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Where the Gun Control Debate Stands in Congress Print
Tuesday, 27 February 2018 09:55

Excerpt: "As Congress returns from recess this week, the big question is whether the shooting in Parkland, Florida, which killed at least 17 people, and injured more than a dozen others, will push Congress to actually do something on guns?"

Activists hold up signs at the Florida State Capitol as they rally for gun reform legislation. (photo: Don Juan Moore/Getty Images)
Activists hold up signs at the Florida State Capitol as they rally for gun reform legislation. (photo: Don Juan Moore/Getty Images)


ALSO SEE: Trump's Backtrack
on Gun Control Has Begun

Where the Gun Control Debate Stands in Congress

By Tara Golshan and Ella Nilsen, Vox

27 February 18


At least four ideas are on the table.

s Congress returns from recess this week, the big question is whether the shooting in Parkland, Florida, which killed at least 17 people, and injured more than a dozen others, will push Congress to actually do something on guns.

Republicans are talking about background checks, raising age limits on buying assault-style rifles, and maybe even beefing up the federal background check system — ideas that seemed unfathomable just a few months ago.

Last year, after what became the deadliest mass shooting in modern American history in Las Vegas, Congress didn’t act.

This time, student survivors sparked a movement that’s put Republicans, like Florida Sen. Marco Rubio, on the spot over campaign donations from the National Rifle Association.

This time, a Republican White House seems to want to see a vote on some gun control legislation this week. President Donald Trump tweeted his support for comprehensive background checks — though he has since pivoted to supporting arming school teachers.

Lawmakers have yet to coalesce behind a bill. They’ve booked no time to take it up this week. So while pressure mounts, Congress isn’t making it clear: Is this like last time, and we’ll just wait until the next?

Here’s what Congress is talking about on gun control With every mass shooting, Congress racks up an even longer list of gun control ideas. Since the Parkland shooting, several bipartisan proposals have dominated the conversation in the House and Senate:

1) A bill that would strengthen existing rules around the national background check system has garnered the most attention.

Many agencies consistently fail to report criminal records to the National Instant Criminal Background Check System (NICS) — the system gun sellers use to verify if someone is eligible to buy a gun. This bill would increase enforcement, step up requirements for federal and state agencies to update records, give states financial incentives to report to NICS, and penalize agencies that don’t upload their records.

The Fix NICS Act has bipartisan support in both chambers of Congress; it’s sponsored in the Senate by John Cornyn (R-TX), Chris Murphy (D-CT), Tim Scott (R-SC), Richard Blumenthal (D-CT), Orrin Hatch (R-UT), Dianne Feinstein (D-CA), Dean Heller (R-NV), and Jeanne Shaheen (D-NH).

Reps. John Culberson (R-TX), Henry Cuellar (D-TX), Elizabeth Esty (D-CT), Ryan Costello (R-PA), and Pete Aguilar (D-CA) are sponsors in the House, where the bill has already passed in some form.

Last week, White House press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders announced that Trump is supportive of the bill, which is a notable change from his position last year. However, Sanders also noted that discussions about the bill are ongoing and the text may be revised.

Even a bipartisan bill like Fix NICS faces an uphill battle in the Senate. In 2017, for example, Republicans largely voted along party lines to do away with an Obama-era regulation designed to keep guns out of the hands of some people with severe mental illness (Republican senators were joined by four Democrats in this vote). The regulation required the Social Security Administration to disclose information about some of its beneficiaries with mental illness to the national gun background check system.

2) The 2013 “Toomey-Manchin” proposal expanding background checks could see yet another revival.

After the Sandy Hook massacre, Republican Sen. Pat Toomey (PA) and moderate Democrat Joe Manchin (WV) proposed an expansion of the current background check system for gun sales to gun shows. It failed when it was put up for a vote in 2013, and lost even more support in 2015 when it was put up for another vote.

Currently, only federally licensed gun dealers need to conduct background checks before making sales, and sales between family members, friends, and neighbors go unchecked — including online or at gun shows.

The Toomey-Manchin proposal would expand background checks to internet sales and gun shows while maintaining exceptions for family and friends, as long as there’s no online posting. The proposal, which does not have the support of gun rights groups, has repeatedly failed on the Senate floor. But with a renewed energy to act, Manchin and Toomey think their proposal could have another life — but not without Trump’s blessing.

“We’re not going to bring it back unless the president signs on,” Manchin said during a radio interview with West Virginia’s MetroNews. “I think it’s imperative that he has to get on board with what he feels he’s comfortable with.”

3) There is discussion around raising the minimum age to buy AR-15s from 18 to 21.

Last week, Sen. Jeff Flake (R-AZ) announced he and Feinstein were working on a Senate bill that would raise the minimum age to buy an AR-15 rifle to 21 for buyers who aren’t in the military.

Currently, federal law prohibits anyone under the age of 21 from purchasing a handgun from a licensed dealer but allows adults 18 or older to buy rifles. Trump has both said that he’s willing to support raising the minimum age and that the National Rifle Association would support it.

The NRA, however, is opposed:

“Legislative proposals that prevent law-abiding adults aged 18- 20-years-old from acquiring rifles and shotguns effectively prohibits them for purchasing any firearm, thus depriving them of their constitutional right to self-protection,” Jennifer Baker, an NRA spokesperson, said in a statement.

The White House has since said it is “not going to speak to potential legislation that doesn’t exist.”

4) The “bump stock” ban is back — maybe.

In the wake of the tragic mass shooting in Las Vegas, which left 59 dead and injured hundreds more, Democrats and Republicans in both the House and Senate proposed banning bump stocks — a device the Las Vegas shooter likely used to make his semiautomatic weapon function as a fully automatic one.

Feinstein sponsored the proposal in the Senate last October, and in the House, Reps. Carlos Curbelo (R-FL) and Seth Moulton (D-MA) did the same.

At the time, the bump stock ban seemed narrow enough that Republicans could explain supporting it: Automatic weapons are mostly banned in the United States, and this device is essentially a loophole to that regulation. But the push eventually petered out.

The NRA originally said bump stocks should be “subject to additional regulations,” but clarified that any action should come from the Trump administration — not from Congress — a distinction that muddied hopes of any action in the legislative branch.

Trump told reporters Monday that he is open to taking action on bump stocks without Congress. But in 2013, the federal Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms, and Explosives — which many Republicans are calling on to ban bump stocks — said it did not have the authority to do so, as bump stocks on their own aren’t classified as firearms.

There are rumors of other, less formed ideas.

Outside of the proposed bills, there are reports of other, less concrete ideas, from increasing funding for police departments to giving law enforcement the authority to confiscate guns for a short period of time after reports of mental illness, domestic violence, or threats, according to Politico.

Trump said on Monday he supported the idea of making it easier for law enforcement to take away guns from people with mental illness, and of revitalizing mental institutions, implying states’ budget cuts were to blame.

“We’re going to have to start talking about mental institutions,” Trump said, adding that “in the old days,” it was easier to commit people who acted “like a boiler ready to explode” to mental institutions.

Congress is looking for the narrowest possible gun control legislation

The bill with the best chance of becoming law doesn’t make new gun laws — it enforces existing ones. That’s the Fix NICS Act, which aims to fix a disturbing trend in multiple mass shootings: There were existing gun laws that were poorly enforced.

Case in point: the National Instant Criminal Background Check System. Under current law, all federal agencies, including the Defense Department, are supposed to upload certain conviction records into the system. That check is then run every time someone buys a gun to ensure he or she is eligible to buy a gun and doesn’t have a serious criminal conviction on their record.

But agencies don’t always submit the records and have failed to do so before a number of mass shootings. Cornyn once characterized the number of records sent to the FBI as “staggeringly low.” This is in part due to staffing issues; as Vox’s German Lopez wrote, “the federal background check system is also notoriously underfunded, understaffed, and underresourced, allowing red flags to slip through.”

Military conviction records are supposed to file into the system, but they frequently — even systemically — fall through the cracks. As ProPublica reported, a 2015 Pentagon report found the military failed to provide key records to the FBI in “about 30 percent of a sample of serious cases handled in military courts.”

The bill was introduced last year after a gunman killed 26 people at a church in Sutherland Springs, Texas. In the aftermath, the Air Force admitted that it had failed to submit criminal records that could have blocked the Texas shooter, an Air Force veteran, from buying a gun.

Under federal law, the shooter shouldn’t have been able to buy a gun because he’d been convicted in military court of assaulting his spouse and their child while in the Air Force. But the Air Force didn’t hand the records over to the FBI, and he managed to slip through the system. Similar problems occurred before the 2007 Virginia Tech massacre and the 2015 church shooting in Charleston, South Carolina.

The Fix NICS Act was drafted by Republicans and Democrats. Its main sponsors are Cornyn and Democratic Sens. Chris Murphy and Richard Blumenthal of Connecticut. Both Connecticut senators are fierce advocates of gun control, as they represent the state where the Sandy Hook massacre took place.

Cornyn is a fierce advocate for gun rights. He even has an A-plus rating from the National Rifle Association. But last week, he took to the Senate floor and said Congress members needed to do more than simply offer thoughts and prayers to victims and family members, as they have done so many times.

“We need to not only think about and pray for the families and teachers and support staff affected by this terrible act, I think we need to conduct hearings and talk to the experts and find out what kind of tools might be available to us,” Cornyn said. “I personally am unwilling to face another family member who’s lost a loved one as a result of these mass shootings that could be prevented by making sure the background check system works as Congress intended.”

A version of the Fix NICS Act has already passed the House, but despite Cornyn’s high-ranking leadership position, it hasn’t seen any movement in the Senate. Senate Democrats have been frustrated by a lack of movement by Cornyn and other Republican leaders, and say GOP leadership in the House and Senate is the reason Congress has not been able to act to prevent another mass shooting like Parkland.

“It’s certainly been the Republican leadership that do not want their members having to vote on this, because I think they recognize if there’s a vote on it, it’s going to pass,” Sen. Ben Cardin (D-MD) told Vox in February.

Congress has been in this position before, a cycle of negotiations that often ends in inaction.

Despite there being energy on the outside, on Capitol Hill lawmakers seem otherwise occupied. The House is here for two days this week — a “knock-off session week,” one congressional Republican aide described — and the Senate, which is in session all week, has only scheduled debate on judicial nominations.


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The US Does a Terrible Job of Keeping Its Children Out of Poverty - Especially Compared to Other Industrialized Nations Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=47654"><span class="small">Matt Bruenig, Jacobin</span></a>   
Tuesday, 27 February 2018 09:38

Bruenig writes: "According to the latest data, 20 percent of US children live in families with incomes below 50 percent of the national median income. Compare that to Nordic countries, where the same number ranges from 3.6 percent to 6.7 percent."

Children in East Baltimore. (photo: Patrick Semansk/AP)
Children in East Baltimore. (photo: Patrick Semansk/AP)


The US Does a Terrible Job of Keeping Its Children Out of Poverty - Especially Compared to Other Industrialized Nations

By Matt Bruenig, Jacobin

27 February 18

 

merica has a child poverty problem.

According to the latest data, 20 percent of US children live in families with incomes below 50 percent of the national median income. Compare that to Nordic countries, where the same number ranges from 3.6 percent to 6.7 percent.

Commonly, conservatives downplay the childhood poverty problem by invoking the “success sequence.” If people made the “right choices” — like not have children out of wedlock — their kids wouldn’t have to grow up below the poverty line.

But the truth is that even US children in two-parent families have much higher poverty rates than children in other developed countries. For instance, in 2013, the Finland two-parent child poverty rate was 2.2 percent. In the US, it was 12.6 percent. Only Canada ranks worse (though I suspect that has changed since the introduction of the Canada Child Benefit).

Another way to put this point is to say that high US child poverty is not so much driven by the “single-motherhood penalty” as it is by the “family penalty” or the “child-having penalty.” Across peer nations, the US dedicates the lowest amount of GDP to public family benefits like paid leave, child care, and child allowances.

On top of family benefits, other nations also provide better unemployment benefits, better health insurance benefits, better housing benefits, and better disability benefits. All of these programs help keep many children afloat.

The US is a dubious outlier in another way. If you break children into three broad classes, you see something very striking about the American distribution relative to the distributions in the Nordic countries.

In the Nordic countries, they have relatively few children in the lower class (and even fewer in the extreme lower class). They also have relatively few children in the upper class. But they have big middle classes. Around 65 percent of children in those countries have incomes that are 150 percent to 300 percent of the poverty line, which is equivalent to 75 percent to 150 percent of the median income.

In the US, on the other hand, there is a big lower class that is even larger than the middle class (so defined). And then there is also a relatively large group of children with incomes well above the US median, i.e. rich kids. While the Nordic distribution looks like a bell curve with the overwhelming majority of kids clustered near the middle, the American distribution is a pyramid.

If you want to fix this bizarre distribution — and attack the scourge that is child poverty — the way forward is pretty simple. Levy much higher taxes, especially on the rich, and use the revenues to fund universal social-democratic programs. Implement free or subsidized child care, free health care, paid leave, and a child allowance.

Under the present system, too many children are consigned to poverty simply because they were born in the wrong family — or, perhaps more accurately, the wrong country. As long as the US continues to distribute income the way it does, it will continue to struggle with high child poverty.


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You Might Consider Ending Your Business Dealings With These NRA Collaborators Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=36361"><span class="small">Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page</span></a>   
Monday, 26 February 2018 15:04

Reich writes: "Unfortunately, FedEx, eHealth, Life Line Screening, and a few others continue to collaborate with the NRA."

Robert Reich. (photo: unknown)
Robert Reich. (photo: unknown)


You Might Consider Ending Your Business Dealings With These NRA Collaborators

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page

26 February 18

 

he list below shows a growing number of companies severing their links with the NRA by ending their discounts to NRA members -- discounts that had been used by the NRA to promote membership. Yesterday, Delta, United, Best Western Hotels ended their relationships as well.

Unfortunately, FedEx, eHealth, Life Line Screening, and a few others continue to collaborate with the NRA. You might consider ending your own business dealings with these NRA collaborators. #BoycottNRA

Students are also asking that tourists boycott Florida when it comes to taking a vacation, until Florida lawmakers pass sensible gun laws. As Sana says, below, a call to boycott Florida's $100 billion + tourism industry is pure genius.

By the way, you might also consider severing your links to members of Congress who take money from the NRA.



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The Democratic Party Is Now Publicly Attacking Progressive Candidates Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=47643"><span class="small">Lawrence Douglas, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Monday, 26 February 2018 14:59

Douglas writes: "A progressive candidate for office is being attacked and maligned. The surprising twist? It's her own party that is funding the attack ads."

'What is unusual about the attacks on Moser is that they issue not from her Republican rival but from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee.' (photo: WP/Getty Images)
'What is unusual about the attacks on Moser is that they issue not from her Republican rival but from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee.' (photo: WP/Getty Images)


The Democratic Party Is Now Publicly Attacking Progressive Candidates

By Lawrence Douglas, Guardian UK

26 February 18


A progressive candidate for office is being attacked and maligned. The surprising twist? It’s her own party that is funding the attack ads

n their desperation to win back the House in the 2018 midterm elections, the Democrats have turned to eating their own. How else to make sense of the unhappy drama unfolding in Texas’ 7th congressional district?

The district, which includes much of affluent west Houston, has a Republican incumbent named John Culberson, but was carried by Hillary Clinton in 2016. Culberson, a gun-loving, climate change-denying champion of President Trump, is a dreary exemplar of the kind of reactionary outlier who now passes as a mainstream Republican politician. And so the effort to unseat him has attracted a crowded field of seven Democrats, all vying to win the March 6th primary.

Of the seven, the most intriguing – and exciting – is a 40-year-old mother of two named Laura Moser. Moser is exceptionally intelligent; I taught her when she was a student at Amherst College in the late 90s, and she remains in memory as one of the most intellectually gifted students I’ve come across in my career. At six-foot two, she literally stands out in a crowd and dazzles with her charisma and quick wit.

While this is her first run for public office, Moser has been politically active, founding Daily Action, a grassroots organization designed to mobilize opposition to Trump’s deformation of the American political landscape. As a candidate, she has emerged as an articulate and passionate defender of progressive political causes including women’s reproductive rights, single payer health care, sane gun control and sustainable energy.

Her candidacy has generated excitement; Moser has outraised her six rivals in the new year and has gathered an enthusiastic following particularly among younger voters who supported Bernie Sanders.

So it is perhaps predictable that this young Democratic candidate would become the subject of a withering political attack. Branded a “Washington insider” and a carpetbagger, Moser has been maligned in recent days for harboring an “outright disgust for life in Texas.”

What is unusual about these attacks is that they issue not from her Republican rival but from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC), the campaign arm of Democrats in the US House of Representatives. Concerned that Moser is too liberal to unseat a Trump patsy, the DCCC has embarked in the kind of smear campaign pioneered and popularized by its political opponents.

To be clear: the charges are ridiculous. It is true that Moser lived in Washington DC for several years, while her husband served as Barack Obama’s videographer. And yes, Moser, who is Jewish, appeared at Obama’s Seder table, thanks to her husband’s White House position. Hardly the stuff to turn her into the second-coming of Nancy Pelosi.

It is also true that Moser, who has worked as a journalist, wrote in a piece for the Washingtonian that she’d “sooner have my teeth pulled out without anesthesia” than live in Paris, Texas. But the article was about the virtues of city living, not about the disgusting idiocy of life in Texas. With all the subtlety of a presidential tweet, DCCC spokeswoman Meredith Kelly tore the statement out of context to indict Moser as unqualified to represent Houston. Sad!

As for the carpetbagger charge, it is true that Moser, who grew up in Houston, only recently moved back to the city, where her family has lived for some five generations. We might as well mention that she also speaks serviceable French.

Finally, there is the deeper concern that Moser is too liberal for Texas’ 7th District. Perhaps so. But in fearing that Moser’s progressive platform and rejection of Trump’s politics of constitutional demolition render her unelectable, it is the DCCC that has betrayed its disgust toward Texans. Moser trusts the intelligence and political sophistication of her fellow Houstonians to embrace change.

The 2016 election demonstrated exactly the kind of catastrophe the Democrats court when they rally behind a supposedly “safe” candidate over one with a galvanic message that promises to reenergize the party and the electorate. And while the DCCC’s desire to win back the House is understandable, its treatment of Moser leaves no doubt about its ability to snatch defeat from the jaws of victory.


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The Strategic Challenge for the Latin American Left Print
Monday, 26 February 2018 14:56

Correa writes: "The progressive governments are under constant attack, the elites and their media will not forgive any error, they seek to lower our morale, make us doubt our convictions, proposals and objectives."

Latin American Presidents. From left to right: Evo Morales (Bolivia), José Mujica (Uruguay), Dilma Rousseff (Brazil), Cristina Fernandez (Argentina), Rafael Correa (Ecuador) in 2014. (photo: Reuters)
Latin American Presidents. From left to right: Evo Morales (Bolivia), José Mujica (Uruguay), Dilma Rousseff (Brazil), Cristina Fernandez (Argentina), Rafael Correa (Ecuador) in 2014. (photo: Reuters)


The Strategic Challenge for the Latin American Left

By Rafael Correa, Granma

26 February 18


Mass-Media has become the main opposition to the progressive governments of the region.

fter the long and sad neoliberal night of the 1990s - which broke entire nations like Ecuador - and since Hugo Chávez won the Presidency of the Republic of Venezuela at the end of 1998, the rightist governments of the continent began to be overthrown like houses of cards, bringing Popular governments and aligned with ‘Socialism of Good Living’ across our America.

In its heyday in 2009, out of ten Latin American countries in South America, eight had leftist governments. In addition, in Central America and the Caribbean, there was the Farabundo Martí Front in El Salvador, the Sandinistas in Nicaragua, Álvaro Colom in Guatemala, Manuel Zelaya in Honduras, and Leonel Fernández in the Dominican Republic. In countries like Guatemala, with Álvaro Colom, or Paraguay, with Fernando Lugo; it was the first time in history that the left had come to power, and in the last case, broken centuries of constant bipartisanship.

In May of 2008, the Union of South American Nations, or (UNASUR), was born and in February 2010, the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) was created with 33 members. Of the 20 Latin countries of the CELAC, 14 had Left governments, that is, 70 percent.

The first part of the 21st century has undoubtedly meant years of advancement. The economic, social and political advances were historic and amazed the world with a climate of sovereignty, dignity, autonomy, with our own presence on the continent and in the whole world.

Latin America didn’t live through a time of change, but a real change of the times, which also substantially changed the geopolitical balance of the region. For this reason, for the de facto powers and hegemonic countries, it was essential to put an end to these processes of change that favored the vast majorities, and that sought a second and definitive regional independence.

The Conservative Restoration

Although the government of Hugo Chávez had to endure a failed coup d'état as early as 2002, it was really since 2008 that undemocratic attempts to end the progressive governments intensified, as was the case of Bolivia in 2008, Honduras 2009, Ecuador 2010, and Paraguay 2012. Four attempts at destabilization, two of them successful - Honduras and Paraguay - and all against governments of the left.

Starting in 2014 and taking advantage of the change in the economic downturn, these disjointed destabilization efforts are consolidated and constitute a real "conservative restoration," with never-before-seen right-wing coalitions, international support, unlimited resources, external financing, and so on. The reaction has since deepened and lost any limits or scruples. Now we have the economic boycott and harassment of Venezuela, the parliamentary coup in Brazil, and the judicialization of politics - 'lawfare' -, as shown by the cases of Dilma and Lula in Brazil, Cristina in Argentina, and Vice President Jorge Glas in Ecuador. The attempts to destroy UNASUR and neutralize CELAC, are also evident and, not infrequently, brazen. Not to mention what is happening in Mercosur. The failure of the FTAA at the beginning of this century looks to be overcome through the Pacific Alliance.

In South America, at present, only three progressive governments remain: Venezuela; Bolivia; and Uruguay. The eternal powers that have always dominated Latin America and that plunged it into backwardness, inequality, and underdevelopment, return with a thirst for revenge, after more than a decade of continuous defeats.

The Central Pillars of The Conservative Restoration’s Strategy

The reactionary strategy is carried out regionally and is primarily based on two axes: the supposed failure of the left economic model, and the alleged lack of moral strength in the progressive governments.

Regarding the first axis, since the second half of 2014, due to an adverse international environment, the entire region suffered an economic slowdown that turned into a recession during the last two years.

The results are different between countries and subregions, reflecting the different economic structure and applied economic policies, but the economic difficulties of countries like Venezuela or Brazil are taken as an example of the failure of socialism, even when Uruguay, with a left government, is the most developed country south of the Rio Grande, or when Bolivia has the best macroeconomic indicators on the planet.

The second axis of the new strategy against progressive governments is morality. The issue of corruption has become the effective tool to destroy the national-popular political processes in Our America. The emblematic case is that of Brazil, where a well-articulated political operation succeeded in removing Dilma Rousseff from the Presidency of Brazil, only to be shown to have nothing to do with the issues that they attributed to her.

There is great global hypocrisy surrounding the fight against corruption.

The Left: Victim Of Its Own Success?

The left is also probably a victim of its own success. According to the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), almost 94 million people were lifted out of poverty and joined the regional middle class during the last decade, with the vast majority being a result of the policies of leftist governments.

In Brazil, 37.5 million people stopped being poor between 2003 and 2013, and are now middle class, but those millions were not a mobilized force when a Parliament that itself is accused of corruption, dismissed Dilma Rousseff.

We have people who overcame poverty and now - for what is often called objective prosperity and subjective poverty - despite having significantly improved their income level, ask for much more. They feel poor, not in reference to what they have, worse still to what they had, but to what they aspire.

The left has always struggled against the current, at least in the Western world. The question is, is the left fighting against human nature?

The problem is much more complex if we consider the hegemonic culture constructed by the media, in the Gramscian sense, that is, to make the wishes of the great majorities in line with the interests of the elites.

Our democracies should be called mediated democracies. The media are a more important component in the political process than the parties and electoral systems; they have become the main opposition parties of the progressive governments, and they are the true representatives of business and conservative political power.

It does not matter what best suits the majorities, what has been proposed in the election campaign, and what the people - the main actor in every democracy - has decided at the polls. The important thing is what the media approve or disapprove of in their headlines. They have replaced the Rule of Law with the State of Opinion.

Is there a "Strategic Challenge?"

The regional left faces the problems of exercising - or having exercised - power, often successfully, but exhaustingly.

It is impossible to govern and make the whole world happy, even more, when so much social justice is required.

We always have to be self-critical, but it's also about having faith in yourself.

The progressive governments are under constant attack, the elites and their media will not forgive any error, they seek to lower our morale, make us doubt our convictions, proposals and objectives. Therefore, perhaps the greatest "strategic challenge" of the Latin American left is to understand that every transcendental work will have errors and contradictions.


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