FOCUS: 55% of GOP Say Sexual Assault Not Disqualifying for SCOTUS; What Is *Wrong* With Them?
Sunday, 30 September 2018 10:51
Cole writes: "What in the world is wrong with self-identified Republicans in the United States. I mean, look, I'm a historian and a world traveler. I get that different people have different ways of looking at the world, different norms and customs. It is to be expected."
Brett Kavanaugh. (photo: Joshua Roberts/Reuters)
55% of GOP Say Sexual Assault Not Disqualifying for SCOTUS; What Is *Wrong* With Them?
By Juan Cole, Informed Comment
30 September 18
hat in the world is wrong with self-identified Republicans in the United States. I mean, look, I’m a historian and a world traveler. I get that different people have different ways of looking at the world, different norms and customs. It is to be expected.
But the blatant amorality of GOP voters, at least as they represent themselves in the polling, baffles me. Morality ought to be equally distributed across parties, like immorality. People are people.
But as Newsweek notes, an Economist/YouGov poll has found that 55% of Republicans hold that even if Brett Kavanaugh sexually assaulted a woman when he was in high school, that would not disqualify him from serving on the Supreme Court.
Note well. They didn’t ask them if they disbelieved the charges and therefore didn’t think he was disqualified.
The question was, if he were actually guilty, should he serve? And a majority of Republicans said he should not be disqualified for this reason. Another 18% said they just didn’t know whether it was disqualifying. Really? Attempted rape shouldn’t keep you off the court?
71% of Democrats said that sexual assault is disqualifying. Are they more capable of ethical reasoning, or are they just being partisan and hoping the Democrats can keep their 5-4 majority on the court, which Kavanaugh would permanently throw out?
Lawrence Kohlberg, influenced by the Swiss child psychologist Piaget, put forward a 6-stage structural theory of children’s morality.
1. Stage 1. Obedience and Punishment Orientation.
2. Stage 2. Individualism and Exchange.
3. Stage 3. Good Interpersonal Relationships.
4. Stage 4. Maintaining the Social Order.
5. Stage 5. Social Contract and Individual Rights.
6. Stage 6: Universal Principles.
In stage one, children think something is wrong if there is a significant chance you will be punished for doing it. I think the corollary is that if the likelihood of punishment is remote, at this stage of ethics, a stage 1 child might do something more mature individuals would consider wrong, just because they are sure they can get away with it.
In stage two, they still think and act as isolated individuals, but they can understand that there are differing definitions of what is wrong. Some in this school would say that at level 2, a person is willing to help out a buddy by doing something generally considered wrong, but no one else–assuming the buddy is willing to scratch the first person’s back in return.
In stage three, teens learn to put the welfare of another person, say a family member or close friend, above individual greed. They might agree that it would be moral to steal an unfairly high-priced medicine for the sake of an ill loved one.
In stage four, the teen comes to value an orderly society, and sees morality as doing what is necessary to uphold that web of relationships. Nationalists among older adults are often stuck at this stage. They value their own society and its norms and stability so much that they are willing to sacrifice the welfare of outsiders for its sake. The Soviet Union was full of people who thought like this about morality.
Persons at stage five put rights above an orderly society. The emphasize rule-based decision-making, not solidarity and orderliness. But like Rousseau, they would accept the outcome of the General Will if it operated in a procedurally just way.
Stage six have been castigated as ethical cowboys. They see general ethical principles that are higher than procedural justice. Stage six ethical thinkers insist on universal, consistent rights. Kohlberg saw Gandhi and Martin Luther King in this light.
I’m not a psychologist or anything, but I went through a phase when I read a lot of Kohlberg and his school. I would say that Brett Kavanaugh comes very low on this scale. He repeatedly lied– about the legal drinking age when he was 17 (it was 21); about what the sexually charged terms in his Yearbook meant (devil’s triangle is a menage a trois or 3 positions in one night; bouf is anal intercourse); about not being a fall-down drunk, which some of those close to him say he was. It also seems to me that he told all these lies because he knows that the Republican majority in the Senate will vote for him no matter what, and therefore he risks no punishment from lying. He has the moral sense of a kindergartner.
As for putting a proven sexual predator on the court, the majority of Republicans who hold that it should be done may be functioning at level two (they’ll do a favor for Kavanaugh if he’ll rule for their interests– low taxes, low services for everyone but the well off, curbs on workers and minorities, and an end to abortion). That would be level 2. Or those who think it is necessary to put him on the bench to preserve social order might be reasoning as high as level 4.
But no level 5 would say, put someone guilty of sexual assault on the Supreme Court, since that would contravene general moral principles and basic fairness.
As for level 6, people of that sort, who i wouldn’t imagine are more that 5 percent of the population, might even lead a movement against putting attempted rapists on the Supreme Court. Of course, some Democrats who supported such a movement might only be doing it out of concern for social order and social solidarity (level 4).
We see this low level of Republican ethical reasoning in lots of area, from approval for Trump despite his own immorality, to their willingness to treat Muslims in unfair and even unconstitutional ways.
So I am genuinely shocked by this poll’s results, and can’t figure out what produces them. Has the Republican Party just started attracting ethically challenged individuals, so that it is mostly 4s and below?
I recognized that not all the 71% among the Dems may be taking this stance on principle. Some of the Democratic opposition to the unethical stances I mentioned above could also be Stage 4 order and solidarity rather than higher ethical thinking about principles. Still, across the board Dems take more principled stances.
Is there some sort of elective affinity here? Democrats become known for compassion, so they attract more ethical person?
It seems to me that social psychologists ought to look into what is wrong with self-described Republican voters that they take such completely amoral stances.
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=6607"><span class="small">Evan Osnos, The New Yorker</span></a>
Sunday, 30 September 2018 08:37
Osnos writes: "On Friday, Facebook disclosed the largest security breach in its fourteen-year history, in which an unknown hacker, or hackers, acquired the power to log in to almost fifty million accounts."
Mark Zuckerberg knows that no company, including Facebook, can afford to assume its primacy will endure. (photo: Christophe Morin/IP3/Getty Images)
How Serious Is the New Facebook Breach?
By Evan Osnos, The New Yorker
30 September 18
t Facebook headquarters in Menlo Park, California, no tour is complete without the story of the big sign at the front gate: when Mark Zuckerberg, the founder and C.E.O., moved his company to the site, in 2011, he did not remove the sign of the former tenant, Sun Microsystems. In the nineties, Sun had been a giant so dominant that it considered buying Apple, but Sun later sank into a long fadeout, and it was acquired by Oracle, in 2009. Zuckerberg turned Sun’s sign around and fastened Facebook’s name to the other side—a reminder to himself and his employees that success is fragile.
On Friday, Facebook disclosed the largest security breach in its fourteen-year history, in which an unknown hacker, or hackers, acquired the power to log in to almost fifty million accounts. Unlike previous data leaks, such as the Cambridge Analytica scandal, in March, this is the first known instance in Facebook’s history of hackers stealing millions of “access tokens,” the keys that allow them to take over an account, including information that users bar from the public. As a result, hackers were also able to gain control of accounts on many other sites, such as Spotify, because users often log into them with Facebook credentials. The attackers exploited a gap in the code around a feature known as “View As,” which lets people see how their profile appears to others. In addition to the tens of millions of accounts that were compromised, Facebook also forced another forty million users to log back into the service, because they used the “View As” feature recently and might have been compromised.
Much about the attack, which the company discovered on September 25th, remains a mystery. Though the company said the breach did not include credit-card data, it has yet to determine who was targeted, the full impact, the motive, and whether the data in the accounts was misused. “We also don’t know who’s behind these attacks or where they’re based,” Guy Rosen, Facebook’s vice-president of product management, wrote in a post.
The hack is the latest episode in nearly two years of controversy, including the spread of “fake news” and Russian propaganda during the 2016 election, and the platform’s role as a catalyst of violence in Myanmar, Sri Lanka, and other countries. In August, when I interviewed Zuckerberg for a Profile, he acknowledged that the company has become particularly vulnerable to criticism because “we shouldn’t be making the same mistake multiple times.” Even before the announcement of the record breach, the company was under investigation by the Federal Trade Commission, the F.B.I., and other agencies for its role in the Cambridge Analytica scandal, in which a political consultancy gained private data on eighty-seven million Facebook users.
The latest hack is likely to heighten calls for regulation and complaints that Facebook is a monopoly. Senator Mark Warner, a Democrat of Virginia, who has led the push for tougher oversight, called for a “full investigation.” In a statement, he called the hack “a reminder about the dangers posed when a small number of companies like Facebook or the credit bureau Equifax are able to accumulate so much personal data about individual Americans without adequate security measures.” In a tweet, Rohit Chopra, an F.T.C. commissioner, issued a terse message to the company: “I want answers.”
Beyond the calls for regulation, Facebook’s larger, more confounding task may be stemming a loss of public confidence. In a January poll by Honest Data, a polling-analysis firm, twenty-seven per cent of those surveyed said Facebook is having a “negative impact on society,” worse than McDonald’s and Walmart. In Europe, the tide has turned against Facebook more sharply. In April, after Zuckerberg testified in Congress, The Economistmocked his defenses (“the dorm-room excuse is wearing thin”), and warned that Facebook’s “endless guff about ‘community’ counts for little when it has repeatedly and flagrantly disregarded its users’ rights to control their own data.”
Not long after Zuckerberg’s testimony, Facebook launched the largest ad campaign in its history, including prime-time-television spots with gentle piano music, home-video clips, and a narrator who said, “We had to deal with spam, clickbait, fake news, and data misuse. That’s going to change.” But the ads fell flat. Fast Company wrote, “The company punted on the opportunity to take any real responsibility for its actions.” In July, a British parliamentary committee examining Russian fake news accused Facebook of dodging questions “to the point of obstruction.” Damian Collins, the panel’s chairman, said people are “realizing they themselves are the product, not just the user of a free service.”
As public frustration has grown, the mood inside Facebook has been, on the whole, sanguine. Executives and rank-and-file employees often say they understand the complaints but also believe that the company is unfairly scapegoated by those (especially journalists) who are troubled by technology or by the outcome of the 2016 election. Executives are confident that they are taking the steps that will solve the company’s problems, as they have over its fourteen-year history. But a Facebook breach today means more than a Facebook breach five or ten years ago, not only because the company has grown so dramatically but also because of the cumulative effect. Isolated problems that might be dismissed as inevitable acquire greater meaning and consequence in the context of a pattern of missteps.
In the days and weeks ahead, Facebook will be judged only partly on its technical response, and its inevitable pledges and initiatives; more important, it will be judged on its actual steps to manage the collection and protection of user data. Zuckerberg, who chose to keep the Sun Microsystems sign on campus, knows that no company can afford to assume its primacy will endure. In the early nineteen-eighties, Atari appeared to be such an indomitable force that the makers of “Blade Runner,” the 1982 dystopian drama, covered their imaginary future landscape with Atari signs. (The company later faded alongside Yahoo, AOL, Sun, and other erstwhile giants.)
In a post, on Friday, about the hack, Zuckerberg adopted a careful line between confidence and concern: “While I’m glad we found this, fixed the vulnerability, and secured the accounts that may be at risk,” he wrote, “the reality is we need to continue developing new tools to prevent this from happening in the first place.”
In the Elevator Video, Two Rape Survivors Show How Democracy Works
Saturday, 29 September 2018 12:52
Abramson writes: "Truth spoke to power. And the US Senate finally listened. In the end, after a full day of official Senate hearings, all it took was two gutsy women, Ana Maria Archila and Maria Gallagher, to stop the confirmation of Brett Kavanaugh."
Jeff Flake was confronted by two women who said they were survivors of sexual assault. (photo: Jim Lo Scalzo/Shutterstock)
In the Elevator Video, Two Rape Survivors Show How Democracy Works
By Jill Abramson, Guardian UK
29 September 18
Anyone needing a lesson in how American democracy should work must watch Ana Maria Archila and Maria Gallagher hold Jeff Flake to account
ruth spoke to power. And the US Senate finally listened.
In the end, after a full day of official Senate hearings, all it took was two gutsy women, Ana Maria Archila and Maria Gallagher, to stop the confirmation of Brett Kavanaugh. The two women, who said they were survivors of sexual assault, stubbornly refused to let the elevator doors close as Senator Jeff Flake, the critical swing vote on the Senate judiciary committee, was on his way to cast his vote to advance the supreme court nominee.
That was before he got in the elevator. Archila and Gallagher blocked him from scurrying away. Archila, who had never told her story of being raped as a small child, spoke first.
“I told it because I recognized in Dr Ford’s story that she is telling the truth,” she told Flake, her voice breaking with emotion. “What you are doing is allowing someone who actually violated a woman to sit on the supreme court. This is not tolerable. You have children in your family. Think about them.” She wanted him to feel her fury.
Then came Gallagher. “I was sexually assaulted and nobody believed me,” she said. “I didn’t tell anyone, and you’re telling all women that they don’t matter.” The women protesting with them gained strength as they spoke. The elevator doors began to close but the crowd made sure they didn’t.
The two women were part of a large contingent that had been in Washington all week to show support for Dr Christine Blasey Ford and to protest against the Senate’s apparent determination to confirm someone credibly accused of sexual assault. By the time Kavanaugh finished his angry, defiant testimony last night, it looked to many as if their cause was lost. But the women were not disheartened. They were determined.
Flake struggled to remain impassive and kept murmuring “thank you”, in a strained attempt to show a modicum of respect. He looked frightened and awkward and must have been praying that the elevator had a trap door. But there was no escape as CNN captured the live encounter.
It was thrilling to watch, not because a senator was being put on the spot but because this is what it means for citizens to hold power to account. Anyone needing a lesson in how American democracy should work must watch the elevator video.
Flake’s eye darts around, nervously. “Don’t look away from me,” Gallagher demands of Flake. “Look at me and tell me that it doesn’t matter what happened to me, that you will let people like that go into the highest court of the land and tell everyone what they can do to their bodies.”
On the tape, it is impossible to tell what effect the encounter had on Flake. But between the time the elevator doors did finally close and he went to cast his vote, his mind had changed. In a move that stunned his Republican colleagues, Flake said that he would only support a confirmation vote for Judge Kavanaugh after the FBI had been granted at least one week to conduct an investigation. Trump was forced to order the investigation on Friday afternoon as a result. The crucial Senate confirmation vote remains on hold until then.
Time is not on Brett Kavanaugh’s side. Although the hearings on Thursday were confined to a single accuser, Dr Ford, more women have emerged with stories about Kavanaugh’s sexual misconduct in high school and college. The eyewitness Dr Ford has named to her assault, Mark Judge, should be subpoenaed if the FBI does a thorough inquiry. Deborah Ramirez’s allegations about Kavanaugh exposing himself and touching her, published in the New Yorker, must be investigated. Dr Ford’s corroborators must be interviewed. New evidence could emerge.
But until the women blocked the elevator, none of that was going to happen. After the women confronted Flake, several Democrats did walk out of the committee’s hearing.
Archila, Gallagher and other grassroots political activists are reshaping the political landscape this fall. Already, many of them, political outsiders, have won primaries in upsets to the Democratic establishment. It’s been thrilling and uplifting to watch them change our rancid political order.
Democratic senators, despite their best efforts, seemed unable to stop Brett Kavanaugh. Archila and Gallagher showed the world what real power looks like.
FOCUS: Here Are Five Questions the FBI Should Ask Mark Judge About Brett Kavanaugh
Saturday, 29 September 2018 11:20
Excerpt: "A lawyer for Mark Judge has said that Judge will talk with agents from the FBI, which is reopening a background check of Brett Kavanaugh - so the question of the moment is, what information can the FBI get out of him?"
Brett Kavanaugh. (photo: Tom Williams/Getty Images)
Here Are Five Questions the FBI Should Ask Mark Judge About Brett Kavanaugh
By Peter Maass and Akela Lacy, The Intercept
29 September 18
lawyer for Mark Judge has said Judge will talk with agents from the Federal Bureau of Investigation who are reopening a background check of Brett Kavanaugh — so the question of the moment is, what information can the FBI get out of him?
Judge is in a position to know pretty much everything there is to know about whether — and how and when — Kavanaugh sexually assaulted Christine Blasey Ford in the summer of 1982. Ford has accused Kavanaugh of drunkenly trying to tear off her clothes while groping her and covering her mouth to stifle her screams during a house party in the Maryland suburbs. She has testified that Judge was also in the locked bedroom, watching and laughing as Kavanaugh attacked her. She was 15 years old at the time, and Kavanaugh and Judge were two years older.
Several other sexual assault accusations have been leveled against the Supreme Court nominee, including an account from a woman who was a student at Yale with him and told the New Yorker that Kavanaugh drunkenly exposed himself to her and forced her to touch his penis without her consent during their freshman year. But the accusation from Ford was the centerpiece of the Senate Judiciary Committee’s extraordinary hearing on Thursday, when both Ford and Kavanaugh gave their accounts (Kavanaugh strongly denied assaulting Ford or anyone). It seems likely that the FBI will focus on Ford’s story in the coming week.
That’s why Judge is so crucial — he was allegedly there. He was a close friend of Kavanaugh’s during their years together at Georgetown Preparatory School, and in a 1997 memoir of those times, Judge wrote extensively about blackout drinking, house parties and aggressive sexual contact with girls from other schools (Georgetown Prep is an all-boys Catholic school). Judge has stated in two letters to the Senate committee that he does not recall an event of the sort that Ford has described, but that is hardly the end of the story, as far as the FBI should be concerned.
Here are some of the questions the FBI should ask him.
Did you see Brett Kavanaugh assault Christine Blasey Ford?
This is an obvious question, and Judge has already provided an answer of sorts — that he can’t recall anything. In his second letter to the committee, submitted after Ford testified on Thursday, Judge wrote to the senators, “I do not recall the events described by Dr. Ford in her testimony before the U.S. Senate Judiciary Committee today. I never saw Brett act in the manner Dr. Ford describes.”
Judge wrote about his blackout drinking in his memoir, so his lack of recall, if that’s what it really is, does not mean everything. In the memoir, “Wasted: Tales of a GenX Drunk,” Judge acknowledged that “for years I did little else but drink, and slowly my brain and body deteriorated.” He recalled that on one occasion, waking up after a night of heavy drinking that he couldn’t remember, “I started to panic, terrified of what I could have done during the blackout. I could have done anything and not know it — I could have murdered somebody.”
So the obvious question is just the beginning of things.
Where were you on the night of July 1, 1982?
This has emerged as an unexpectedly key question. Earlier this month, Kavanaugh released copies of his calendars from the summer of 1982, to show that he was away for much of the time and did not have a lot of nights on which he might have attended a gathering of the sort described by Ford. But a slightly offhand remark by Ford has turned the calendars from exculpatory to potentially incriminating.
The date of the assault is a matter of controversy. The fact that Ford hasn’t been able to pinpoint it — she has said it was sometime in the summer of 1982 — has given weight to suggestions that her memory is unreliable or the attack didn’t happen. But in her testimony to the Senate, Ford mentioned that about six to eight weeks after the assault, she ran into Judge at the Potomac Village Safeway where he was working. “I could be more helpful to everyone if I knew the date [Mark Judge] worked at the Safeway,” she said.
As it happens, Judge wrote in his book that in the summer of 1982 he worked for a few weeks at a supermarket, to earn money for football camp. Camp started on August 22, according to Kavanaugh’s calendar. That would put Judge’s supermarket work in early to mid-August. As it turns out, there’s an entry on Kavanaugh’s calendar for July 1 — about six weeks before Ford saw Judge in the Safeway — in which Kavanaugh noted an outing with several of his male friends. “Go to Timmy’s for skis w/ Judge, Tom, PJ, Bernie, Squi,” it says. Kavanaugh said in his testimony that “skis” was short for brewskis — beer — and he gave the full names for that evening’s participants.
Ford has testified that at the small party where she was assaulted, four boys were present — “Brett Kavanaugh, Mark Judge, a boy named P.J., and one other boy whose name I cannot recall.” The July 1 entry on Kavanaugh’s calendar shows that he intended to go out with Judge, PJ (whose full name is Patrick J. Smyth), and two others. That largely overlaps with Ford’s description of who was present during the assault.
At the dramatic Judiciary Committee meeting on Friday, during which the divided committee voted to send Kavanaugh’s nomination to the floor of the House, albeit with the demand, from Republican Sen. Jeff Flake of Arizona, that the FBI reopen its background check, Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse, D-R.I., held up a blowup of the calendar and asked a key question. “This may, may be powerful corroborating evidence that the assault happened, that it happened that day, and that it happened in that place,” Whitehouse said. “But with no FBI investigation, we can’t tell.”
As it happens, July 1 was a Thursday, the start of a long weekend for Independence Day. Both Kavanaugh and Judge’s pages in their 1983 yearbook reference surviving July 4. The year wasn’t specified, but 1982 would have been the most recent one. It would appear that the long weekend of July 1-4, 1982, was remarkable for them. That’s why the FBI might well want to ask Judge what happened during this weekend.
When Brett Kavanaugh drank a lot, did he lose control?
Kavanaugh has insisted that he has never blacked out or passed out from drinking, and that he never engaged in inappropriate behavior with girls. But if the accusations against him are to be believed — and there are several — he displayed a pattern in his youth of inebriated and wrong conduct. Judge would know if there was such a pattern.
Nearly the entirety of Judge’s book is about excessive drinking with his adolescent buddies. There is no mention of Brett Kavanaugh in the book — Judge did not use real names — but there is a passage where a “Bart O’Kavanaugh” is described as passing out in the back of a car after vomiting from drinking too much. (Kavanaugh, asked at the hearing whether this was him, said the question should be directed to Judge.) Kavanaugh acknowledged that he was friendly with Judge in high school, and their yearbook pages indicate no shortage of familiarity, containing several shoutouts to each other — for instance, they both mention “100 kegs,” which Judge described, in his book, as an annual beer drinking target.
Judge wrote of a constant mixing with girls from nearby private schools at alcohol-laden parties. He described their “beach week” getaways at the end of the school year as a “week-long bacchanalia of drinking and sex, or at least attempts at sex.” It was during a beach week in the summer of 1981 that he referenced the passed-out “Bart O’Kavanaugh.” Judged added in the book, “Most of the time, everyone, including the girls, was drunk. If you could breathe and walk at the same time, you could hook up with someone. This did not mean going all the way — for the most part, these girls held to the beliefs of their very conservative families but after a year spent in school without girls, heavy petting was a virtual orgy.” He also described, in another passage, how he threw a party at his house when his parents were away and found, after nearly everyone had left, a drunken girl sobbing in an upstairs bathroom behind a locked door.
One of the accusations against Kavanaugh — when he was a freshman at Yale — represents a criminal extension of the kind of partying and behavior that Judge wrote about during their high school years. According to the New Yorker, a woman named Deborah Ramirez told Senate investigators that during their freshman year, at a party in their dormitory, Kavanaugh “had exposed himself at a drunken dormitory party, thrust his penis in her face, and caused her to touch it without her consent as she pushed him away.” Ramirez told the New Yorker that she was “embarrassed and ashamed and humiliated.” The magazine reported that she remembered Kavanaugh’s behavior as the episode came to an end. “Brett was laughing,” she said. “I can still see his face, and his hips coming forward, like when you pull up your pants.”
What does ‘boofed’ mean?
This sounds like a ridiculous question, but it’s not entirely. On their yearbook pages, Kavanaugh and Judge asked whether the other had, as they put it, “boofed.” There has been a lot of discussion about what this might mean, with suggestions that it might not be an activity that would be flattering for a prospective Supreme Court justice to have engaged in, even in his teenage years. The New Yorker has asked, for instance, whether it might refer to “the practice of anally ingesting alcohol or drugs.” There have been other suggestions. In the hearing on Thursday, Kavanaugh said “boofed” was a reference to farting. “If we want to talk about flatulence at age 16 on a yearbook page, I’m game,” he said, disapprovingly.
There has been a lot of skepticism over whether Kavanaugh was telling the truth about this. As Vox put it, “He says ‘boofing’ is about farting and ‘Devil’s Triangle’ is a drinking game. Many people don’t believe him.” Ordinarily, it wouldn’t be a big deal if someone fibbed in a job interview about embarrassing entries in their high school yearbook. But Kavanaugh was testifying under oath, and he is seeking a job that is extraordinary — and that ordinarily requires a high degree of public faith that the holder’s honesty can be trusted on matters small and large. Even about boofing. What’s truly perverse here is that Kavanaugh could be undone not by the allegation that he tried to rape a 15-year old girl, but that he lied about idiotic things on his yearbook page.
Did you know Christine Blasey Ford? Did Kavanaugh?
Ford has consistently said she knew Kavanaugh, though not well. “In my freshman and sophomore school years, when I was 14 and 15 years old, my group of friends intersected with Brett and his friends for a short period of time,” she told the committee on Thursday. “I had been friendly with a classmate of Brett’s for a short time during my freshman year, and it was through that connection that I attended a number of parties that Brett also attended. We did not know each other well, but I knew him and he knew me.”
Kavanaugh has sidestepped a direct response to this. In an interview with Fox News last week, he stated, “I may have met her, we did not travel in the same social circle, she was not a friend, not someone I knew.”
But Ford’s version of events was bolstered at the hearing on Thursday when she was asked how she knew Kavanaugh. She mentioned that a boy she went out with for a few months was a friend of Kavanaugh’s. She was reluctant to give his name, not wanting to draw more public scrutiny to him, but the identifying information she provided made clear that she was referring to Chris Garrett, a friend of Kavanaugh’s who went by the nickname “Squi.” Kavanaugh and Garrett were on the football team together, and there are 13 references to Garrett (as “Squi”) on Kavanaugh’s calendars.
Judge was also on the football team, and his name appears on Kavanaugh’s calendar next to Squi’s on several occasions, so Judge knew Squi too, probably quite well. This means that Judge would potentially be in a position to confirm Ford’s account that she indeed socialized with Kavanaugh.
FOCUS: The Ford-Kavanaugh Hearings Were a Case Study in GOP Misogyny
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=6853"><span class="small">Frank Rich, New York Magazine</span></a>
Saturday, 29 September 2018 11:01
Rich writes: "The hearing was a travesty, at once tragic, corrupt, and hateful. The decision of the 11 Republican men on the committee to delegate their questioning to a prosecutor Mitch McConnell called a 'female assistant' wasn't even the most outrageous aspect of the proceedings."
Meet the new, sensitive GOP. (photo: Tom Williams/Getty Images)
The Ford-Kavanaugh Hearings Were a Case Study in GOP Misogyny
By Frank Rich, New York Magazine
29 September 18
ost weeks, New York Magazine writer-at-large Frank Rich speaks with contributor Alex Carp about the biggest stories in politics and culture. Today, the Senate testimony of Christine Blasey Ford and Brett Kavanaugh.
The ways in which this shitshow was not fair are many. A fair hearing would have called witnesses, and not just Mark Judge, to testify under oath about the incidents ostensibly being adjudicated, so that their unvetted public statements could be subject to cross-examination. A fair hearing would not have subjected a sexual-assault victim to a sex-crimes prosecutor while shielding the accused from equal scrutiny. A fair hearing would not have allowed men, from the doddering, filibustering chairman Chuck Grassley to Kavanaugh himself, to interrupt, condescend to, and talk over the questioners, particularly women on the committee. A fair hearing might also have been abetted by a coordinated line of inquiry from the Democrats, who often repeated each other’s questions (netting the identical answers) instead of collaborating on a comprehensive strategy that would advance the unraveling of Kavanaugh’s dishonest defense. Indeed, the Democratic men would have been well advised — as some had suggested — to turn over most of the questioning to Amy Klobuchar and Kamala Harris, experienced prosecutors who in their allotted five minutes each drew blood and forced Kavanaugh to bare his teeth in contempt of their gender. But alas, Democratic men will also be men. Each needed his moment center stage. So instances of Kavanaugh’s lying, including those not directly related to Ford’s testimony, both in real time and in the past, went largely unmentioned and unaddressed. The Democrats also failed to debunk Kavanaugh’s repeated misrepresentation that Ford’s friend Leland Keyser had rebutted her account of what happened that summer night in 1982.
Jill Abramson, the co-author (with Jane Mayer) of Strange Justice, the definitive account of the Clarence Thomas–Anita Hill debacle, had it right when she wrote on the eve of this hearing that it had a “predetermined outcome.” Like the 1991 template, in which the showily pious Republican senator John Danforth served as a beard for his peers’ cynicism, the 2018 replay had the window dressing of its own moralistic Hamlet, Jeff Flake.
Donald Trump’s views are notoriously influenced by how things look on TV. With the country watching, how did Kavanaugh and Christine Blasey Ford do?
The Kavanaugh that emerged at the hearing understandably was much more to Trump’s liking — he dropped the Mr. Nice Guy pose and let his full Trump roar. He emerged as a bully, a screamer, a conspiracy theorist, a rabid partisan, and a guilt-free purveyor of falsehoods big and small (including about instantly Google-able definitions of sexual terms he used in his high-school yearbook).
For all his self-congratulation about the many (good-looking) women he has appointed clerks, he also behaved like an unalloyed misogynist. In his Fox News interview, he had revealed his contempt for women subtly — by stepping in to man-answer a question the interviewer posed to his wife. In the hearing, he did just what Trump would do: accusing a woman who dared question him (Klobuchar) of the accusation she had raised about him (drinking to excess). If anything, he out-Trumped Trump in one area: While Trump is a teetotaler, Kavanaugh has the personality of a raging, self-pitying, out-of-control drunk. (He seems to think drinking doesn’t count as long as it’s beer.) As he tried to shut Klobuchar down with his bullying and bellowing, it was all too easy to visualize him pushing his hand on the teenage Ford’s mouth to stop her from screaming for help during an attempted rape. It was hardly a surprise that Kavanaugh said he didn’t deign to watch Ford’s testimony.
Trump didn’t think John McCain was a hero, but he was thrilled by Kavanaugh. No wonder. Kavanaugh stood up to Ford and his other accusers as Trump has to the nearly two dozen women (we know about) who have accused him of sexual assault. In light of a NPR/PBS NewsHour/Marist pre-hearing poll showing that a majority (54 percent) of Republicans believe that Kavanaugh should be on the court even if it’s true that he assaulted women, he is the ideal Supreme Court justice for the party of Trump. We should not forget, however, that this misogynist culture ruled the GOP well before Trump came along: Grassley, Orrin Hatch, and Lindsey Graham, among so many others, were there first.
Whether in the Senate chamber or out in America, what has this hearing changed, and what has it not?
About the only positive change to come out of this hearing — and I am being facetious — is that we now know that Republican men have been carefully schooled on how to profess “respect” for female victims of sexual assault. They have become expert at intoning that they care about rape victims because they are speaking “as the father of daughters” — as if those of us who are the fathers of sons, or those men who aren’t fathers at all, needn’t give a damn about women who are abused by men. These senators’ behavior at the hearing amply demonstrated that they don’t mean a word of the flowery sentiments some strategist has forced them to memorize. As committee chairman, Grassley set the tone. “You got what you wanted — I’d think you’d be satisfied,” he snapped at Klobuchar as if she were a maidservant after she thwarted his attempt to bulldoze her. Out in the hallway during a break, Lindsey Graham “praised” Ford by calling her “a nice lady”; Hatch’s term of choice was “attractive.” The guiding principle of the hearing, subscribed to by all of these Republican senators, was that men are the victims most worthy of our sympathy in sexual assaults, not women. The grievance of white male victimization — by women, by minorities, by elites — is Trumpism at its ugliest core.
More than a quarter-century later, it feels as if very little has changed since Clarence Thomas was elevated to the court, #MeToo notwithstanding. Had Ford not been white — and from the professional class — you have to wonder whether the Republican men on the committee would have completely dropped their patently phony pretense of concern for her welfare and stabbed her in the front instead of the back. What will follow now is a national tsunami of rage much as there was after the sliming of Anita Hill. And the aggrieved will not just be those “suburban women” politicos keep pigeon-holing, but most women, and more and more men. We have to hope that this rage will sweep more women into office as it did in 1992, the so-called Year of the Woman. And sweep some women out, too, including Susan Collins, whose tired act — repeated, feckless expressions of being “concerned” about Trumpian horrors while doing nothing about them — should be punished by Maine’s voters when she’s up for reelection in 2020.
What an awful day. My colleague at Veep, the showrunner David Mandel, is a master of finding dark humor in Washington horrors, but he reflected my mood, and I imagine that of many, when he said after these hearings that “it’s starting to seem like it was an accident that the country worked as long as it did.” As I write, there’s a faint hope Kavanaugh will not make it to the Court. There’s a less faint hope that the GOP will lose control of at least one chamber of Congress in November.
But even if those battles are won, the fact remains that America has a major political party more dedicated than ever to stripping women of power by any ruthless means it can.
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