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Revitalizing the Democratic Party |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=15102"><span class="small">Bernie Sanders, Reader Supported News</span></a>
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Wednesday, 08 November 2017 09:56 |
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Sanders writes: "Politics is not a baseball game, and it is not a soap opera. People are hurting in this country, and our job is not to be distracted by political gossip and Donald Trump's tweets. Our job is to revitalize American democracy and bring millions of people into the political process who today do not vote and who do not believe that government is relevant to their lives."
Bernie Sanders. (photo: John Shinkle/Politico)

Revitalizing the Democratic Party
By Bernie Sanders, Reader Supported News
08 November 17
olitics is not a baseball game, and it is not a soap opera.
People are hurting in this country, and our job is not to be distracted by political gossip and Donald Trump's tweets. Our job is to revitalize American democracy and bring millions of people into the political process who today do not vote and who do not believe that government is relevant to their lives. Our job is to create an economy and government that works for all of us, not just the 1 percent and wealthy campaign contributors.
Here's the problem: the strategy the Democratic Party has been pursuing in recent years has failed. Since 2009, Democrats have lost more than 1,000 seats in state legislatures across the country. Republicans now control the White House, 34 out of 50 governorships as well as the U.S. House of Representatives and the U.S. Senate. In dozens of states, the Democratic Party is virtually non-existent. Too much is at stake for our country and our people for us not to learn from our past failures and move forward in a way that makes the Democratic Party stronger so we can take on and beat Trump and the right-wing Republican agenda.
What the recently released book excerpt from former interim DNC Chair Donna Brazile made clear is that unless we get our act together, we are not going to be effective in either taking on Donald Trump or in stopping the extremist right-wing Republican agenda. We have to re-establish faith with the American people that in fact we can make positive changes in this country through a fair and transparent political process that reflects the will of voters across this country.
In order to do that, we need to rethink and rebuild the Democratic Party. We need a Democratic Party that opens its doors to new people, new energy and new ideas. We need a Democratic Party that is truly a grassroots party, where decisions are made from the bottom up, not from the top down. We need a Democratic Party which becomes the political home of the working people and young people of this country, black and white, Latino and Asian and Native American ... all Americans.
And we need to make it abundantly clear that the Democratic Party is prepared to take on the ideology of the Koch brothers and the billionaire class – a small group of people who are undermining American democracy and moving this country into an oligarchic form of society. YES. We will take on the greed, recklessness and illegal behavior of Wall Street, corporate America, the insurance industry, the drug companies, and the fossil fuel industry.
Now, what the Establishment (political, economic and media) wants us to believe is that real and fundamental changes in our society are impossible.
No. We cannot guarantee health care to all as a right. No. We cannot revitalize the trade union movement, raise the minimum wage to a living wage of $15 an hour and provide pay equity for women. No. We cannot effectively compete in the global economy by making public colleges and universities tuition-free. No. We cannot lead the world in combatting climate change and transforming our energy system away from fossil fuels. No. We cannot reform our broken criminal justice system or finally achieve comprehensive immigration reform.
They want us to think that in the wealthiest country in the history of the world, a nation which has more income and wealth inequality than almost any nation on earth, the best that we can do is to accept tiny, incremental change.
I could not disagree more.
Right now, a Democratic National Committee Unity Reform Commission, comprised of people who supported our campaign, people who supported Secretary Clinton's campaign, and people appointed by DNC Chair Tom Perez are working on a set of policies that will determine the future direction of the Democratic Party. In many ways, this Unity Commission will determine whether the Party goes forward in a dynamic and inclusive way, or whether it retains the failed status quo approach of recent years. It will determine whether the Party will have the grassroots energy to effectively take on Donald Trump, the Republican Party and their reactionary agenda or whether we remain in the minority.
In my view, this Commission must:
* Make the Democratic Party more democratic and the presidential contests more fair by dramatically reducing the number of superdelegates who participate in the nominating process. It is absurd that in the last presidential primary over 700 superdelegates (almost one-third of the delegates a candidate needed to win the nomination) had the power to ignore the will of the people who voted in the state primaries and caucuses.
* Make primaries more open by ending the absurdity of closed primary systems with antiquated, arbitrary and discriminatory voter registration laws. Republicans are the ones who make it harder for people to vote, not Democrats. At a time when more and more people consider themselves to be Independents our job is to bring people into the Democratic Party process, not exclude them. It is incredibly undemocratic that in some states voters must declare their party affiliation up to six months before the primary election.
* Make it easier for working people and students to participate in state caucuses. While there is much to be said for bringing people together face-to-face in a caucus to discuss why they support the candidate of their choice, not everybody is able to attend those caucuses at the time they are held. A process must be developed that gives everyone the right to cast a vote even if they are not physically able to attend a state caucus.
* Make the DNC's budget and decision-making processes more open and transparent. If we are going to build a Party that relies on working people who are willing to give $5, $10 and $27 donations, they deserve to know where that money is going and how those decisions are made.
I look forward to following the progress of the Unity Reform Commission, and I urge Chairman Tom Perez and the entire Democratic National Committee to develop policies which move the Democratic Party forward in a very different direction – a direction that will lead us to national and statewide victories. It's important that you do the same:
Please sign the petition calling on the Democratic National Committee and Chairman Tom Perez to accept, support and implement policies which make the Democratic Party more inclusive, more democratic and more transparent.
Right now, our job is to come together, and not be distracted by the political gossip and drama of the moment. We must fight President Trump's destructive efforts to divide us up by the color of our skin, our gender, our religion, our sexual orientation or our country of origin. We must rally the American people to oppose Trump's proposal to provide massive tax giveaways to billionaires while taking away the health care that millions now have.
But we must also make it clear – if we are going to elect Democrats who will move us forward as a country – that we must institute long-needed reforms in the Democratic Party. When we do that, we will not only create a dynamic and progressive party, we will be able to transform our nation and create a government that represents all of us, not just the people on top.

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Robert Mueller's Brilliant Strategy for Outmaneuvering Trump Pardons |
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Wednesday, 08 November 2017 09:52 |
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Handelsman Shugerman writes: "The president cannot save Paul Manafort."
Special counsel Robert Mueller leaves after a closed meeting with members of the Senate Judiciary Committee on June 21, at the Capitol in Washington. (photo: Alex Wong/Getty Images)

Robert Mueller's Brilliant Strategy for Outmaneuvering Trump Pardons
By Jed Handelsman Shugerman, Slate
08 November 17
The president cannot save Paul Manafort.
ome have wondered: Why is special counsel Robert Mueller bringing so few charges against George Papadopoulos and, especially, Paul Manafort?
Papadopoulos is easy. Mueller has charged him with one count of false statement, even though there are a dozen other felonies clearly suggested by his plea stipulations. The quick answer is that Papadopoulos has agreed to be a cooperating witness in exchange for a very short sentence. The maximum sentence for false statement is five years. If Papadopoulos cooperates, Mueller can ask for a short sentence, but if he doesn’t, Mueller can add new charges.
Manafort’s case is less obvious. Andrew McCarthy at National Review is puzzled about Mueller’s charges for Manafort, calling it “curious” that he leaves out so many possible charges, including tax fraud and other forms of fraud. “These omissions do not make sense to me,” McCarthy writes. After reading the Papadopoulos plea agreement, and knowing that Manafort is reportedly an unnamed “high-ranking campaign official” in a series of allegedly incriminating emails, one might imagine a dozen other charges Mueller might be mulling.
McCarthy speculates that Mueller did not charge federal tax fraud because those prosecutions require the involvement of the Department of Justice tax division, which would have been an extra bureaucratic hurdle. I’d add that Mueller might have worried that any additional contact with the main DOJ carried a risk of leaks or obstruction. But for the other potential charges, McCarthy writes, “These [other] omissions do not make sense to me.”
Mueller’s moves may make strategic sense because of a shadow hanging over the entire investigation: the potential that President Donald Trump might use his presidential pardon power to protect possible accomplices in potential crimes.
Mueller knows that Trump can pardon Manafort (or any defendant) in order to relieve the pressure to cooperate with Mueller and to keep them quiet. But Mueller also knows that presidential pardons affect only federal crimes and not state-level crimes. On the one hand, double jeopardy rules under the Fifth Amendment prevent a second prosecution for the same crime, but the doctrine of dual sovereignty allows a state to follow a federal prosecution (and vice versa). So in theory, Manafort and Papadopoulos can’t rely on Trump’s pardons to save them even after a conviction or a guilty plea.
But in practice, state rules can expand double jeopardy protections and limit prosecutions. In fact, New York is such a state. New York is the key state for Mueller because New York has jurisdiction over many alleged or potentially uncovered Trump–Russia crimes (conspiracy to hack/soliciting stolen goods/money laundering, etc.), and New York state Attorney General Eric Schneiderman and New York district attorneys are not politically constrained from pursuing charges.
New York’s Criminal Procedure Law 40.20 states, “A person may not be twice prosecuted for the same offense.” The issue is that New York defines “prosecution” broadly. Section 40.30 continues:
Except as otherwise provided in this section, a person “is prosecuted” for an offense, within the meaning of section 40.20, when he is charged therewith by an accusatory instrument filed in a court of this state or of any jurisdiction within the United States, and when the action either: (a) Terminates in a conviction upon a plea of guilty; or
(b) Proceeds to the trial stage and a jury has been impaneled and sworn or, in the case of a trial by the court without a jury, a witness is sworn.
The New York statute does not allow a state prosecution to follow a federal prosecution (“a court of any jurisdiction within the United States”) for the same basic facts. The bottom line: If Mueller starts a trial on all of the potential charges, and then Trump pardons Manafort, Mueller will not be able to hand off the case to state prosecutors. And thus he would have lost leverage at the time of the indictment if he seemed headed toward losing the state prosecution as a backup.
Instead, Mueller wisely brought one set of charges (mostly financial crimes that preceded the campaign), and he is saving other charges that New York could also bring (tax fraud, soliciting stolen goods, soliciting/conspiring to hack computers). Mueller also knew that his indictment document on Monday would include a devastating amount of detail on paper without relying on any witnesses to testify, showing Mueller had the goods on a slam-dunk federal money laundering case. Then he dropped the hammer with the Papadopoulos plea agreement, showing Manafort and Gates that he has the goods on far more charges, both in federal and state court.
Papadopoulos conceded that Russian representatives told him they had “dirt,” in “thousands” of Clinton’s emails in April 2016. It is clear—depending on what Papadopoulos has told them—that prosecutors could start building a case of conspiracy and solicitation of illegal hacking and trafficking in stolen goods against campaign officials Papadopoulos may have informed as well.
I discussed some of the parallel state felony charges in this Slate piece (also published in Just Security). In August, sources revealed that Mueller was already coordinating with Schneiderman, likely to work out this strategy. I also noted that all of this legal background is relevant to solve an additional problem: If Trump fires Mueller, state prosecutors can carry on with his investigation and prosecutions based on parallel state laws.
This same strategy adds an explanation for the single Papadopoulos charge. I explained above that a single charge is a classic part of plea deal for cooperation. But Mueller can be saving a number of other charges, both in his own back pocket to incentivize cooperation and also for the front pockets of state-level prosecutors in case Trump gives Papadopoulos a blanket pardon. Mueller is a stone-cold professional.

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Who's a Laughingstock? And Why Aren't You Laughing? |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=20877"><span class="small">William Boardman, Reader Supported News</span></a>
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Tuesday, 07 November 2017 14:59 |
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Boardman writes: "In his latest impersonation of the Red Queen from Alice in Wonderland, the president of the United States stopped just short of shouting 'Off with his head!' at the latest New York terror suspect, but pretty much everyone knows that's exactly what he meant. Lewis Carroll intended the Red Queen to be an entertaining caricature by virtue of her absurdity."
Donald Trump. (photo: Nigel Parry)

Who's a Laughingstock? And Why Aren't You Laughing?
By William Boardman, Reader Supported News
07 November 17
Remember, in Trump’s wonderland shooting up a church is not a guns issue
n his latest impersonation of the Red Queen from Alice in Wonderland, the president of the United States stopped just short of shouting “Off with his head!” at the latest New York terror suspect, but pretty much everyone knows that’s exactly what he meant. Lewis Carroll intended the Red Queen to be an entertaining caricature by virtue of her absurdity. That’s a luxury we don’t have when considering our Trump’s affinity with the Red Queen’s jurisprudence: “Sentence first – verdict afterwards.” That’s just what our Trump demands again and again from legal proceedings, with appalling disregard for the Constitution and any other law that happens to displease him.
On its face, that disregard for law, that open hostility to anything like a fair process that might produce a result displeasing to Trump – all that would seem to be an obvious and constant violation of his oath office (“preserve, protect and defend the Constitution”), as well as an obvious and constant violation of the constitutional mandate (Article II, section 3) that the president “shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed.”
As recently as 1970, presidential messing with the judicial process was generally taken seriously, as when Richard Nixon at a press conference said of Charles Manson, “Here is a man who was guilty, directly or indirectly, of eight murders without reason.” Manson’s defense attorneys promptly called for a mistrial, the presiding judge took it under advisement, and amidst public outcry Nixon backed off on his prejudicial public comments, claiming that he didn’t mean to imply that Manson was guilty. Nixon’s attorney general (and later convicted felon) John Mitchell, who was present at the press conference, said later: “I don’t believe the President made the charge or implied one.” [At the time, with killings in Vietnam, Cambodia, Kent State, and Fred Hampton’s bedroom, among other places of extra-judicial execution, it would have been more to the point to note that Nixon was a man who was guilty, directly or indirectly, of thousands of murders without good or just reason.]
On October 31, the FBI charged Sayfullo Saipov with the truck-murder of eight people in lower Manhattan. Saipov waived his Miranda rights and said he had planned the attack for Halloween and asked to display an Islamic State flag in his hospital room. Referring to Saipov’s attack the next day, in the midst of a long statement that first blamed immigration policy with no coherent argument, Trump said to reporters at a cabinet meeting:
Terrorists are constantly seeking to strike our nation, and it will require the unflinching devotion to our law enforcement, homeland security, and intelligence professionals to keep America safe….
We have to get much tougher. We have to get much smarter. And we have to get much less politically correct. We're so politically correct that we're afraid to do anything…. We also have to come up with punishment that’s far quicker and far greater than the punishment these animals are getting right now. They’ll go through court for years….
We need quick justice and we need strong justice — much quicker and much stronger than we have right now. Because what we have right now is a joke and it’s a laughingstock.
In other words, Trump is arguing for an American police state that is somehow omniscient enough to keep out immigrants who will commits crimes seven years after being admitted to the country. Saipov was an accountant came here in 2010 under a Diversity Immigrant Visa and became a permanent resident with a green card. And for anyone who doubted the police state drift of the commander in chief, there was this exchange near the end of the press event, referring to the Guantanamo prison that is an ongoing crime against humanity:
Q: Mr. President, do you want the assailant from New York sent to Gitmo?
THE PRESIDENT: I would certainly consider that, yes.
Q: Are you considering that now, sir?
THE PRESIDENT: I would certainly consider that. Send him to Gitmo — I would certainly consider that, yes.
If it weren’t such an abomination of torture and legal horror, Guantanamo would be a laughingstock to the world. Instead it’s a shock to civilized countries and a great recruiting tool for Islamic extremists. Guantanamo, whether Americans like it or not, is America’s face to the world. Established in panic and fear by the Bush administration, perpetuated mostly by Congressional panic and fear by an Obama administration that didn’t care all that much, now it is a dark joke that is a fact of American life, where we keep people charged with no crime without a chance of release and let them starve themselves in protest until they’re too weak to resist force-feeding, by which we keep them alive to prolong the endless torture of hopeless, painful lives. Trump has long missed the brutal joke of Guantanamo reality while tweeting lies about how many Guantanamo detainees have returned to the field (relatively few), feeding a fake news story of long standing.
That’s not the joke and laughingstock our Trump was referring to, although it should be. But Guantanamo is a fine example of “Sentence first – verdict afterwards” jurisprudence, so Trump is willing to overlook Obama’s fingerprints all over this particular legacy. Trump’s laughingstock is the constitutionally-based American judicial system. Except that in the White House wonderland of 2017, Trump never said what the White House transcript says he said. He didn’t call the American judicial system a joke and a laughingstock. That’s what White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders lied on November 2:
That's not what he said. He said that process has people calling us a joke and a laughingstock.
To be fair, only her first statement is a demonstrable lie. The second statement, that people are calling us a joke and a laughingstock is actually true, just not at all in the way Sanders wants us to believe it. And the Justice Department had already charged Saipov in federal court in New York amidst widespread reports of how well the federal court system has dealt with terrorism cases, especially as compared to the dismal record of the military tribunals at Guantanamo. Even Trump seemed to acknowledge that reality when he tweeted, once again interfering in the judicial process:
Would love to send the NYC terrorist to Guantanamo but statistically that process takes much longer than going through the Federal system…
Not to leave bad enough alone, Trump tweeted four minutes later with a sentiment that out-Nixoned Nixon:
...There is also something appropriate about keeping him in the home of the horrible crime he committed. Should move fast. DEATH PENALTY!
Our Trump knows no bounds. Every time he tweets like this it’s another impeachable offense that the cowardly majority in Congress will ignore, or even follow. We know what kind of government our Trump would like us to have. He made that clear to the Washington Post:
The saddest thing is, because I am the President of the United States, I am not supposed to be involved with the Justice Department. I’m not supposed to be involved with the FBI. I’m not supposed to be doing the kind of things I would love to be doing. And I am very frustrated by that. I look at what’s happening with the Justice Department, why aren’t they going after Hillary Clinton with her emails and with her dossier, and the kind of money — I don’t know, is it possible that they paid $12.4 million for the dossier, which is total phony, fake, fraud and how is it used?
Our Trump wants to be emperor, perhaps not in name, but in fact. He wants no checks and balances, he wants no rational consideration, he just wants obedience. He wants to punish his enemies: “Sentence first – verdict afterwards.” He wants the kind of judiciary they already have in Guantanamo, where the presiding judge (a general) feels justified in convicting defense counsel (a higher ranking general) of contempt of court, not just for standing up for his client, but for standing up for his client’s civilian attorneys. This was the first military tribunal conviction since 2008, not of a terrorist but an American general, sentenced to 21 days in confinement. The convicted general is the chief defense counsel for military commissions and the second highest ranking general in the Marines. The general’s underlying offense was his objection to the government wiretapping attorney conversations with their clients. He was freed after three days’ confinement. The case is continuing, with Pentagon lawyers uncertain whether any of the developments so far are within the officials’ legal authority, and a federal civilian judge reluctant to hear any appeal. This would all be breathtakingly funny if it were fiction. But it’s a real world laughingstock.
There are laughingstocks everywhere. We have a government of laughingstocks. The president is a laughingstock, as is his cabinet and his veep. The Congress is a laughingstock – that’s the one truly bipartisan thing about Congress. For the moment, only the judiciary is not a complete laughingstock, although the Supreme Court is teetering toward the bad joke category. The federal judiciary continues to maintain centers of rationality, coherence, and constitutional principle. But time is against the judiciary. As Trump appointees fill more and more vacancies, we can expect to be governed by a full laughingstock. And the joke will be on us. Unless we can somehow regain our full civic size and become another Alice who tells them all: “Who cares for you? You’re nothing but a pack of cards!”
William M. Boardman has over 40 years experience in theatre, radio, TV, print journalism, and non-fiction, including 20 years in the Vermont judiciary. He has received honors from Writers Guild of America, Corporation for Public Broadcasting, Vermont Life magazine, and an Emmy Award nomination from the Academy of Television Arts and Sciences.
Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Is This the End of the House of Murdoch? |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=8540"><span class="small">Sarah Ellison, Vanity Fair</span></a>
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Tuesday, 07 November 2017 14:48 |
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Ellison writes: "Years ago, I interviewed James Murdoch at the London offices of his family's company, 21st Century Fox. Murdoch was friendly, used a lot of business-school jargon (despite having never attended business school), drank Diet Coke, and talked about how he was taking his kids to Euro Disney with the sort of faux-horror tone that parents invoke when talking about enduring theme parks."
Lachlan, James, their mother Anna and Rupert Murdoch, photographed in New York City in 1987. (photo: Ron Galella/WireImage)

Is This the End of the House of Murdoch?
By Sarah Ellison, Vanity Fair
07 November 17
The news that 21st Century Fox may be selling many of its assets to Disney may end one of the great dynastic parlor games in media history.
ears ago, I interviewed James Murdoch at the London offices of his family’s company, 21st Century Fox. Murdoch was friendly, used a lot of business-school jargon (despite having never attended business school), drank Diet Coke, and talked about how he was taking his kids to Euro Disney with the sort of faux-horror tone that parents invoke when talking about enduring theme parks. At the time, I remember thinking that while we hailed from far different backgrounds, with far different net worths, we shared some things in common. We were around the same age, had kids, drank Diet Coke. Despite the fact that he was the son of Rupert Murdoch, co-founder of Fox News and delighted rapscallion owner of The Sun, The Times of London, and (at the time) the News of the World, among a vast array of media properties, James seemed more moderate in his politics and worldview—even if his primary responsibility as an adult would be to carry on the success of his father’s empire, including its most conservative holdings.
James Murdoch has always been in the strange position of desperately wanting to please his father while defying some of his empire’s most identifiable parts. He and wife, Kathryn Murdoch, recently launched their own philanthropic venture, called Quadrivium, which focuses on bolstering natural resources, science, childhood health, and equal opportunity—not exactly controversial causes, unless of course you polled a group of Fox News watchers. In the wake of the neo-Nazi rallies in Charlottesville, during which one woman ended up dead, James Murdoch and his wife donated $1 million to the Anti-Defamation League, a move that felt like a drop in the bucket compared to the torrent of coverage out of Fox News that catered to the other, more racist side.
I saw this duality play out during the Roger Ailes scandal, last summer, when James and to a lesser degree, his older brother Lachlan, hired a law firm to investigate the allegations of sexual misconduct, which eventually set in motion the almighty co-founder’s ouster. James wanted Ailes out, and so did James’s wife, who had always despised him. But the younger Murdochs also seemed to blink upon taking on the massive cash machine that Ailes had created. They refused to look at Fox’s culture beyond Ailes. They left most everyone in place, and only got rid of executives when they fell under unwanted scrutiny. And as we now know, due to the blockbuster reporting in The New York Times, the Murdochs renewed the contract of Fox News star Bill O’Reilly, with a raise, even after he had made a $32 million settlement with a network contributor for sexual harassment and nonconsensual sex.
The news, as reported by CNBC, that 21st Century Fox had been in talks during the past few weeks to sell most of itself to Disney, suggests one way in which all of this could come to a conclusion—in which James’s existential crisis could end as his father approaches 90. In some ways, the deal would make perfect sense. The discussions would have 21st Century hold onto Fox Television and Fox News. Disney would buy Fox’s movie studio, TV production, FX, and international assets such as Star and Sky. Sky is a major satellite TV distribution platform, and, in the words of a former Murdoch executive, “a cash register.” It is the most valuable part of 21st Century Fox, and James has been trying to buy the whole thing for years. (The last attempt was scuttled during the phone-hacking scandal, when News of the World was found to be hacking into voicemails, looking for news tips and leverage for blackmail. In the wake of that scandal, the Murdochs had to abandon their attempted acquisition of Sky, and they split the company in two, to separate the controversial newspaper assets from the more lucrative film and entertainment assets. Fox News went with the more lucrative side of the business.)
The Murdochs recognize the value of owning all of Sky, which would provide a global distribution platform for the company’s content. It is that kind of thinking that has driven the biggest media deals of late, including Comcast’s acquisition of NBCUniversal, and AT&T’s proposed merger with Time Warner. Recognizing that it is too small to survive on its own, 21st Century Fox tried to buy Time Warner in 2014, but was rebuffed and withdrew its bid quickly. Then, as consolidation continued around it, the Murdochs were ever more determined to finally make the Sky deal a reality.
The next most valuable part of the Murdoch empire is Fox News, and it is that asset that has lately caused all the trouble for the family. Today, Ofcom, the British media regulator, ruled that Sean Hannity and Bill O’Reilly’s shows on Fox News had violated Britain’s “impartiality” rules. Ofcom had previously referred 21st Century Fox’s bid for Sky to a different British regulator, and the deal has been delayed for months. Ofcom’s decision today was seen as another setback.
A deal to sell most of 21st Century Fox to Disney would be a massive event in the media and communications industry. But nowhere would it be more seismic than inside the Murdoch family. For decades, James and Lachlan have been primed to take over the behemoth media company their father built from a single newspaper in Adelaide, Australia. As kids, Rupert Murdoch talked to them about the business at the breakfast table, and his children always realized that they were only interesting to their father to the extent they could talk about the business. Other executives walked away from the company because they knew they would never run it, and that the reins would eventually be handed over to Lachlan and James. To the detriment of his stock and, some say, his business, Rupert was always protecting the company for them. But what’s striking is how quickly, after all that buildup, his sons seem to have thrown up their hands. “This is not a day of glory for the boys,” the former executive told me. “This is total surrender.”

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