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FOCUS: Mike Pence Walks 10 Nuns Out of the Voting Booth Print
Friday, 29 July 2016 11:52

Excerpt: "I know that Mike Pence says he's a Christian, but he also stopped 10 nuns from voting - and that's very important. Mike Pence would not be governor of Indiana if he hadn't figured out a way to knock out black voters, nun voters, student voters, and poor voters."

Vice presidential candidate Mike Pence. (photo: Getty)
Vice presidential candidate Mike Pence. (photo: Getty)


Mike Pence Walks 10 Nuns Out of the Voting Booth

By Dennis J Bernstein and Greg Palast, Reader Supported News

29 July 16

 

ike Pence is the poster boy for Voter ID laws. No one has benefited more from this legalized form of vote theft than the Republican nominee for VP. In his acceptance speech at the Republican National Convention in Cleveland last Wednesday, Pence said he “wants every American to succeed and prosper.” However, he certainly doesn’t want every American to vote. Indeed it was thanks to Indiana’s Voter ID laws – the first of their kind in the nation – that he squeaked into the governor’s office. These seemingly benign laws, requiring voters to show approved photo ID, have a sinister and very deliberate effect: they suppress black, brown, young, old, poor – and, above all, blue votes. In this week’s Best Democracy Money Can Buy, Election Crimes Bulletin, Flashpoint’s Dennis J Bernstein gets the lowdown on the sleazy practice of vote-rigging-by-ID-law from political hanky-panky expert Greg Palast. They also discuss how these racist-by-design laws tap dance around voting rights and discrimination protections, and could ultimately help Pence and Trump waltz into the White House.

TRANSCRIPT (Originally broadcast on July 20, 2016)

Dennis J Bernstein: Today Mike Pence is front and center. He’s out there on his proverbial knees to greet the Trump helicopter. He’s getting ready to accept his party’s nomination. But also, as you point out, he’s a vote bandit. Tell us the joke about the nuns trying to vote.

Greg Palast: Ten nuns walk into a voting booth. I know that Mike Pence says he’s a Christian, but he also stopped 10 nuns from voting – and that’s very important. Mike Pence would not be governor of Indiana if he hadn’t figured out a way to knock out black voters, nun voters, student voters, and poor voters.

DB: You are serious about the nuns?

Palast: Yes. Here’s the story: In 2008, 10 nuns walked into a voting station, a place where they had been voting for decades, and they were told “Scram sisters!” because Indiana had just passed its Voter ID law. It was the first state in the nation that said you had to have a photo Voter ID. So the nuns proudly showed their driver’s licenses, except that the licenses had expired because they were all in their eighties and nineties. But they hadn’t expired. Nevertheless, they were told they couldn’t vote because they needed a current state ID, even though there’s no reason why. There’s no logic for any Voter ID because in the 100 years in which records have been kept, not one single person in a 100 year history of voting in Indiana – not one – was found to have used someone else’s identity. In other words, using identify theft to cast a vote. Because you are going to the hoosegow for a very long time, at least five years under federal law and more under state law. But, nevertheless, this was the first Voter ID law. This is the Voter ID law that Justice Scalia provided the fifth and deadly vote in favor of, saying that it was constitutional and okay under the Voting Rights Act. Now, the Voting Rights Act itself has been killed by the former Scalia court. (Get my FREE COMIC BOOK DOWNLOAD, which includes the NUNS’ TALE.)

But here’s where Mike Pence comes into the story: we wouldn’t have a Governor Pence except for this. The NAACP Legal Defense Fund and the ACLU hired Matt Barreto, who’s a great statistician. He calculated that about 72,000 black people in Indiana would be barred from voting by this ID law. Furthermore, students would be barred from voting. You can’t use a student ID. You can use a gun ID, but not a University of Indiana ID. Students would be barred, and obviously people who don’t drive tend to be poor people, whether they are white or black. Poor people tend to vote Democratic. Black people vote Democratic. Hispanic people vote Democratic – we’re not even counting those yet. Students vote Democratic. So if you add a few more of the blocked voters to the 72,000 African-Americans who are blocked from voting in Indiana, that more than accounts for Mike Pence’s very, very slim 80,000 vote margin when he ran for governor of Indiana. So Pence just sneaked by the Democrat, congressman John Gregg, and he sneaked by simply by blocking voters through this racist ID law.

DB: And the lower courts found it to be a real problem. Justice Terence Evans was not all that impressed, was he?

Palast: No. His ruling was that this was just a clear, bold attempt at partisan manipulation of voter rolls by the Republican Party, knowing that they are knocking out their adversaries. But Scalia, being the 5th vote, said, “I don’t care.” Scalia famously said, “You can always get a non-voter ID.” Well, it’s kind of a catch 22 – you need ID to get a non-voter ID. But even if you do, it’s an average three bus, all day trip back and forth from a county office – on average a 17 mile trip. And, as Scalia infamously said, “Seventeen miles is 17 miles, whether you are black or white.”

But, of course, he had a black Beemer, for which he got a speeding ticket. But whether it’s a black Beemer or a white Beemer, 17 miles is nothing for him. But if you actually have to take a bus, and most people who don’t have licenses have to take a bus, it’s a major hardship. He knew that.

And while it’s racist, that’s only secondary to their plan. It’s partisan, and the interesting thing is that the Republicans in the court say a plan which knocks out your opponents, that’s perfectly fine. It just can’t be clearly and overtly intended to be racist. Now there was a glimmer of hope, because the devil needed his advocate early and took Scalia from us. And the Texas court of appeals is changing and the Texas ID law, which is also a nasty piece of work. That ruling just came out yesterday.

DB: That was not thrown out. It’s thrown back to the lower court, so that could show its ugly face again. Now, Karl Rove thinks it’s a good idea. He thinks, if you gotta go get groceries, they check your ID, so if you gotta go to vote, they check your ID too.

Palast: Yeah, can you imagine Karl Rove trying to cash a check at the grocery store? But the difference is that cashing a check at a grocery store is not the key to American democracy, but we like to think of voting as part of it. By the way, most Americans don’t realize voting is not a constitutional right. I want to repeat that: There is nothing in the Constitution which gives you the right to vote. That silence in the Constitution was what allowed the Supreme Court to pick George Bush as our president in Bush v. Gore. There is no right to vote in the Constitution. The one thing the Constitution has is the 14th Amendment, which says if you allow the people to vote, you can’t stop them from voting because they were once slaves or their great-grandparents were slaves. And, of course, the 19th Amendment said if you allow people to vote, you can’t stop them from voting based on their genitals. That was the suffrage amendment. But you don’t have a right to vote – that’s what makes it possible to have these nasty laws.

DB: Mike Pence, you said, was a recipient of this kind of draconian, and I guess we can call it racist, on its face, behavior?

Palast: There’s this big back and forth – and we see this in Texas – about whether something is racist by intent or racist in effect. Those have two different meanings under the law. If it’s racist by intent, then the law has to be thrown out. In fact, in places like Wisconsin, one of the Republicans confessed that when the Voter ID law was passed there was absolute jubilation among the Republicans. And Charlie Crist said that in Florida. He was the Republican governor and he said the Republican party specifically did that to knock out black voters. When he revealed that, he was basically tossed out of the Republican Party. But even if it’s not intended, if it has a racial effect, the law must be modified. That’s what’s happening in Texas. They have to modify the law to try to remove some of the overt racial effects. I don’t know how they’re going to do that though.

DB: The Brennan Center for Justice at New York University has weighed in on this as well, haven’t they?

Palast: Yes. Here’s a breakdown from the Brennan Center: 6 million senior citizens don’t have their legal ID, mostly poor senior citizens.

DB: 6 million?

Palast: 6 million. 5.5 million African-Americans, 4.5 million 18- to 24-year-olds, and 15% of voters with household incomes under $35,000 a year – that is the poor … If you’re on food stamps these days, what they now call SNAP, the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, in most states you get an official government ID card with your photo on it. Well, Texas allows you to use your gun permit with your photo on it, but does not allow you to use your food stamp card with your photo ID on it. That’s one thing that the court did latch onto.

By the way, they are saying that’s not racist. And you know what? They may be right. It’s really class war. I want to emphasize this. In all my research, while we see that most of the victims of election thefts are voters of color, it’s really class war by other means. Upper-middle class, wealthy Hispanics and wealthy African-Americans tend not to have trouble voting. They have passports. Vernon Jordan and Andy Young had no problem at all with the Voter ID law. They said, “That’s a good idea. People should have ID.” Well, of course, they’ve got passports – and their chauffeurs to vouch for them!

But a lot of white people are caught up in these things too. Elderly, poor white people who are barely getting by on Social Security. Because 15% of the voters are under the poverty line, and that’s white and black. Most poor people in America, remember, are white. People tend to forget that because of the way things are portrayed on TV. Most people who are poor are white, and they don’t stand much of a chance if all they have to show is their food stamp cards. It’s really class war.

DB: Broaden this out at the national level. We’ve been talking about Mike Pence because he’s going to accept the Republican nomination tonight and he was an offender in Indiana. But this is a national program.

Palast: Understand the republic lasted two centuries without photo ID. We founded the republic before there were photographs without any problem. We haven’t had hoards of identity thieves voting. But it’s been marvelously excellent at knocking out literally hundreds of thousands of poor people, especially voters of color.

We’ve gone from one state having a photo Voter ID program in 2000 – Pence was the beneficiary. He would not be governor if it weren’t for that law. Since Indiana, it’s gone like a virus. Once the Supreme Court said Indiana was okay, it was both constitutional and not violating the Voting Rights Act, 20 states adopted some type of ID requirement. And there’s no case in which it doesn’t have a very smelly racial aroma.

(photo: Reader Supported News)

(photo: Reader Supported News)



Dennis J Bernstein is the executive producer of Flashpoints, syndicated on Pacifica Radio, and is the recipient of a 2015 Pillar Award for his work as a journalist whistleblower. He is most recently the author of Special Ed: Voices from a Hidden Classroom.

Greg Palast has been called the “most important investigative reporter of our time – up there with Woodward and Bernstein” (The Guardian). Palast has broken front-page stories for BBC Television’s Newsnight, The Guardian, The Nation Magazine, Rolling Stone, and Harper's Magazine. He is the author of the New York Times bestsellers Billionaires & Ballot Bandits, Armed Madhouse, The Best Democracy Money Can Buy, and the highly acclaimed Vultures’ Picnic, named Book of the Year 2012 on BBC’s Newsnight Review. His books have been translated into two dozen languages. Palast’s investigation and production team are currently preparing to release his new film on the theft of the 2016 election: The Best Democracy Money Can Buy: A Tale of Billionaires and Ballot Bandits.

Palast’s film will screen in Oakland on September 7th.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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FOCUS: Democrats Emerging From Philadelphia Divided Print
Friday, 29 July 2016 10:50

Galindez writes: "The glitz, the glamour, and all the lofty speeches did not tell the true story of what happened in Philadelphia. Bernie tried to bring his supporters into the fold, but as I wrote in the past, they are not sheep. The Democratic Party is divided."

Bernie supporters marching in Philadelphia. (photo: John Minchillo/AP)
Bernie supporters marching in Philadelphia. (photo: John Minchillo/AP)


Democrats Emerging From Philadelphia Divided

By Scott Galindez, Reader Supported News

29 July 16

 

he glitz, the glamour, and all the lofty speeches did not tell the true story of what happened in Philadelphia. Bernie tried to bring his supporters into the fold, but as I wrote in the past, they are not sheep. The Democratic Party is divided. Filmmaker Josh Fox talked about the cultural differences between the supporters of the campaigns. He nailed it: the Clinton delegates were dressed in suits and expensive dresses, while the Sanders delegates were in shorts and t-shirts.

Ding, ding, ding … That’s it; that explains everything. Let’s test Fox’s theory with the differences on the issues.

Minimum Wage

Sanders delegates want $15 an hour now. Clinton delegates have no issue with getting there eventually, but they think it would be better to work our way up to $15. Let’s face it, they make more than $15 an hour already. The Sanders supporters know what it’s like to try to raise their families on less than a livable wage. They not willing to wait.

Single Payer Health Care

Most Clinton delegates have good jobs that include health care benefits. Many of Bernie’s delegates know what it’s like to have no health care. Many know what it’s like to be underinsured and not go to the doctor because they can’t afford the co-pay or premium.

Free College Tuition

There is more common ground here. The middle class is also struggling with college debt. That is what led to the compromise on the platform plank. Sanders supporters still believe a public education should be free, from kindergarten through college. I think Clinton supporters agree, but don’t think we can afford it for everyone. The compromise was free college education for everyone whose family makes less than $150,000. I hope a family with more than one child isn’t punished and forced to pay the full ride for all of the kids.

I think it’s the economic issues that separate the delegates, so we will move on. The new Democratic Party leadership had better fix the class divide that is developing in the party or they’ll risk losing this November.

Time to Heal

It is also a time for grieving and healing in the Sanders camp. So many for the first time invested a part of themselves in a cause. They passionately believed in a cause greater than themselves and they still need to go through the grieving process. I have been through this numerous times. Experiencing victory is rare for me; loss is commonplace. Many of Bernie’s supporters are either in their first campaign or experienced victory for the first time when Obama won the last two elections.

I know that a political convention these days is a show to highlight the nominee. For many Berniecrats it was too soon to have Hillary Clinton crammed down their throats. The wounds were still too raw. For some Sanders supporters, Hillary Clinton will never be an option. Josh Fox is right – they don’t trust her.

While there was an effort win over the Sanders supporters, it was the way it was done that led to failure. Sanders delegates are activists. They understand that the platform is not action. It wasn’t enough to pass a progressive platform. It wasn’t enough to set up a commission to propose changes to the nominating process. It wasn’t enough to allow a few Sanders surrogates to speak (as long as they endorsed Hillary). The Sanders camp needed to feel welcome. They did not feel welcome.

Here are some things that would have helped.

1. They should have let Nina Turner speak. Okay, she has not endorsed Hillary Clinton yet, but neither have most of the Sanders delegates. They needed to hear from someone who was still with them 100%, someone they trusted. When Nina Turner walks into a room of Sanders supporters the room erupts. Nina Turner is the heiress to the Sanders movement. They understand that Bernie is going back to the Senate and wants to get things done. They know he has to play the game. Ben Jealous, Tulsi Gabbard, Keith Ellison … they are playing the game too. Nina would have spoken with none of those restrictions. She may not have pushed Hillary Clinton, but she would have raised the hopes and dreams of the 45% of delegates who don’t know where they want to go. They needed to hear from Nina.

Why didn’t they let Nina speak? My theory is they are scared of her. The Clinton wing of the party is pushing Cory Booker and Tim Kaine as future leaders of the party. They don’t want the unbought and unbiased Nina Turner rising to power within the party.

2. They could have done something to keep the cost down for delegates to attend. I spoke with delegates who went into debt to afford the travel and hotel rooms. Some were forced to pay as much as $600 a night to stay in the same hotel as their delegation. Again, Clinton delegates were used to the cost, while it was not easy for the Bernie delegates to spend that kind of money.

3. Let the Sanders delegates have their signs. I witnessed Clinton delegates trying to take Sanders signs away. Once during the roll call I saw Iowa delegates attempt to keep Sanders delegates from holding up their signs. I was there on caucus night. It was a tie, so to exclude any sign of support for Sanders is just flat out wrong. The Clinton camp wanted all-out surrender. They didn’t get anything close.

If anything the Clinton campaign and the DNC pushed the Sanders supporters out the door. I know it wasn’t all of them, and some tried to welcome the revolution into the party.

On with the revolution. The struggle continues.



Scott Galindez attended Syracuse University, where he first became politically active. The writings of El Salvador's slain archbishop Oscar Romero and the on-campus South Africa divestment movement converted him from a Reagan supporter to an activist for Peace and Justice. Over the years he has been influenced by the likes of Philip Berrigan, William Thomas, Mitch Snyder, Don White, Lisa Fithian, and Paul Wellstone. Scott met Marc Ash while organizing counterinaugural events after George W. Bush's first stolen election. Scott will be spending a year covering the presidential election from Iowa.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Can Clinton Ignore the Base and Defeat Trump? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=63"><span class="small">Marc Ash, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Friday, 29 July 2016 08:37

Ash writes: "While it may have seemed for a time that Hillary Clinton could defeat Donald trump with one hand tied behind her back, it's looking now like she will need both hands wrapped around his neck to get the job done. Actually, more precisely, she may need the base."

In Philadelphia, the base was relegated to the other side of the barricades. (photo: Marcus Yam/Los Angeles Times)
In Philadelphia, the base was relegated to the other side of the barricades. (photo: Marcus Yam/Los Angeles Times)


Can Clinton Ignore the Base and Defeat Trump?

By Marc Ash, Reader Supported News

29 July 16

 

hereas Donald Trump was floundering badly in the polls in June, he appears to be doing quite a bit better as we approach August.

While it may have seemed for a time that Hillary Clinton could defeat Donald Trump with one hand tied behind her back, it’s looking now like she will need both hands wrapped around his neck to get the job done. Actually, more precisely, she may need the base.

This is a novel concept for corporate Democrats, because to them the base is tantamount to a tool kept in the shed and only used when needed. But the base has access to better, more timely information now, and they appear to be acting on it. So firing up the base may require something more tangible this time around.

Right now all Hillary Clinton and the DNC have to offer Democratic and Progressive voters is the novelty of a woman as president and fear, in this case of Donald Trump.

The idea of electing the first woman president in US history is a compelling concept, with broad historic implications. But materially, as it affects the issues facing the nation, it has a limited scope of impact. It will motivate some Democrats to get out and vote, but it’s not likely to produce a big, diverse voter turnout on Election Day.

Then there’s motivating by fear of Trump. Sure, the specter of Donald Trump as President of the United States is something every American should absolutely fear. But voting against Trump is not the same as voting for Clinton. Again not a big turnout-producer.

What does produce a big Election Day turnout? Genuine enthusiasm for the candidate, and the candidate’s message. Right now Hillary Clinton’s message is, “I’m a woman and you need to fear Trump.” There is absolutely no indication whatsoever that it’s inspiring Democratic and Progressive voters to any noteworthy degree.

When Bernie Sanders took the stage, he said what every American wanted to hear: “Enough is enough, we need to clean this mess up.”

It is not Hillary Clinton’s inclination to do that. She’s a political professional. She understands how to play the game to gain power. But if Trump keeps gaining, Clinton may be forced to make a decision. Does she need the base? And what would she be prepared to do if the base held the key to the White House? More to the point, what would it take?

Hillary Clinton’s advocates often say “She’s a fighter.” If the presidency is on the line, will she fight? Not against Trump, but for the people she wants to support her on Election Day. Every Democrat and every Progressive thought Bernie Sanders was right. The ones who backed Clinton did so because they thought what Sanders wanted was impractical.

To rise to the presidency, Hillary Clinton may have to choose between the 99% and the 1%. Right now she does not yet believe it will come to that. What will she do when it does?



Marc Ash is the founder and former Executive Director of Truthout, he is now founder and Editor of Reader Supported News.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Good Riddance, Roger Ailes. You Were a Disaster for America, Journalism and the Truth Print
Thursday, 28 July 2016 13:24

Schrieberg writes: "I watch with the greatest satisfaction the fall of Roger Ailes, a man who singlehandedly has done more damage to journalism and the role it plays in a healthy democracy than almost any single individual I can think of (ok, maybe Rupert Murdoch belongs by his side)."

Roger Ailes in 2015, looking every inch at the peak of his power. (photo: Andrew Toth/Getty)
Roger Ailes in 2015, looking every inch at the peak of his power. (photo: Andrew Toth/Getty)


Good Riddance, Roger Ailes. You Were a Disaster for America, Journalism and the Truth

By David Schrieberg, Forbes

28 July 16

 

s a young reporter, in the days when coal mining was still a significant industry, I covered a national strike by the United Mine Workers union. Based in Washington, D.C., I was working for an independent coal industry publication and as a specialist reporter, had unprecedented access to the key players in the dispute.

It was one of those wonderful moments for a still-green journalist – I actually knew what was going on. My inside knowledge rested entirely on the facts and insights I had into behind-the-scenes negotiations. Best of all – or worst, depending on your perspective – it was the first of many lessons in how media can bend, twist and manipulate reality.

One of my colleagues on the story was a middle-aged New York Times reporter. I watched in amazement how in each of his stories he got facts wrong. I don’t mean minor, unimportant details. These were significant aspects, central to the moment-by-moment developments in a tense situation across the country’s coalfields.

But that was just the one-half of the lesson – that the august New York Times (then and still, the gold standard for young journalists) could make and publish massive mistakes. The other half was still more astonishing: How the major and minor figures on both sides – the mineworkers and the coal companies – would then bend to the “new reality” as reported by the Times. When I questioned my sources about how this could happen, they would literally shrug their shoulders.

It taught me how media could create “facts on the ground,” and how reality could shape and shift around untruths, distortions and deliberate misinformation.

So I watch with the greatest satisfaction the fall of Roger Ailes, a man who singlehandedly has done more damage to journalism and the role it plays in a healthy democracy than almost any single individual I can think of (ok, maybe Rupert Murdoch belongs by his side). Under his two-decade-long stewardship, the founder, Chairman and Chief Executive of Fox News was instrumental in creating the political golem that is Donald Trump.

Through an endless and deafening tide of phony issues and outright deliberate lies – see: death panels under the Affordable Care Act (Obamacare); the birther movement that served as the foundation of Donald Trump’s presidential campaign - Fox News has been as destructive a force to intelligent discourse as any Founding Father could ever have envisioned. (The Daily Show prepared a tasty selection of 50 Fox-broadcast untruths that were then corroborated by Politifact).

I can’t resist reproducing a few flagrant examples:

  • More children died in bathtubs in 2013 than killed accidentally by guns

  • NASA scientists fudged the numbers to make 1998 the hottest year to overstate the extent of global warming.

  • Since 1965, the United States has spent “untold trillions” yet the poverty rate hasn’t budged.

  • There is no good data showing secondhand smoke kills people.

  • The insurance industry is actually run by mostly Democrats.

If you have a few hours to kill – or a few days – Google “Fox News lies distortions” and knock yourself out.

In the coverage of Ailes’s fall from power (his fall from grace came way, way, way before then), this is the quote that recalled my early-reporting-days education in the reality of media impact on actual events:

“I think back to when I was in the Bush White House, there was an issue with management of the ports being sold to a firm out of Dubai, and post-9/11 that was something Fox made an issue,” Alex Conant of Republican consultancy Firehouse Strategies told The New York Times. “Once Fox made it an issue, then all of the sudden Congress made it an issue, and it was something that the Bush administration hadn’t seen as an issue, but suddenly became a big priority.”

It’s no wonder that Trump has relied on Fox News as his principle mouthpiece in the “mainstream” media. He got more airtime there than any of his Republican primary rivals. The cable channel has been the home of choice and entryway-to-legitimacy for the loud-mouthed, short-sighted, xenophobic and racist political interests. It may have brought ratings and riches to its masters at Fox and it’s unlikely to change under Ailes’s successor (for now, Rupert Murdoch on an interim basis).

But no one who cares about truthful information and honest discourse will mourn the passing of the Roger Ailes era of media dominance.

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How Environmental Injustice Connects to Police Violence Print
Thursday, 28 July 2016 13:22

Mock writes: "Demonstrators across the country aren't protesting only police violence against black citizens. They're also venting grievances about their own stifling living conditions, under which it's often difficult to ride, walk, or even breathe without police suffocating black lives further."

Protesters march through downtown Minneapolis in December 2015, following the police shooting death of Jamar Clark. (photo: Fibonacci Blue/Flickr)
Protesters march through downtown Minneapolis in December 2015, following the police shooting death of Jamar Clark. (photo: Fibonacci Blue/Flickr)


How Environmental Injustice Connects to Police Violence

By Brentin Mock, Reveal

28 July 16

 

s the nation continues to process the deaths of Alton Sterling, Philando Castile and police officers in Dallas and Baton Rouge, Louisiana, it’s worth keeping in mind that the circumstances of those killings were not all the same. And demonstrators across the country aren’t protesting only police violence against black citizens. They’re also venting grievances about their own stifling living conditions, under which it’s often difficult to ride, walk, or even breathe without police suffocating black lives further.

Place and environment matters when discussing police violence: This is the crux of the University of California, Davis professors Lindsey Dillon’s and Julie Sze’s argument in a forthcoming article for the academic journal English Language Notes.

“We suggest in this paper that the Black Lives Matter movement addresses racism in the U.S. as an embodied experience of structural, environmental insecurity,” they write in an article they’ve been circulating in advance of its publication. “We explore this embodied insecurity through the everyday act of breathing and, specifically, the conditions through which breath is constricted or denied.”

Dillon and Sze point to the death of Eric Garner, an African American killed by New York police officers in the summer of 2014, as a case study for their argument. Before his death, Garner suffered from asthma, a respiratory disorder that stands as “a specific embodiment of racial and gender inequalities in the U.S.,” the professors write. This bears out across New York City, where asthma rates and deaths are more common among African Americans than among white residents.

In Staten Island, where Garner lived, a black teen with asthma died in May after getting chased by a group of white teens. Investigators have declared the teen’s death only asthma-related, not racism-related. Garner’s death also has been pinned solely on his asthma, which led a grand jury to decline bringing charges against the police officers who put him in a chokehold that lasted for minutes. This despite the fact a medical examiner later called Garner’s death a homicide from “compressing of the chest” by police.

The New York Times reported that medical professionals and police officers on the scene believed Garner was faking when he was saying, “I can’t breathe,” as his life slipped away. This means his asthma problems weren’t taken seriously enough to keep him alive, but were taken seriously enough to keep the police who killed him out of jail.

Sze and Dillon write:

Moreover, the physical chokehold on Garner – the direct, overt violence by the police – was not recognized as a factor in his premature death. In a sense, then, the state criminalized Garner’s own body: his chronic illnesses and his socially-produced difficulties in breathing became the causes of his death. We find this criminalization of embodiment similar to the ways Michael Brown’s body, in Ferguson, Missouri, was described as a “demon” and like “Hulk Hogan” by the police officer who killed him — racist stereotypes that deprived Brown of his humanity. Whereas Brown’s body was too dangerous, Garner’s body was too sick (though the officer also feared him as large and menacing). In other words, the state individualized and blamed them for their own deaths, rather than situating them within a broader political geography of race and racism in the U.S.

This dangerous combo – environmental injustice and police brutality – goes beyond Staten Island: Think of how toxic lead levels in Baltimore echo the violence Freddie Gray experienced at the hands of police. Or how the petrochemicals from factories along “Cancer Alley” near Baton Rouge created a deadly living environment for Alton Sterling long before he lost his life to an officer’s bullet.

“We weren’t seeking to bring the traditional environmental angle to understand Eric Garner’s death, and we certainly weren’t trying to detract from the police as an institution and their role in killing him,” Dillon told CityLab. “We are trying to broaden the notion of what’s meant by the environment. Not just this idea of bringing our cities into harmony with ‘nature,’ but also the everyday environment of U.S. city streets, which are formed through … racial segregation such that in some places, life expectancy is higher than others, and are racially structured in ways that contribute to premature deaths.”

In many ways, this is the approach the U.S. Department of Justice took in investigating the Ferguson Police Department after the unarmed African American teenager Michael Brown was killed by a police officer in 2014. Federal investigators didn’t look at the shooting in isolation. Rather, they took account of the myriad ways that the police department criminalized black life in Ferguson.

Last week, President Barack Obama hosted a town hall on race and policing, which Garner’s daughter Erica called a “farce.” She was present for the forum but wasn’t able to get a question in about the ongoing Justice Department investigation into her father’s death, which happened almost exactly two years ago. She’s still looking for answers, and no police officer has been criminally charged with killing her father. Perhaps the wider view taken by the Justice Department in the Ferguson case should be adopted to scrutinize the toxic environment in which Garner was living — worsened by police, as well.

“In my mind, as someone who has focused on antitoxics, toxic exposure is also a form of slow violence and slow death,” Dillon said. “So, for many people, the lived experience of police violence and toxic exposure – these different forms of physical vulnerability both live together. We have to think of them together instead of thinking of them separately.”

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