mr. Ailes late last year” in which “she told him that she would love to stay at Fox and asked for additional opportunities at the network.” They asked her “why she was seeking better assignments if she felt she was a victim of harassment.”

Carlson had this to say in response: “I think it’s hard when you’ve been a victim — you keep thinking things are going to get better.”

Carlson is right: many victims end up dealing with their abuse and harassment by simply trying to push through to better opportunities, especially when faced with few good options.

Many women find themselves subject to harassment from men who hold positions of power and can be an indispensable boon to their careers — or a giant roadblock if they are crossed. According to many women’s stories of their treatment from Roger Ailes, that was a role he exploited often. Most women say he propositioned them or said inappropriate comments in business meetings about how he could help further their careers. Ailes bragged to one woman about all the others he had gotten sexual favors from in exchange for helping them advance. He told another as she struggled to get out of an unwanted embrace, “Well, you know no girls get a job here unless they’re cooperative.”

That’s a common tactic harassers use. “It’s Sexual Harassment 101,” said Jennifer Reisch, legal director at Equal Rights Advocates. “You can say, ‘Do this or I’ll fire you,’ or you can say, ‘Do this and I’ll promote you.'”

Some victims may try to come forward right away; at least one woman who says she was harassed by Ailes did. A woman using the pseudonym Susan says when she was 16 she went to audition for a part on The Mike Douglas Show, where Ailes was a producer, late in the evening, when he brought her into his office, locked the door, took his genitals out of his pants, and told her to “kiss them.” Some years later she wrote up her experience and sent it around to the media, but she couldn’t get anyone to publish or cover it.

And that’s not an uncommon reaction to a woman who says she’s been harassed. Many of them are met with disbelief and inaction — so the incentive to come forward is that much weaker. “People have to make choices about how they navigate that situation,” Reisch said. “We don’t give women a whole lot of safe choices to make.”

Coming forward can have enormous negative consequences for an accuser. She may not only face public character attacks, but also risk losing her job and the career opportunities she may have been working toward.

Carlson claims her contract wasn't renewed because she rebuffed Ailes's advances. Rudi Bakhtiar, a former Fox News on-air employee, told the New York Times that she was propositioned by a different Fox employee and was fired when she rejected him. Other women who have come forward say they were blacklisted: one woman told New York Magazine that after she turned Ailes down, a meeting she had set up to sign a major contract was canceled, and she was later told it was because Ailes had put out the word that she shouldn't be hired.

"If the person who is harassing you is someone who is really important not just in your company but in your industry, you have to worry not only will this make it impossible for me to continue to work here, but...what kind of black mark am I putting by my name by speaking up," said Emily Martin, vice president for workplace justice at the National Women's Law Center.

So there is a great deal of risk and often little gain for taking action. Instead, many victims try to put up with the harassment and avoid their abuser as best as they can. In a major report on workplace harassment, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission found that only a very small sliver of victims say anything about it or take formal steps against abuse. Instead, the most common response is to keep the job and stay quiet. "The vast majority of women who are experiencing sexual harassment are very likely working with the people who are harassing them," said Reisch.

It's no big leap, then, to imagine that victims will still try to further their careers by accepting opportunities from their harassers and by publicly thanking them when those opportunities arise. "There is a very good reason for saying nice things about your boss in public," Martin pointed out. "Lots of us have had bosses that in private we talk about differently than when we talk in public. That's not a unique experience."

"Even if you have experienced harassment, you may still think that you really need to protect your own job and protect your own interests," she added. "Often doing that will mean saying nice things about the person who has power over your job and over your professional future."

The country has long wrestled with these issues. This same line of questioning came up a quarter century ago during one of the most important, breakthrough discussions of sexual harassment: the Anita Hill hearings. In 1991, when Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas was nominated to the bench, Hill went public with allegations that Thomas had sexually harassed her when she worked for him at the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission.

In the hearings over Hill's allegations, the senators who questioned her seemed baffled as to why she stayed silent and kept a working relationship with Thomas.

“If what you say this man said to you occurred...why in God’s name would you ever speak to a man like that the rest of your life?" former Senator Alan Simpson asked. He called the fact that she stayed in touch with him after he was no longer her boss "most puzzling and contradictory."

In response, Hill explained why a victim might behave in such a way. "I was afraid of retaliation, I was afraid of damage to my professional life," she said. "One of the things I have come to understand about harassment, this response, this kind of response is not atypical."

Twenty-five years later, it's still true that this reaction is typical. And yet this line of reasoning in defense of those who stand accused of harassment -- that if a woman continues a positive professional relationship with her harasser then she must be lying about her experience -- continues to emerge.

"We put these double standards out there for how women are supposed to speak up and tell their stories," Reisch pointed out, "and yet when they do, everything they've decided to do and every reaction is questioned."


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