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Donald Trump's Only Fixed Position on Abortion Is His Disdain for Women |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=43437"><span class="small">Richard Wolffe, Guardian UK</span></a>
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Sunday, 01 July 2018 13:05 |
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Wolffe writes: "Donald Trump really doesn't care about a woman's right choose. Do U?"
Abortion-rights activists and abortion foes in front of the U.S. Supreme Court in Washington. (photo: Pete Marovich/Getty Images)

Donald Trump's Only Fixed Position on Abortion Is His Disdain for Women
By Richard Wolffe, Guardian UK
01 July 18
The thrice-married womaniser has veered dramatically on the issue but his supreme court pick could torpedo Roe v Wade unless women mobilise
onald Trump really doesn’t care about a woman’s right choose. Do U?
How could he care when he’s been all over the place on this core moral question for the entirety of his time in public life?
“I am very pro-choice,” Trump told NBC’s Tim Russert back in 1999. “I hate the concept of abortion. I hate it. I hate everything it stands for. I cringe when I listen to people debating the subject. But you still – I just believe in choice.”
Back in those days, Trump was so close to the pro-choice movement that he co-sponsored a dinner for the president emeritus of the National Abortion Rights Action League at the Plaza hotel, which he owned at the time. He didn’t show up because he received death threats from anti-abortion protesters.
It was so much more comfortable for him when he tried to woo those protesters as he started running for president three years ago. He can expect nothing but their prayers as he prepares to hand them their long-desired achievement: rolling back reproductive rights for women with his next pick for the supreme court.
With Justice Kennedy’s retirement, Trump’s next nominee is likely to tip the balance against Roe v Wade, just as soon as one or other state pushes forward with an attempt to ban abortion outright.
This is not some far-fetched scaremongering from the left. Just last month Iowa’s Republican-controlled legislation passed a law designed to do just that: banning abortion after a fetal heartbeat is detected, which can be as early as six weeks. That’s earlier than many women even know they are pregnant.
“We created an opportunity to take a run at Roe v Wade – 100%,” said one Republican state senator.
Soon, with Trump’s supreme court pick, they will get exactly what they wish for, and will probably win. Where Anthony Kennedy sided with protecting Roe v Wade, his replacement is highly unlikely to follow suit. Normally conservative judicial nominees repeat the usual legal boilerplate about respecting settled law. Those words will stand for nothing when the new supreme court considers abortion rights next time.
For the warriors of the pro-life movement, their reliance on Donald Trump underscores the hollow nature of their supposed moral principles.
Trump’s conversion to the cause is even less convincing than that of Mitt Romney, who claimed he had a change of heart after talking to stem cell researchers about human embryos. At least Romney’s fantasy revolves around a scientific meeting, even though the Harvard researcher in question flatly denied the conversation.
In Trump’s case, the conversion supposedly came after an unnamed friend considered an abortion but didn’t proceed, and the child ended up being – in Trump’s words at a presidential debate, no less – “a total superstar”.
Perhaps the shaky nature of this story left Trump with a shaky grasp of the issue, because he seemed to have no sense of where he stood on reproductive rights through the course of the presidential election.
“I am pro-choice,” he told CNN’s Jake Tapper.
“You’re pro-life or pro-choice?” asked Tapper, throwing him a lifeline.
“I’m pro-life. I’m sorry,” said Trump.
Perhaps to compensate for his cluelessness, Trump later told MSNBC’s Chris Matthews that women who seek abortions should face criminal punishment. He didn’t know what that punishment should be, and obviously nor did his campaign, which released several reinterpretations of Trump’s position before the day was done. First they said the issue was “unclear” then they claimed the doctor performing the abortion should face punishment.
By the next day, Trump took yet another position, telling CBS he wanted to change the law, but maybe preferred the states to decide the whole thing.
“Do you think abortion is murder,” asked CBS’s John Dickerson.
“I have my opinions on it, but I’d rather not comment on it,” said the man who normally has no problem expressing an opinion on any subject at any time in any place.
How could it fall to Trump to tip the balance of the supreme court against abortion? Was it his strong sense of family values, developed some time between his three marriages and his several affairs with porn stars and Playboy models?
You can only assume that as the pro-life warrior he miraculously became, Trump had stern words for his friend Elliot Broidy, the former RNC deputy finance chairman.
Broidy is at the center of a literally unbelievable story that has him paying $1.6m to Trump’s personal lawyer, Michael Cohen. Cohen then allegedly passed on the money to another former Playboy model who allegedly had an affair with Broidy, became pregnant, and sought – you guessed it – an abortion to end the pregnancy.
These are the men who will help end a woman’s right to choose in as many as two dozen states within the next year or two.
At this point, Trump is fooling nobody about his true motives. He is as much the puppet of anti-abortion groups as he is the puppet of Vladimir Putin. His supposed moral strength is a masquerade hiding his amoral absence of character and values. He sold what little soul he has to a supposedly Christian movement that only cares about their generation-long campaign against women’s rights.
The only consistent part of Trump’s thinking is his disdain for women because, being a star, he naturally thinks he can “do anything” to them.
For now, there are very few people who can help women hold on to their reproductive rights. Two of them are pro-choice Republican senators: Susan Collins of Maine and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska. They could vote against a pro-life supreme court pick, but they could also hide behind the Republican boilerplate last voiced by Neil Gorsuch, Trump’s first supreme court nominee.
Against their consciences stand three Democrats who also voted for Gorsuch – Joe Manchin of West Virginia, Joe Donnelly of Indiana and Heidi Heitkamp of North Dakota. All of them are up for re-election this year in states that voted heavily for Trump.
All five senators might hope they can delay the final supreme court vote until the midterm elections, when Democrats have a slim chance of taking back the Senate and blocking Trump’s nominee.
But that’s a long shot that relies on some tricky parliamentary tactics. And it ultimately relies on female voters to lead an electoral tidal wave nationwide.
There are good reasons to believe that wave is already building. From the African American women who pushed Doug Jones into the Senate late last year, to the Latina political novice who unseated a Democratic leader in the House this week, the response to Trump’s political trainwreck is breaking all the established rules.
Trump’s war on women may well be successful in a supreme court he is now shaping for the next generation. But as we saw in Alabama and in Queens, the political backlash is breathtaking.

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RSN: ICE Is a State-Sponsored Terrorist Organization - Abolish ICE |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=20877"><span class="small">William Boardman, Reader Supported News</span></a>
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Sunday, 01 July 2018 08:26 |
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Boardman writes: "Created with little serious thought in the post-9/11 government panic, ICE was supposed to be a bulwark against the inflated threat of international terrorism."
ICE agents. (photo: Charles Reed/U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement/AP)

ALSO SEE: It's Not Just People in the US Illegally - ICE Is Nabbing Lawful Permanent Residents Now
ALSO SEE: Sen. Elizabeth Warren Joins Call to Get Rid of ICE
ICE Is a State-Sponsored Terrorist Organization - Abolish ICE
By William Boardman, Reader Supported News
01 July 18
ICE has strayed so far from its mission. It’s supposed to be here to keep Americans safe, but what it’s turned into is, frankly, a terrorist organization of its own, that is terrorizing people who are coming to this country.
– Cynthia Nixon, Democrat for Governor of New York, June 21, 2018
CE (US Immigration and Customs Enforcement) is the largest police agency (some 20,000 employees, offices in 50 states and 48 foreign countries) in the Department of Homeland Security. Created with little serious thought in the post-9/11 government panic, ICE was supposed to be a bulwark against the inflated threat of international terrorism. Over the past fifteen years, lacking enough serious criminals to justify its $6 billion budget, ICE has reduced itself (with poisonous political pandering in support) to the horrifying monster we’re finally seeing more clearly, littering the American landscape with caged parents and children, broken families (by choice, not by law), incarcerated innocents, harmless working taxpayers, and disrupted American businesses – a full range of social mayhem chosen by the past several presidents in preference to any humane, decent policy rooted in justice. In 2002, Congress voted to make ICE a national police force with Gestapo-like powers. Corrupt law and corrupt politics have produced corrupt results. What a surprise.
How best to respond to this paramilitary police state operation that mostly produces human carnage (including widespread sexual abuse of detainees since 2010)? How best to end the chronic violation of human rights law by this brutal regime that denies asylum to the persecuted and sends them back to suffer or die? The current movement to abolish ICE began last winter with a piece in The Nation magazine, in which Sean McElwee concluded: “It’s time to rein in the greatest threat we face: an unaccountable strike force executing a campaign of ethnic cleansing.” Abolishing ICE is no panacea, but it is a necessary first step to creating immigration policy based on law, compassion, and our own better history.
The political will to reinvent American idealism may or may not emerge in the face of vicious, bipartisan opposition. On June 21, Cynthia Nixon apparently became the first high-profile politician to call ICE by its rightful terrorist name and to call for its abolition. She’s running for Governor of New York against Democratic establishment hope-crusher Andrew Cuomo, who supports ICE. But two days before Nixon spoke out, Cuomo announced his plan for New York to file a multi-agency lawsuit against the Trump administration for “violating the Constitutional rights of thousands of immigrant children and their parents who have been separated at the border.” The treatment of families at the border is only one part of ICE’s assault on human rights, as Cuomo surely knows, as indicated in his apparently ironic comment: “I think ICE should be a bonafide law enforcement organization that prudently and diligently enforces the law.” [emphasis added]
Nixon first spoke out against ICE at the St. Paul and St. Andrew United Methodist Church in New York City. The church has given sanctuary to a 32-year-old Guatemalan mother, Debora Berenice Vasquez, and her two children (both US citizens), after ICE threatened them with deportation. How do these facts square with ICE’s promise: “We vow to continue our mission to protect the United States by promoting homeland security and public safety through the criminal and civil enforcement of federal laws …”? What “homeland security” or “public” is served by taking 13 years to bring a case that robs a mother of her job and freedom while traumatizing her two American children?
At the church’s press conference announcing the sanctuary, Nixon said:
Thank you, from the bottom of our hearts, for offering sanctuary to Debora and her children. And thank you for giving us all a place to gather today to stand up with one voice as New Yorkers and say, ‘No,’ and say, ‘No, not in our name. Not in our name.’
This event didn’t happen in a vacuum. On June 26, New Yorkers voted in their Democratic primary and in one race rejected a member of the House leadership, who carefully supports ICE (he voted to create it) and who doesn’t live in his district, in favor of a 28-year-old Latina whose campaign targeted ICE and the party’s aging, out-of-touch leadership. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez grew up in the district that covers much of the Bronx and Queens. She graduated from Boston University and came home and organized. She was the first to challenge the incumbent in more than a decade. She said of her campaign:
It’s time we acknowledge that not all democrats are the same. That a Democrat who takes corporate money, profits off of foreclosure, doesn’t live here, doesn’t send his kids to our schools, doesn’t drink our water or breathe our air cannot possibly represent us.
She was describing the media-cliché “powerful Democrat,” ten-term congressman Joseph Crowley, crony to Nancy Pelosi and Steny Hoyer and presumed easy winner of the seat to which he was surely entitled, along with his predicted rise to Speaker of the House. The race got little attention until the media and professional politicians woke up “surprised” to find that a former organizer for Bernie Sanders had won the nomination with more than 57% of the vote. Trump and the rest of the right-wing dishonest noise machine are already lying about what Ocasio-Cortez and other Democrats stand for, as Trump called Democrats “now officially the party of impeachment, open borders, abolishing ICE, banning the 2nd Amendment and unbridled socialism.” What Ocasio-Cortez actually said about ICE has had nothing to do with open borders:
Abolishing ICE doesn’t mean get rid of our immigration policy, but what it does mean is to get rid of the draconian enforcement that has happened since 2003 that routinely violates our civil rights, because, frankly, it was designed with that structure in mind.
The day before the primary, June 25, a Democratic candidate for New York Attorney General published an editorial in the Guardian titled: “ICE is a tool of illegality. It must be abolished.” Fordham law professor Zephyr Teachout is challenging at least three other candidates in the September 13 primary for the open office, but the filing deadline doesn’t close the race till July 12. The temporary attorney general, Barbara Underwood, is not running. She replaced AG Eric Schneiderman (also a Democrat) who resigned in May amidst sexual misconduct allegations. Teachout appears to be the only candidate calling for the abolition of ICE, writing in The Guardian:
Let’s be clear: Ice is a fairly recent development. When the George W Bush administration successfully pushed to place immigration enforcement within the Department of Homeland Security (DHS), it transformed decades of past practice where internal immigration policy was conducted by the justice department. The new policy sent a clear and chilling signal: immigrants should be treated as criminals and a national security threat.
The same day as Teachout’s editorial, four current Congress members – Mark Pocan (D-Wis.), Earl Blumenauer (D-Ore.), Jim McGovern (D-Mass.) and Pramila Jayapal (D-Wash.) – said they would support legislation to abolish ICE. Representative Pocan said he would introduce a bill this week (it was not available as of June 28). Pocan explained his motivation in a press release:
During my trip to the southern border, it was clear that ICE, and its actions of hunting down and tearing apart families, has wreaked havoc on far too many people. From conducting raids at garden centers and meatpacking plants, to breaking up families at churches and schools, ICE is tearing apart families and ripping at the moral fabric of our nation. Unfortunately, President Trump and his team of white nationalists, including Stephen Miller, have so misused ICE that the agency can no longer accomplish its goals effectively….
I’m introducing legislation that would abolish ICE and crack down on the agency’s blanket directive to target and round up individuals and families. The heartless actions of this abused agency do not represent the values of our nation and the U.S. must develop a more humane immigration system, one that treats every person with dignity and respect.
A weeklong barricade of ICE offices in Southwest Portland, Oregon, has been broken up by police. Representative Blumenauer spoke in favor of the protestors at a rally at City Hall. He voted against the creation of ICE in 2002. In support of Pocan’s legislation, Blumenauer wrote:
We should abolish ICE and start over, focusing on our priorities to protect our families and our borders in a humane and thoughtful fashion. Now is the time for immigration reform that ensures people are treated with compassion and respect. Not only because it is the moral thing to do, but it’s better policy and will cost less.
Rational, moral, and humane as these voices are, they still represent only a small minority of Democrats, most of whom have run for cover on the issue. Media coverage tends to treat “abolish ICE” as a trivial issue or at Fox, an offense against the state. Democrats of note appear intimidated by the issue. Bernie Sanders voted against ICE, now doesn’t want to abolish it. Nancy Pelosi voted against ICE, now supports it. In all, 120 Democrats in Congress opposed ICE in 2002, but today only four are on record to abolish it. In 2002, Democratic senators overwhelmingly supported creating ICE in a 90-9 Senate vote. None of the 9 Democrats opposing ICE in 2002 remain in office.
Maybe this is changing, maybe Ocasio-Cortez’s strong victory will be a shock to the all but dead party of Democrats. On June 28 on CNN, New York Democratic senator Kirsten Gillibrand was caught in a high-pitched defense of her failure to respect Ocasio-Cortez as a candidate. The interviewer read a tweet from Ocasio-Cortez, calling out Gillibrand’s lockstep party orthodoxy. Then, on the defensive, Gillibrand suddenly expressed support for abolishing ICE, almost as if she meant it. Now how hard was that? November is coming and Democrats continue to cling to old notions detached from current reality (the Crowley Democrats). Under pressure, Gillibrand took the right position for the moment. For November to be worth celebrating, the party will have to do much better than that. It will have to find a heart and a soul and a brain and apply them all to the criminal atrocities our government commits daily at home and abroad.

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The Russia Investigations: Big Implications for the New Supreme Court Justice |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=45771"><span class="small">Philip Ewing, NPR</span></a>
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Sunday, 01 July 2018 08:24 |
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Ewing writes: "Nearly two years into the international hall of mirrors that is the Russia imbroglio, one thing has remained constant: There is no way to know what new madness each sunrise might bring."
Robert Mueller. (photo: AP)

The Russia Investigations: Big Implications for the New Supreme Court Justice
By Philip Ewing, NPR
01 July 18
his week in the Russia investigations: President Trump's nominee for the Supreme Court could play an important role down the road in the Russia imbroglio.
Freefall
Nearly two years into the international hall of mirrors that is the Russia imbroglio, one thing has remained constant: There is no way to know what new madness each sunrise might bring.
In campaign season, eventually the election takes place, new public officials are installed, and life moves on. When legislators try to govern, they either pass the bill or don't, and life moves on.
The Russia imbroglio, at least today, has no such parameters — there's no way to tell how far along it is, when it may end or how.
Each data point that suggests one thing — Justice Department special counsel Robert Mueller could be wrapping up and this story might be over by this autumn — is countermanded by another that suggests this saga might play out for years.
Item: Donald Trump's onetime junior foreign policy adviser, George Papadopoulos, is scheduled to be sentenced on Sept. 7. He was the London-based campaign worker who was importuned early by Russian operatives with offers of dirt on Hillary Clinton, "off-the-record" meetings and other help for the Trump campaign.
Papadopoulos was the origin of the FBI's Russia counterintelligence investigation, he pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI about what happened, and he has been cooperating with investigators. The setting of the date for his sentencing suggests that prosecutors have all they want from him and are preparing to recommend a punishment to the judge.
Does that mean Mueller is almost done? Maybe. Or maybe not.
Item: Mueller's office is still investigating and gathering evidence. Although it scheduled a sentencing for Papadopoulos, the special counsel's office also said Friday that it wants more time before a judge sentences former national security adviser Mike Flynn, who also pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI and has been cooperating with Mueller.
Not that much more time, though — the special counsel's office said it wanted to file an updated report in Flynn's case by Aug. 24.
Item: Investigators also are asking to speak with sometime friends or current enemies of political operative Roger Stone, for example, as NPR's Tim Mak reported. And they're reportedly looking at the communications of former Blackwater CEO Erik Prince.
Why? What's the connection to the active measures waged by the Russians during the 2016 presidential campaign? It's possible to speculate — but who really knows?
What is clear is that the special counsel's office is continuing with detective work, gathering information to inform its decisions or conclusions. That suggests that, if Mueller intends to pursue more prosecutions, it could be months or more before any more indictments may be unsealed.
Unless it doesn't.
Republican critics hammered Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein this week in the House Judiciary Committee because they said Mueller is taking too long, as NPR's Ryan Lucas reported.
"Whatever you got, finish it the hell up, because this country is being torn apart," said Rep. Trey Gowdy, R-S.C.
Gowdy's complaint was a little too rich for critics who immediately pointed out that he took more than two years to rake Hillary Clinton over the coals in his investigation of the 2012 Benghazi attack. And Rosenstein denied Mueller was malingering for political reasons.
"He is moving as expeditiously as possible consistent with his responsibility to do it right," Rosenstein said.
When is halftime?
The bewilderment about the nature of the Russia saga even extends to confusion over milestones that have been expected but that still haven't actually transpired.
For example, the stage has been set for months for a showdown over a potential interview of Trump by Mueller's team. It would either happen — and be historic — or lead to a second potential showdown over a subpoena — which also would be historic.
But it never gets resolved. And the time horizon and the scale of the imbroglio has grown so vast that it begins to cross paths with nearly every other major story in Washington, D.C.
This week, Supreme Court Justice Anthony Kennedy announced his retirement effective July 31. Trump is planning to nominate a replacement soon, and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, R-Ky., expects to get the person confirmed and onto the high court expeditiously.
Meaning what? The political importance of Trump's new Supreme Court justice cannot be overstated. The president's nominee will likely complete a five-vote majority of conservatives that could take the country in a new direction on the biggest constitutional questions.
The new justice also would be part of a Supreme Court that could play an important future role in any faceoff between Trump and Mueller.
Picture this: Trump finally and formally says "no" to an interview with Mueller. The special counsel responds with a subpoena to compel Trump to testify. The president's attorneys ask a federal judge to throw it out, citing the range of arguments they've already made about why Trump should be exempt.
This would be a dispute for the ages and it would likely go before the top courts in the land — likely the D.C. Circuit and then, potentially, the Supreme Court.
Legal experts who've been asked to opine about this scenario have said that they thought that ultimately, Trump would lose. The Supreme Court ruled, for example, that President Richard Nixon had to surrender tapes and other evidence in the Watergate matter. The court later ruled that President Bill Clinton had to comply with a subpoena in a civil lawsuit brought against him.
These, plus other precedents, add up to a sense that the high court might find for Mueller in his theoretical case against Trump — unless, of course, it doesn't.
May it please the court
No one can know today how a more conservative Supreme Court with two Trump-appointed justices might respond to the president's arguments in this scenario.
First of all, the Justice Department's legal view is that it cannot indict a sitting president — its own ultimate boss. If prosecutors were to try to prosecute a president, it would need to be after he or she had left office.
Second, a chief executive is busy, Trump's lawyers argue; he can't take an extended break from running the most powerful nation on Earth to prepare to testify before a grand jury.
And the bottom line, for Trump, is that the president has nearly unlimited power to pardon, including to pardon himself. So even if a president could commit a crime for which he might theoretically be indicted, he has the ability to wipe all that away — a subpoena, an indictment, everything.
Or so Trump's lawyers have claimed.
Those arguments may not cut much ice with the Supreme Court in an extreme scenario, even one with two Trump appointees. Even the most sympathetic justice, as NPR's Nina Totenberg has written, likely believes in the long-standing principle that no person may be the judge of his own case.
The vision of executive power that Trump and his lawyers have articulated is vast and, in some cases, novel — and have never been tested with the Supreme Court. This is why the Kennedy vacancy has big implications not only for abortion, gun rights and the other big lightning-rod issues, but also for the Russia investigation.
The justice whom Trump nominates and the Senate is expected to confirm this summer or fall could be the one to cast the deciding vote.

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How to Hold On to Hope: When the News Leaves You With a Sense of Despair |
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Sunday, 01 July 2018 08:23 |
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Foiles writes: "The resignation of Justice Anthony Kennedy is the latest threat to the health of our democracy. Suddenly LGBTQ rights and access to abortion, among many other hard-won gains, seem vulnerable. People are stressed out."
The Rev. Seth Kaper-Dale looks on as sisters Michelle Edralin, 12, and Nicole Edralin, 15, react with immigration rights proponents outside the U.S. Supreme Court after it upheld President Donald Trump's travel ban on Tuesday. (photo: Leah Millis/Reuters)

How to Hold On to Hope: When the News Leaves You With a Sense of Despair
By Jonathan Foiles, Slate
01 July 18
This horrible week was particularly stressful for minorities. A therapist who works with patients experiencing profound injustice and pervasive trauma explains how to cope.
f you’re feeling sad most of the time, having trouble eating and sleeping, not seeing your friends, not doing much of anything, feeling hopeless or helpless, you could see a psychiatrist or a therapist like myself. You could tell that therapist how you were feeling and receive a diagnosis of major depressive disorder. Feeling more overwhelming anxiety? There’s a diagnosis for that too, a number of psychotropic medications that might help treat the symptoms, and several evidence-based therapies that can address the underlying thought patterns that perpetuate such suffering. When it comes to existential terror, though, there is no recommended treatment, no medication to lessen that ever-encroaching sense of despair over our political future.
The resignation of Justice Anthony Kennedy is the latest threat to the health of our democracy. Suddenly LGBTQ rights and access to abortion, among many other hard-won gains, seem vulnerable. People are stressed out: At my clinic, the waiting list to see a therapist for individual therapy has hovered around 150 people since the election. Therapists have been coping with this elevated level of stress for years already (and we’re not exempt from despair ourselves—working in the field of mental health does not exempt you from its struggles any more than being a car mechanic means you never need an oil change). But I have worked with clients experiencing profound injustice and pervasive trauma, and this has taught me some skills for carrying on when all seems hopeless.
The first thing is the most obvious: Make time for taking care of yourself. My job involves containing feelings of deep despair, and it is all too easy to carry that despair home with me. But if I spend all of my free time marinating in the problems of my patients, I lose my perspective and thus my ability to effectively help them. Similarly, we gain little by staying glued to Twitter or constantly refreshing our news apps. This is not a time for ignorance, sure, but neither is it a time to try to take on the entire world’s pain minute after minute. If you have any religious or spiritual beliefs, now is the time to lean into them. If not, that’s fine, look for other ways to make life meaningful. Get out into nature, practice meditation, read a novel. What works for you may not work for me, but disconnect and give yourself some time to breathe.
Now is also the time to find ways where you can make a meaningful difference. There is little most of us can do to influence the next Supreme Court pick. Yes, we can make phone calls and writing letters and yes, maybe taking to the streets. But most of us are far more likely to make effective change in our own neighborhoods. Because of the sheer number of groups Trump threatens, chances are there is someone in your backyard who is more terrified than you are. Many of us are beginning to feel like we don’t recognize this country, but people of color and other minority groups have felt like that for most, if not all, of our country’s history. Now is the time to work together in solidarity with them and to open our eyes beyond our own experience. Find the refugees, the undocumented immigrants, the trans teen who needs someone to listen. Support them individually and partner with organizations that fight for their rights, whether it’s an immigrant rights group or your local LGBTQ center.
It also helps to gain some perspective. America has always been a contradiction in terms. The same man who wrote some of the most stirring words of the Declaration of Independence believed they only applied to white male property owners and was a slaveholder. The highest aspirations of our democracy have not been realized for most of our history; it is no aberration that the first black president was followed by the first white supremacist president. We must learn to see representative democracy not as something that was enacted with the Declaration of Independence or the Constitution, but a hope to which we have often aspired and seldom reached. This is meant not to spur us even further into despair but rather to reduce our own myopia and realize that our struggle is nothing new.
Hope can seem like a radical, even foolish, act. In times of despair, it can seem naive or dangerous to think that things may get better. But we fundamentally misunderstand hope if we take it to be an assertion that everything is going to work out in the end, sooner rather than later. To be hopeful is not to believe in the myth of continual human progress but to acknowledge that the future remains unwritten and we have the ability to play a part in its making. As I tell my clients who are in the midst of the black valleys of depression, you do not have to be able to see your future for there to be one.
In my Episcopal tradition, we say the creeds, our historical statements of belief, together most Sundays. The purpose of this is not to ensure bland allegiance to rote doctrine because on any given week there are statements or clauses which some of us may find difficult, even unbelievable, but chances are there is someone else in the congregation who does believe and can carry the rest of us along. Hope to carry on can seem out of reach these days. Find others who are willing to wrestle with these times alongside you, and hold one another up when it seems just too difficult.
Those who are in power depend upon our despair in order to maintain that power. Despair closes off the future, making us feel assured that all of our attempts at building a more just and humane world are doomed. Hope holds the door open, if ever so slightly, to the chance that it could be different. Do everything you can to keep it cracked open.

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