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FOCUS: Is the Law More Important to the Court Than It Was to Manafort? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=36478"><span class="small">John Kiriakou, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Tuesday, 07 November 2017 13:07

Kiriakou writes: "What would you do if you got into legal trouble, hired the best attorney money could buy, and he then testified against you in the grand jury empaneled to indict you? It's crazy, right? Illegal? Unethical? Can't happen here? But that's exactly what happened last week to Paul Manafort."

John Kiriakou. (photo: The Washington Post)
John Kiriakou. (photo: The Washington Post)


Is the Law More Important to the Court Than It Was to Manafort?

By John Kiriakou, Reader Supported News

07 November 17

 

hat would you do if you got into legal trouble, hired the best attorney money could buy, and he then testified against you in the grand jury empaneled to indict you? It’s crazy, right? Illegal? Unethical? Can’t happen here? But that’s exactly what happened last week to Paul Manafort.

Believe me, I’m among the last people in America who would want to defend Paul Manafort. I’m one of those who believe that Manafort sought to collude with elements of the Russian government to strengthen Trump and weaken Clinton, with the result being a concurrent weakening of our democracy. Shame on him. He ought to be prosecuted.

The United States, however, is supposed to be a country of laws. We like to tell other countries around the world that we’re a shining beacon of civil liberties and civil rights. Lady Justice wears a blindfold, after all.

But that’s nonsense. The Washington Post reported last week that special counsel Robert Mueller, in a little-noticed court filing, asked the U.S. District Court for the District of Columbia to order one of Manafort’s former attorneys to testify against him in the grand jury. Judge Beryl Howell said in her opinion that while almost all information is protected by attorney-client privilege, there are exceptions to that privilege, including instances where a suspect may have lied to his or her attorney, causing the attorney to unwittingly lie to the government. It’s called the “crime-fraud exception.”

I can understand that. But that’s not exactly what happened in the Manafort case. Mueller and his investigators were curious whether Manafort had lied to the government through his attorney, but they had no proof that he had done so. The only way to get proof was to subpoena the attorney. This is normally illegal. Remember, there is an expectation of privacy between an attorney and his or her client. The judge, however, declared in her ruling that “This is a matter of national importance,” thus justifying invocation of the exception, even though this case is not about life and death, espionage, treason, or the like.

Manafort’s attorney, Melissa Laurenza, said that she would testify only with the consent of her client, consent that Manafort did not grant. But the judge ordered her to testify and permitted Mueller’s team to ask seven of the eight questions they had originally proposed. The questions were then redacted from the court records.

In the end, of course, Manafort was indicted on a dozen different felony counts. It’s unclear whether any of those counts rested on what the attorney told the grand jury. Either way, though, that testimony should never have taken place.

I’ll admit to you that I’m biased on this issue. Nearly six years ago I was charged with five felonies after blowing the whistle on the CIA’s illegal, immoral, and unethical torture program. The feds couldn’t get me specifically for doing that, so they did what they always do: they did a deep dive into my background, began listening to my phone calls, intercepted my email messages, and put surveillance teams on me to follow me everywhere I went. Three years later, they finally came up with one count of violating the Intelligence Identities Protection Act of 1981, one count of making a false statement, and, most importantly, three counts of espionage.

Four of these charges were ridiculous on their face. I hadn’t made any false statement to anybody and I certainly hadn’t committed espionage. All four of those charges eventually were dismissed. But when I was first arrested, when I was crazy with stress, suicidal, and panicking, I may have or could have said something to my attorneys that may have or could have implicated me in a crime. I don’t know. I don’t remember. But what would have happened, then, if those same attorneys to whom I had opened my heart had been compelled to testify against me? I would still be in prison. And I likely would have ended up dying there.

I understand that Mueller wants to make a case. What good is a special counsel if he does an investigation that lasts for months or years and costs millions of dollars and he then he doesn’t indict anybody? I get it. But in the United States we have a presumption of innocence. We also have attorney-client privilege. We live in a society where we at least used to believe that it was better for a guilty man to go free than for an innocent one to go to prison. It seems that that has changed. And we’re a lesser country for it.



John Kiriakou is a former CIA counterterrorism officer and a former senior investigator with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. John became the sixth whistleblower indicted by the Obama administration under the Espionage Act – a law designed to punish spies. He served 23 months in prison as a result of his attempts to oppose the Bush administration's torture program.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.


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FOCUS: The Rand Paul Assault Story Just Keeps Getting Weirder Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>   
Tuesday, 07 November 2017 11:48

Pierce writes: "The strangest story in the mix is what in the hell happened between Senator Rand Paul and his neighbor, Rene Boucher, the latter of whom is currently charged with assaulting the senator while Aqua Buddha was mowing his lawn."

Rand Paul. (photo: Getty Images)
Rand Paul. (photo: Getty Images)


The Rand Paul Assault Story Just Keeps Getting Weirder

By Charles Pierce, Esquire

07 November 17


The Kentucky senator was mowing his lawn and got five broken ribs for his trouble.

he strangest story in the mix is what in the hell happened between Senator Rand Paul and his neighbor, Rene Boucher, the latter of whom is currently charged with assaulting the senator while Aqua Buddha was mowing his lawn. Initially, Paul’s injuries were described as being the inevitable result of a minor scuffle. Now, though, we discover that the senator has five broken ribs, that three of them are displacement fractures, that he also has lung contusions, and that these were so severe that Paul had trouble breathing after Boucher allegedly blindsided him. From CNN:

"Displaced rib fractures can lead to life-threatening injuries such as: hemopneumothorax, pneumothorax, pneumonia, internal bleeding, laceration of internal organs and lung contusions," said Doug Stafford, the senior adviser, in a statement. Paul sustained what were initially reported as "minor injuries" after a neighbor allegedly assaulted him in his home Friday. Kentucky State Troopers said the neighbor, Rene Albert Boucher, "intentionally assaulted" the senator. The motive for the alleged assault is unknown, but assaulting a member of Congress is a federal crime and could likely result in severe charges including felony assault or assault of a member. Both Capitol Police and the FBI are investigating the incident.

This whole story is just flat weird. First, we hear that Paul has had a scuffle with a neighbor, which would be strange enough. Then the story evolves to the point where it sounds like he had a scuffle with a fork lift. (As an aging epee hack with what can be charitably described as inconsistent parries, I know from rib fractures. They hurt like hell and there’s not a damn thing you can do about them until they heal.) The Capitol Police have arrived in Kentucky, and the FBI is in on the thing, too. And then, there’s this statement from Boucher’s lawyer, via The Washington Post:

"The unfortunate occurrence of Nov. 3 has absolutely nothing to do with either's politics or political agendas. It was a very regrettable dispute between two neighbors over a matter that most people would regard as trivial. We sincerely hope that Senator Paul is doing well and that these two gentlemen can get back to being neighbors as quickly as possible."

Seriously, what’s going on here? If the reports of Paul’s injuries are accurate, and if this is what happens when you have a “trivial” dispute with Rene Boucher, I’d hate to run over the guy’s dog. And why do I not believe that these two will be pouring each other lemonade over the back fence any time soon? None of this makes any sense.


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Downgraded: Trump's Plan to Cripple Storm Forecasting When We Need It Most Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=37482"><span class="small">Eric Holthaus, Grist</span></a>   
Tuesday, 07 November 2017 09:26

Holthaus writes: "The Trump administration's climate denial and proposed cuts threaten advances, spreading turmoil in the very agencies that can predict disasters better than ever."

Besides hampering climate research, planned cuts would jeopardize satellite programs and other forecasting tools - as well as threaten the jobs of forecasters themselves. (photo: Jose Jimenez/Getty)
Besides hampering climate research, planned cuts would jeopardize satellite programs and other forecasting tools - as well as threaten the jobs of forecasters themselves. (photo: Jose Jimenez/Getty)


Downgraded: Trump's Plan to Cripple Storm Forecasting When We Need It Most

By Eric Holthaus, Grist

07 November 17


Trump wants to cripple storm forecasting just when it's getting good — and we need it most.

s Hurricane Harvey roared toward the Texas coast in late August, weather models showed something that forecasters had never seen before: predictions of four feet of rainfall in the Houston area over five days — a year’s worth of rain in less than a week.

“I’ve been doing this stuff for almost 50 years,” says Bill Read, a former director of the National Hurricane Center who lives in Houston. “The rainfall amounts … I didn’t believe ‘em. 50-inch-plus rains — I’ve never seen a model forecast like that anywhere close to accurate.

“Lo and behold, we had it.”

That unbelievable-but-accurate rain forecast is just one example of the great leap forward in storm forecasting made possible by major improvements in instruments, satellite data, and computer models. These advancements are happening exactly when we need them to — as a warmer, wetter atmosphere produces more supercharged storms, intense droughts, massive wildfires, and widespread flooding, threatening lives and property.

And yet the Trump administration’s climate denial and proposed cuts threaten these advances, spreading turmoil in the very agencies that can predict disasters better than ever. The president’s budget proposal would slash the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration’s budget by 16 percent, including 6 percent from the National Weather Service.

Besides hampering climate research, the cuts would jeopardize satellite programs and other forecasting tools — as well as threaten the jobs of forecasters themselves. And they may undermine bipartisan legislation Trump himself signed earlier this year that mandates key steps to improve the nation’s ability to predict disasters before they happen.

It’s hard to overstate how backward that seems after the hurricane season we’ve just witnessed, as well as the deadly wildfires in California, the climate-charged droughts and deluges and, well, you name it. Just when we need forecasting to be better than ever — and need our forecasters to be able to go even further, using those predictions in ways that protect people’s lives and livelihoods — the Trump administration wants to cut back?

Here’s how far we’ve come in forecasting: Three-day hurricane forecasts are now nearly as accurate as one-day forecasts were when Katrina struck 12 years ago. Even routine, “will it rain this weekend?” forecasts are better today than you probably realize. A 2015 paper in the journal Nature called the advancements a “quiet revolution,” both because they’ve gone relatively unnoticed by the general public, and because it’s been cheap. The National Weather Service, an agency of the U.S. government, costs taxpayers about $3 per person each year.

Still, knowing what the weather is going to do tomorrow and understanding how best to warn the public about potential risks are two different things. The first is all about physics; the other is about psychology, human behavior, social interaction, the built environment, and much more. You can guess which is easier.

Forecasts for Hurricane Harvey’s rainfall totals might have been stunningly accurate, but the floodwaters still surprised thousands of people. Days after Harvey’s rains ended, first responders in towns throughout southeast Texas were still rescuing families stranded by rising waters that flowed downstream toward the Gulf.

In the interest of saving lives, forecasters have started moving from simply predicting the weather to attempting to predict the consequences. Call it impact forecasting, an attempt to say what will happen after the rain hits the ground. Scientists hope to answer questions like: Where will water accumulate? Where will floodwaters head? How will it affect people?

The next step is using those “impact forecasts” to get people to safety. Researchers are working to build customized, real-time personal prediction tools that could tell people if their house is likely to flood, or how long they might go without power. There’s also a drive to create easier to understand warning systems, making better use of the latest communication tools and social media.

Besides getting people out of harm’s way, better warning systems could help by letting nonprofits seek donations in advance of a devastating storm, for instance, so they could provide relief more quickly. And they could help public officials do a better job of prepping for the worst.

The need for this new branch of forecasting was highlighted during the height of Harvey’s rains, when the National Weather Service issued a bulletin that put the deluge in stark terms: “This event is unprecedented & all impacts are unknown & beyond anything experienced.”

“This was a good step forward,” says Kim Klockow, a meteorologist and behavioral scientist at the University of Oklahoma who supports the effort to develop impact forecasting. “It admitted something very important,” Klockow says — namely, that the system we have for warning people isn’t good enough.

In fact, experts say the best early-warning systems are ones that start years before the wind picks up and raindrops begin to fall, alerting people who live in vulnerable areas who might be prone to more threats in a climate-charged world.

Following Harvey, Klockow was named to a team of external scientists who will study the National Weather Service’s performance and look for ways to improve. They could start with better flood warnings, she says. “It’s like peering into a black box,” she says. “We give people almost nothing.”

In part, that’s a consequence of insufficient flood-zone maps. Even though rainstorms are getting more intense as the climate warms, FEMA sticks to historical flood data to determine which neighborhoods are required to purchase flood insurance — a policy that’s already leading to skyrocketing losses from floods. A recent study showed that 75 percent of the flood losses in Houston between 1999 and 2009 fell outside designated 100-year flood zones.

If residents don’t know their home is at risk of flooding, they’re less likely to consider that it might, even when a major storm is forecast. So it’s no surprise that, after floods, people report being caught by surprise.

How to keep them from getting surprised? Talk plainly.

There’s evidence that giving people unambiguous information can help move them to action. Recent research has shown that people often need to see the storm with their own eyes before they take cover. They need to see neighbors boarding up their houses before they do the same.

Read, the former National Hurricane Center director, says the same thing applies to him, despite his years of forecasting experience. “Most people, including myself if I’m really honest about it, are in denial that the bad thing will happen to you.”

Before Hurricane Katrina hit the New Orleans area in 2005, the National Weather Service issued a blunt statement that promised “certain death” should anyone be trapped outside unprotected. A post-storm analysis credited that warning with spurring an evacuation rate of more than 90 percent. Read says that’s why the Weather Service is shifting its focus toward making impending storms feel as real as possible to those in its path.

Forecasters need to “personalize the threat,” he says.

Klockow says that she’d like to see flood warnings take a personal approach, too. During a storm, an overlay in Google Street View could show you how high the water is rising in your neighborhood and re-route you away from flooded roads to get you home safely.

The tools to make that happen already exist. Several companies and local governments have already developed mapping tools that to warn of impending floods. North Carolina’s Flood Inundation Mapping and Alert Network relies on 500 measurement stations across the state that transmit their readings back to a central database. When conditions are ripe for flooding, the system’s software estimates possible consequences and alerts emergency managers.

This budding technology, integrated with databases of rescue supplies, could help FEMA figure out where to put aid and supplies before they’re needed.

Other organizations are working on an initiative called “forecast-based financing.” The idea is to allocate money for clearing out storm drains, as well as distributing first aid and water filtration systems, in the days ahead of a storm. Already tested in Uganda, Peru, Bangladesh and other countries, this innovation is now in the process of being scaled up worldwide. It could help organizations like the American Red Cross craft appeals for donations in advance, instead of relying on scenes of devastation after disaster strikes.

All of these efforts and ideas show a lot of promise. Yet even as forecasters have come to understand the importance of developing better advance-warning techniques, their ability to undertake those efforts is being undercut by a White House hostile to funding science.

Earlier this year, along with recommending that Congress gut funding for NOAA, President Trump proposed an 11 percent cut from the National Science Foundation’s budget, slashing funds from the institution behind much of the country’s basic scientific research. If Congress agrees, it would be the first budget cut in the foundation’s 67-year history.

At the National Weather Service, the Washington Post recently reported that the agency couldn’t fill 216 vacant positions as a result of a Trump-imposed hiring freeze. As a result, meteorologists were working double shifts when hurricane after hurricane hit last month and covering for each other from afar.

A forecast center in Maryland, for example, provided days of backup to the National Hurricane Center as hurricanes spun toward shore. National Weather Service meteorologists at the San Juan, Puerto Rico, office complained of “extreme fatigue.” Colleagues in Texas stepped in to give them breaks.

The threat of budget cuts is already crimping federally funded disaster research. A few days after Harvey struck Texas, the Colorado-based National Center for Atmospheric Research — one of the country’s top meteorological research institutions — cut entire sections of its staff focused on the human dimensions of disasters, including impact forecasting.

In an all-staff meeting on Aug. 30, the center’s director explained that the anticipation of tighter budgets forced the decision.

Antonio Busalacchi, president of the University Corporation for Atmospheric Research, which oversees the center, called the cuts “strategic reinvestments” in a statement to Grist. He said the money saved would be reallocated to “the priority areas of computer models, observing tools, and supercomputing.”

But researchers at the center, called NCAR, say the layoffs will hurt efforts to make forecasts more human-focused and effective.

“Our whole group was cut,” says Emily Laidlaw, an environmental scientist at NCAR, whose work focuses on understanding what puts people at risk from climate change and climate-related disasters. “I would absolutely say that these cuts make people less safe.”

Read, the former hurricane center chief, says increases in supercomputing power shouldn’t come at the expense of developing forecasts that work better for people.

“You can’t drop one for the other,” he says.

The cuts to the National Center for Atmospheric Research will result in the loss of 18 jobs. That may not sound like a lot, but consider that these were some of the only scientists in the United States working to prepare our country’s system for predicting disasters in an era of rapid change.

In that context, the recent revolution in meteorology and pitfalls in preparedness become a powerful metaphor: We know that if we stick to our current course, the future will be bleak. Acting on the forecast of a warmer planet in a way that helps us to usher in a safer and more prosperous future is completely possible, and the stakes keep getting higher.

One-third of the U.S. economy, some $3 trillion per year, is subject to fluctuations in the weather, and millions of people endure weather disasters every year — a number that keeps going up as climate change boosts the frequency and intensity of storms.

Despite excellent weather forecasts, hundreds of people have lost their lives, and billions of dollars in economic value have been lost during this year’s record-breaking hurricane season. In some especially hard-hit places, like Barbuda, Dominica, Puerto Rico, and the U.S. Virgin Islands, recovery will take years, or longer.

But it doesn’t have to be this way. Get people out of a hurricane’s path, put aid workers and supplies in the right place, and a raging storm might not lead to a catastrophe.

We are living in a golden age for meteorology, but we haven’t yet mastered what really matters: knowing in advance exactly how specific extreme weather events are likely to affect our lives. Getting that right could usher in a new era of disaster prevention, rather than the current model of disaster response.


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Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=9160"><span class="small">Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker</span></a>   
Monday, 06 November 2017 14:51

Borowitz writes: "The White House called an unscheduled press briefing on Sunday to clarify Michael T. Flynn’s role in the Trump campaign, claiming that his job consisted entirely of making coffee when George Papadopoulos was busy with other matters."

Michael Flynn. (photo: Drew Angerer/Getty Images)
Michael Flynn. (photo: Drew Angerer/Getty Images)


White House Claims Flynn’s Job Was to Make Coffee When Papadopoulos Was Busy

By Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker

06 November 17

 

The article below is satire. Andy Borowitz is an American comedian and New York Times-bestselling author who satirizes the news for his column, "The Borowitz Report."


he White House called an unscheduled press briefing on Sunday to clarify Michael T. Flynn’s role in the Trump campaign, claiming that his job consisted entirely of making coffee when George Papadopoulos was busy with other matters.

“Sometimes, we would ask for coffee and George was otherwise occupied,” the White House press secretary, Sarah Huckabee Sanders, said. “At that point, Michael Flynn would step in and make that coffee.”

When asked what role Flynn’s son, Michael G. Flynn, played in the campaign, Sanders indicated that he, too, was involved in coffee-making to the exclusion of all other responsibilities.

“There were many times when the two Flynns would make coffee together,” she said. “The father would actually make the coffee, and the son would add the creamer, sweetener, and whatnot.”

Sanders said that, in the weeks to come, the White House is likely to release the names of additional campaign staffers whose roles were limited to the preparation of coffee beverages, and that such names might include Jared Kushner and Donald Trump, Jr.

“This was a campaign that drank a great deal of coffee,” she explained.


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Explicit Racism Is on the Ballot Tomorrow Print
Monday, 06 November 2017 14:37

Millhiser writes: "If Ed Gillespie wins, the GOP's transformation into a Trumpian racist party will be complete."

Ed Gillespie. (photo: Steve Helber/AP)
Ed Gillespie. (photo: Steve Helber/AP)


Explicit Racism Is on the Ballot Tomorrow

By Ian Millhiser, ThinkProgress

06 November 17


If Ed Gillespie wins, the GOP's transformation into a Trumpian racist party will be complete.

eorge Wallace, the former Alabama governor and virulent defender of segregation, began his career as a racial moderate.

Wallace refused to join a walkout led by white supremacist “Dixiecrats” while he was a delegate to the Democratic National Convention in 1948. Referring to Wallace’s time as a state court judge, an African American attorney once described him as “the most liberal judge that I had ever practiced law in front of.” During his first bid for Alabama governor, Wallace was endorsed by the NAACP; his opponent was endorsed by the Ku Klux Klan.

It wasn’t until after the Klan’s candidate won that Wallace swore he would never be “outn*ggered” again in a political race. “I tried to talk about good roads and good schools and all these things that have been part of my career, and nobody listened,” Wallace said to a supporter who questioned the tactics that brought him to the governor’s mansion. “And then I began talking about n*ggers, and they stomped the floor.”

Last June, Virginia Republican gubernatorial candidate Ed Gillespie had a similar experience. Gillespie was supposed to be the prohibitive favorite for his party’s nomination, yet he won by barely more than one point over his race-baiting opponent Corey Stewart. After Stewart’s near-victory in the primary, Gillespie got the message loud and clear about how he needed to appeal to much of his base.

Stewart ran the kind of campaign that, until Donald Trump’s triumphant second-place finish in the U.S. presidential election, seemed more like a throwback to the age of Wallace than the sort of thing that could fly in the nation that elected Barack Obama. “No Robert E. Lee monument should come down. That man is a hero & an honorable man,” Stewart tweeted about a man who was notoriously cruel toward his slaves and who committed treason in defense of slavery. At another point, Stewart claimed that “nothing is worse than a Yankee telling a Southerner that his monuments don’t matter.” (Stewart was born in Minnesota.)

Gillespie appears to have been taking notes. One of Gillespie’s ads focuses entirely on a single issue — claiming Democratic candidate Ralph Northam “will take our statutes down, Ed Gillespie will preserve them.” His campaign flyers tap into cultural hatreds against black NFL players protesting racism in the United States — “you’d never take a knee . . . so take a stand on election day,” one reads. Many of his ads do little more than imply that, if Northam wins, you will be killed by scary-looking Latino men with tattoos.

“It feels like my campaign, doesn’t it?” Stewart commented to the Washington Post about Gillespie’s message. “I feel vindicated by it. What is it that they say? Imitation is the best form of flattery.”

Anti-Latino racism is an odd fit for someone with Gillespie’s background. He’s a creature of the GOP’s business wing, not its culture warriors. While he wasn’t working directly in Republican politics, Gillespie was a lobbyist representing companies like Bank of America, Anthem, Microsoft, and Enron. The candidate served as Republican National Committee chair under President George W. Bush, and then as counselor to President Bush — a president who urged his party to move left on immigration and supported legislation similar to the comprehensive immigration reform pushed by President Obama.

And yet, like George Wallace before him, Gillespie decided that he cared more about winning than he does about defending the humanity of people of color.

As MSNBC host Chris Hayes noted on Twitter, this election isn’t just a crucial moment for the state of Virginia — among other things, the winner of the state gubernatorial race is likely to decide whether the state legislature is able to enact voter suppression laws and gerrymandered maps — but it is also likely to shape the GOP’s strategy for years to come.

Secretary Hillary Clinton beat Trump in Virginia by a wider margin than Obama beat Republican candidate Mitt Romney in 2012. The state appeared to resist Trump’s call for a politics of explicit racism. If Gillespie prevails, that will suggest that this kind of racial politics is even more potent than it was in 2016.

It will also suggest that something fundamental has changed among a segment of white voters.

Consider former Republican Sen. George Allen, who was once a juggernaut in Virginia politics. He won his 1993 gubernatorial race with over 58 percent of the vote. He defeated a two-term incumbent to become a senator in 2001, and was widely considered to be a strong contender for the GOP presidential nomination in 2008. That is, until he used a racial slur.

At a campaign event in 2006, Allen used the term “macaca” — a slur developed by white Europeans living in North Africa derived from the Bantu word for monkey, and typically deployed against black people — against a Democratic campaign volunteer of Indian descent. The fallout was explosive; the incident ended up being the turning point in the campaign. The onetime Republican powerhouse narrowly lost his seat to Democrat Jim Webb.

Just over a decade ago, Allen’s use of a single, racist word in a single, ill-considered gaffe was enough to derail his entire career. Gillespie, meanwhile, has made racism — and its close cousin, racial resentment — one of the central themes of his campaigns. It pervades his ads and animates his media appearances. George Allen apologized for his brief lapse into explicit racism. Gillespie presses on with his campaign.

Gillespie appears to be betting hard that many of the very same voters who rejected Allen’s descent into racism will embrace prouder, more open appeals to prejudice. At the very least, Gillespie is betting that there is a critical mass of white voters who are more offended by allegations of racism than they are by actual racism. This week, we’ll find out if he is right.


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