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The Banality of Brett Kavanaugh Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=46703"><span class="small">Meagan Day, Jacobin</span></a>   
Tuesday, 02 October 2018 12:55

Day writes: "The masters of the universe, it turns out, are losers. The Brett Kavanaugh hearing was a kaleidoscope of family and God and prestigious clerkships spliced with boofing and ralphing and brewskis."

Brett Kavanaugh in the Yale yearbook. (photo: White House/Wikimedia)
Brett Kavanaugh in the Yale yearbook. (photo: White House/Wikimedia)


The Banality of Brett Kavanaugh

By Meagan Day, Jacobin

02 October 18


The guys like Brett Kavanaugh who run the show have no special qualities or insights that should oblige us to put up with their bullshit. They would hate for us to realize that.

he masters of the universe, it turns out, are losers.

The Brett Kavanaugh hearing was a kaleidoscope of family and God and prestigious clerkships spliced with boofing and ralphing and brewskis. It was a thorough dressing-down. In the end, one was left with the impression of an unremarkable guy who was born on a conveyor belt to power, without much obligation to distinguish himself from his peers. On the contrary, his success was relatively guaranteed on the condition that he didn’t distinguish himself from them, that he simply play nice with the fellas — and not necessarily so nice with women — from prep school to the Ivy League to the White House and beyond.

What struck me most about yesterday’s hearing, cutting through Kavanaugh’s tone-deaf retorts and indignant whinging and his frequent professions of love for beer, is how utterly ordinary he is. This guy is juvenile, arrogant, sexist — and very familiar. It pointed to a larger truth: the people running the show are callous and dangerous, but they’re also astonishingly average. They have no irreplaceable qualities or insights that would oblige us to put up with their bullshit. They would hate for us to realize this.

It was a familiar feeling to me. The Hillary Clinton campaign was my big emperor-wears-no-clothes moment, when the mundane ineptitude of the ruling elite exposed itself and demolished whatever faith I retained in rule-by-the-most-excellent. Until then I’d entertained the latent notion that, despite the Democratic Party’s frequent refusal to stand on the side of working people, there was probably a reason its top brass were the ones in charge of battling Republicans. Because they knew how to win. Because they were in charge. It was tautological.

When I balked at yet another corporate compromise floated by the Democrats, a small voice assured me it was just an encounter with the dark arts of pragmatism. I wouldn’t understand — after all it wasn’t me who was appointed to be Hillary Clinton’s campaign manager, it was presumably someone who knew what they were doing. Their suitability to a task as critical as defeating the Right was self-evident, since they were the ones charged with the task.

That voice fell permanently quiet for me during the 2016 presidential election. Politics provides no shortage of moments such as these, when the mask of power slips and you realize the people at the top are not worthy of the respect you afford them — not just as individuals, but as a class. I suspect George W. Bush’s aggressive vacuity as he ramped up austerity and shepherded the nation into interminable war prompted similar revelations for many. But as our society continues to rear new people instilled with the belief that decisions about the fates of millions are made by those whose rarified expertise, superior talents, and impressive families qualify them to make those decisions, the illusion regenerates perpetually and must be shattered time and time again.

Perhaps the greatest threat to this illusion in all American history is Donald Trump. It’s no coincidence that popular politics are gaining new dynamism under his presidency, including the swelling ranks of the socialist left, but also the menacing flash of energy on the right. Trump is a powerful grenade tossed into the fortress of meritocracy. Obama’s Ivy League competence and cool were, for liberals who loved him but also for many who hated him, powerful reinforcement of the idea that the people at the top are there because they have some special wiring, an innate excellence. They got there because they were meant to be there, and where they are is proof of where they were always meant to be.

But Trump undoes it all. In the realm of ideology, this is Trump’s greatest threat to Obama’s legacy. Trump is a transparent jackass and an egregious bully. Worst of all, he’s unprofessional. And in that way he gives ordinary people across the political spectrum confidence in their own fitness for politics.

What dawns upon you when you bear witness to Trump — even more so than with Bush, who more closely resembles Kavanaugh in both his fatuous smugness and his more conventional unobstructed path to political power — is that the people at the helm don’t necessarily know anything special. It cannot be deduced from the mere fact of their power that they have access to a higher wisdom, beyond the grasp of commoners. The powerful aren’t sages, you realize. What they know that the rest don’t know is how to appreciate money and influence. And, most importantly, they know each other.

Kavanaugh is probably guilty of sexual assault. That’s my read, after reviewing the available testimonies and also thirty years of experience with people. But what’s really sticking for me isn’t the exceptional brutality of powerful men — the cruelty of Kavanaugh or his prep-school friends or of the fulminating Republicans who protested his mistreatment yesterday, referring to the investigation of sexual abuse allegations against a Supreme Court nominee as “unfair” and “innuendo.” No, it’s not their monstrosity that stands out. It’s their ordinary pettiness, their desperate desire to impress each other and, when the shit hits the fan, to save face together.

One got the impression from Kavanaugh’s hearing that it’s his boyhood friend Tobin, he of the home weight room, whose admiration Kavanaugh covets most of all — then, now, and forever. Many people are like this. It can sometimes be a good thing. But here’s where it differs from other types of loyalty: the reason these guys cling so tight is because they’re each other’s ticket to the top, and each other’s insurance policy once they get there. Their fidelity, their solidarity, is how they run the world in the absence of remarkable personal qualities.

The banality of Brett Kavanaugh is another data point, especially for a new generation, in the collapse of the illusion of meritocracy. On one hand I am hopeful. These points are clustering closer together, and people’s belief in the ipso facto legitimacy of the ruling elite is evaporating faster than ever before.

But I also despair. Because as long as we have a political economic system that floats chumps like Kavanaugh on wings of respectable pedigree and impressive social connections to the highest strata of society, and as long as we continue fostering in people’s hearts — even of liberals, especially liberals — the fantasy of those people’s inherent superiority, these guys will continue to have power they don’t deserve. They will continue to be in charge of monumental decisions like Roe v. Wade or Janus v. AFSCME, or going to war or eliminating social programs, or who’s guilty and who’s innocent.

And those decisions won’t be calibrated to maximize society’s well-being and prosperity. They will be meticulously triangulated to preserve club membership, to make their buddies proud — their classmates who chose to go into finance or real-estate or military weapons manufacturing instead of politics. The illusion that these men are prodigies instead of mere scions will prevail, because they will protect it at all costs, and so in turn will their class’s stranglehold on our society.

Shattered illusions may be a good beginning and necessary component of lasting and substantive change. But without a radical alteration of the political economic system that fast-tracks the born elite into the halls of power, they will not be enough.

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RSN: Brett Kavanaugh Is Long Past His Sell-by Date as a Credible Human Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=20877"><span class="small">William Boardman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Tuesday, 02 October 2018 11:55

Boardman writes: "When Jeff Flake says he's been talking with people on the other side about doing due diligence regarding the Brett Kavanaugh Supreme Court nomination, that's the sound of hypocrisy talking. Flake's party destroyed due diligence the moment it decided to keep most of the records of Kavanaugh's government service secret."

Brett Kavanaugh. (photo: Erin Schaff/NYT)
Brett Kavanaugh. (photo: Erin Schaff/NYT)


Brett Kavanaugh Is Long Past His Sell-by Date as a Credible Human

By William Boardman, Reader Supported News

02 October 18

 

I have been speaking with a number of people on the other side. We’ve had conversations ongoing for a while with regard to making sure that we do due diligence here….

Senator Jeff Flake, Arizona Republican, September 28, 2018

hen Jeff Flake says he’s been talking with people on the other side about doing due diligence regarding the Brett Kavanaugh Supreme Court nomination, that’s the sound of hypocrisy talking. Flake’s party destroyed due diligence the moment it decided to keep most of the records of Kavanaugh’s government service secret. Think about that. It doesn’t seem the Democrats thought much about it. They made some token complaints before rolling over and saying, in effect, that’s OK, this guy worked for the executive branch on polarizing, partisan issues for years, but we don’t really need to know what he did even though taxpayers were paying him to do it. Seriously, whatever his involvement with Vince Foster’s suicide or the Starr investigation into Monica Lewinsky or shutting down the vote count in the 2000 election or building a bogus case for an illegal war in Iraq or developing justifications for torture and other war crimes, we don’t need to know about any of that. And so we don’t.

A bipartisan conspiracy of silence was treated as a reasonable approach to vetting a chronic liar whose known views would take this country in the opposite direction from where a majority of the people appear to want it to go. With that corrupt two-party bargain in place, the risk of an actual, factual record for the candidate was too great a risk to take. And then Dr. Christine Blasey Ford finally emerged with a credible tale of Kavanaugh and Mark Judge, both drunk and laughing hysterically, trying to rape her in an eerie enactment of a “devil’s triangle” (which Kavanaugh, with presumably unintended irony, would later testify falsely was a “drinking game” – a game for the drinkers, perhaps, but not so much the victim). This was one of the lesser dark areas of Kavanaugh’s case that persuaded Jeff Flake to play both sides of the aisle to no clear purpose (continuing his September 28 statement):

And I think it would be proper to delay the floor vote for up to, but not more than, one week in order to let the FBI continue—to do an investigation, limited in time and scope, to the current allegations that are there, and limited in time to no more than one week….

Acting as if he were proposing something brave, Flake suggested postponing the floor vote, not the committee vote, a gesture that is so antithetical to itself as to be a moral cypher. If there is reason to postpone the floor vote, then there is at least as much reason to postpone the committee. The committee vote by definition pre-judges the floor vote. The committee vote maintains the nomination’s momentum, even as Flake pretends to pause for reflection while the FBI investigates.

But his proposal isn’t a good faith postponement. Flake does not seek a serious, credible FBI investigation that follows the facts wherever they might lead. Acting in patent bad faith, he calls for an investigation of limited time and scope, conditions that increase the likelihood of an inadequate investigation. And Flake calls for an investigation limited “to the current allegations,” which is tantamount to calling for a cover-up of any future allegations, or any further allegations developing out of current allegations. Having called for a process that could appear as fairness without significant risk of actual fairness, Flake concluded his statement:

And I will vote to advance the bill to the floor with that understanding.

Flake’s fellow Republicans professed to be shocked – shocked! – by his resort to subterfuge while moving the Kavanaugh nomination forward. Then they promptly went along with it. As did the president, with a still secret order implementing it. Flake may have imagined himself as the subject of a profile in courage, even though his action accomplished nothing. It was a profile in cowardice cloaked in hypocrisy. Little wonder this plan has been unraveling almost since it was put in place. Actual courage would have led Flake to vote against sending the nomination to the floor of the Senate until all Kavanaugh’s dishonesties, anger issues, and judicial temperament questions had been satisfactorily answered. A relatively simple example, when Kavanaugh says in his opening statement under oath:

Dr. Ford’s allegation is not merely uncorroborated, it is refuted by the very people she says were there, including by a longtime friend of hers. Refuted. 

This is false. None of Dr. Ford’s allegations were refuted by anyone. Dr. Ford’s allegations have not been effectively rebutted by anyone. Kavanaugh has denied them. His supporters have said, in effect, I can’t imagine he’d do such a thing. But there is NO evidence that counters Dr. Ford’s allegations. And Kavanaugh knows that: right before claiming “refutation” Kavanaugh himself acknowledged that “the very people she says were there” have all said they don’t remember anything. Kavanaugh doesn’t mention that the “longtime friend” has said she believes Dr. Ford.

Why does this matter?

Any decent judge should know the difference between “refute” and “rebut,” and should take care not to assert refutation where none exists. If Kavanaugh is deliberately lying here, that should be disqualifying for service on the Supreme Court, or any court. If Kavanaugh is not lying, the dishonesty with which he presents and evaluates evidence should be disqualifying for his holding any judgeship.

Kavanaugh made a point of saying he wrote his own opening statement, with help from no one. He says he showed it to one former law clerk (who apparently had nothing to say about the misuse of “refute”). Kavanaugh insisted that it was all his own work, as was this passage:

This whole two-week effort has been a calculated and orchestrated political hit, fueled with apparent pent-up anger about President Trump and the 2016 election, fear that has been unfairly stoked about my judicial record, revenge on behalf of the Clintons and millions of dollars in money from outside left-wing opposition groups.

That’s a pretty remarkable charge for a sitting judge to make without offering any supporting evidence. The record suggests it’s not entirely true (at best), since Dr. Ford tried to come forward in July, when Kavanaugh first appeared on the short list of possible nominees. The fact that Dr. Ford’s name was not public until September 17 was not her doing, and nothing in the record supports the notion that these events were “a calculated and orchestrated political hit.” Kavanaugh’s statement here smacks of raw, right-wing partisanship based not on fact but bias.

We do not want any more judges acting on bias rather than facts. We should have the FBI investigate Kavanaugh’s fervent claims. We should begin by believing him. We should provide a public hearing in which he may put forward any factual basis for his claim that he is the victim of an attempted political rape by unnamed attackers.

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William M. Boardman has over 40 years experience in theatre, radio, TV, print journalism, and non-fiction, including 20 years in the Vermont judiciary. He has received honors from Writers Guild of America, Corporation for Public Broadcasting, Vermont Life magazine, and an Emmy Award nomination from the Academy of Television Arts and Sciences.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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FOCUS: Top Five Signs Kavanaugh Might Have Been a Mean, Black-Out Drunk Capable of Anything Print
Tuesday, 02 October 2018 10:40

Cole writes: "George W. Bush is supporting Brett Kavanaugh's nomination. But Bush is more honest than the judge."

Judge Brett Kavanaugh during the Senate Judiciary Committee hearing testimony. (photo: Getty Images)
Judge Brett Kavanaugh during the Senate Judiciary Committee hearing testimony. (photo: Getty Images)


Top Five Signs Kavanaugh Might Have Been a Mean, Black-Out Drunk Capable of Anything

By Juan Cole, Informed Comment

02 October 18

 

eorge W. Bush is supporting Brett Kavanaugh’s nomination. But Bush is more honest than the judge. He was asked by journalists during one of his campaigns if he had ever used cocaine. He made waves when he declined to answer the question. He later admitted that the reason he did not answer was that he had been a heavy drinker for years, and he couldn’t really know the answer: “The media won’t let go of these ridiculous cocaine rumors,” Scott McClellan heard Bush say. “You know, the truth is I honestly don’t remember whether I tried it or not. We had some pretty wild parties back in the day, and I just don’t remember.”

For obvious reasons, Kavanaugh could not reply that way to Dr. Christine Blasey Ford, but likely he should have, if he were honest with himself and with us.

For several reasons, it matters whether Brett Kavanaugh was a stumbling drunk who drank himself into a stupor in high school and at Yale. The allegation, by the way, is not that he was an alcoholic necessarily, but that on weekends he and his friends engaged in binge drinking. Alcoholics will drink alone and on a Tuesday. Kavanaugh drank socially, you could almost say as a pack ritual. Kavanaugh could not have succeeded academically or done sports if he were an alcoholic. But Saturday nights anyone could get away with binge drinking and be sober enough on Monday to get back to work.

The first reason it matters is that he denied it under oath before the Senate Judiciary Committee. If he was lying about it, he shouldn’t be on the bench.

The second reason it matters is that if he did drink to excess, it makes it more plausible that he occasionally did thinks while drunk that would be characteristic of a diminution of inhibitions. The story Deborah Ramirez tells about a drunk Kavanaugh exposing himself to her at a party and her having to push his penis away from her face is precisely the sort of thing that a binge-drunk young man might do.

I actually don’t think binge drinking can explain the incident alleged by Dr. Christine Blasey Ford at a high school house party. It seems clear that Kavanaugh and Mark Judge, if Blasey Ford is right, had set up an ambush for any girl who came up to use the bathroom, such that they could hustle her into the bedroom and get her down on the bed with their body weight above her. This tactic shows premeditation and careful planning, and it is highly unlikely to have been the sort of thing that happened only once. Girls at these parties were plied with liquor, in hopes that they wouldn’t be in a position to protest, or perhaps to remember what happened very well. There is something Cosby-like about the criminal arrangement Blasey Ford accused Kavanaugh and Judge of arranging.

While establishing that Kavanaugh binge drank does not in and of itself prove that he engaged in sexual assault, it does impeach his testimony and lend credence to his accusers.

Here are five eye witness accounts, one a police document, that I am persuaded establish beyond doubt that Kavanaugh binge drank and was an aggressive, mean drunk and that he lost control of his inhibitions:

1. James Roche was Kavanaugh’s roommate in the Fall of 1983 at Yale. He issued a statement saying,

    “I was Brett Kavanaugh’s roommate at Yale University in the Fall of 1983. We shared a two-bedroom unit in the basement of Lawrence Hall on the Old Campus. Despite our living conditions, Brett and I did not socialize beyond the first few days of freshman year. We talked at night as freshman roommates do and I would see him as he returned from nights out with his friends. It is from this experience that I concluded that although Brett was normally reserved, he was a notably heavy drinker, even by the standards of the time, and that he became aggressive and belligerent when he was very drunk. I did not observe the specific incident in question, but I do remember Brett frequently drinking excessively and becoming incoherently drunk.”

Roche is the CEO of Helix Re, a software company in San Francisco. He says he was friends with accuser Deborah Ramirez.

2, Lisa Miller at The Cut talked to a third person who was with Roche and Kavanaugh in a 3-bedroom complex at Lawrence Hall. Kit Winter says that Roche was not much of a drinker but that Kavanaugh and his frat friends drank so much that they made the shared bathroom impossible to use for all the vomit. Kavanaugh and his circle, who were “loud, obnoxious frat boy-like drunks” were constantly puking in it. Winter told Miller:

    “There was a lot of vomit in the bathroom. No one ever cleaned it up. It was disgusting. It wasn’t incidental. It wasn’t, ‘Oh, this weekend someone puked in the bathroom.’ People were constantly puking in the bathroom. Constantly.”

Lori Adams, a friend of Winter’s at that time, told Miller she remembered the horror show of the bathroom.

3. The Week summarizes a CNN appearance by a Kavanaugh classmate at Yale. Lynn Brookes, a Republican who used to go drinking with Kavanaugh as an undergraduate at Yale, was so disturbed by Kavanaugh’s lies before the Senate Judiciary Committee that she went on CNN with Chris Cuomo to refute them. She said:

    “I’ll tell you, Chris, I watched the whole hearing, and a number of my Yale colleagues and I were extremely disappointed in Brett Kavanaugh’s characterization of himself and the way that he evaded his excessive drinking question” and “was lying to the Senate Judiciary Committee today . . . There is no doubt in my mind that while at Yale, he was a big partier, often drank to excess, and there had to be a number of nights where he does not remember.”

She remembers him when he went to pledge at a fraternity as “stumbling drunk, in a ridiculous costume, saying really dumb things,” and is sure he doesn’t have a clear recollection of that night.

Brookes is unimpressed by Kavanaugh’s assertion that he couldn’t have been that heavy a drinker at Yale because he did well in classes and was an athlete. She points out, “I studied really hard, too . . . I went to Wharton business school, I did very well at Yale, I also drank to excess many nights with Brett Kavanaugh.”

The Week notes, “She recounted a party where Kavanaugh and Chris Dudley, one of his character witnesses, humiliated a female student by barging in on her in a compromising position.”

I am hoping the FBI will talk to Brookes and moreover I think we’d all like to know more about what this last sentence means, exactly.

4. Chad Ludington, one of Kavanaugh’s classmates and drinking buddies at Yale, has given an interview in which he said, “The fact is, at Yale, and I can speak to no other times, Brett was a frequent drinker, and a heavy drinker . . . I know, because, specially in our first two years of college, I often drank with him. On many occasions I heard Brett slur his words and saw him staggering from alcohol consumption, not all of which was beer. . . When Brett got drunk, he was often belligerent and aggressive.” Ludington is Teaching Associate Professor in the History Department at North Carolina State University and has a great deal of academic credibility to lose if he were to misstate the case. As it turns out, he told an anecdote about Kavanaugh brawling in a bar and it turns out that the NYC was able to unearth a police report:

5. At the Demery’s bar in New Haven in 1985, Kavanugh and his friend annoyed a patron by staring at him, thinking he might be a rock star, and he told them what to do with themselves. Kavanaugh is alleged to have thrown his beer in the man’s face and to have thrown ice on people. The incident generated a police visit and report in which Kavanaugh was questioned.

All these people are not lying. Some don’t even know one another. Some are Republicans. Kavanaugh lied to the Senate. That is perjury. And he cannot be sure of what he did or didn’t do.

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All the Ways a Justice Kavanaugh Would Have to Recuse Himself Print
Tuesday, 02 October 2018 08:31

Tribe writes: "Given his blatant partisanship and personal animosity toward liberals, how could he be an effective member of the Supreme Court?"

Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh. (photo: AP)
Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanaugh. (photo: AP)


All the Ways a Justice Kavanaugh Would Have to Recuse Himself

By Laurence H. Tribe, The New York Times

02 October 18


Given his blatant partisanship and personal animosity toward liberals, how could he be an effective member of the Supreme Court?

uch might be said about Judge Brett Kavanaugh’s possible confirmation to the Supreme Court: in terms of his still only partly disclosed professional record, the allegations of sexual assault and his candor, or lack of it, in testifying before the Senate Judiciary Committee.

But apart from all that — and apart from whatever the reopened F.B.I. investigation might reveal — the judge himself has unwittingly provided the most compelling argument against his elevation to that court.

His intemperate personal attacks on members of the Senate Judiciary Committee and his partisan tirades against what he derided as a conspiracy of liberal political enemies guilty of a “calculated and orchestrated political hit” do more than simply display a strikingly injudicious temperament. They disqualify him from participating in a wide range of the cases that may come before the Supreme Court: cases involving individuals or groups that Judge Kavanaugh has now singled out, under oath and in front of the entire nation, as implacable adversaries.

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Coal's Open Wounds in Colombia Print
Tuesday, 02 October 2018 08:18

Excerpt: "The word used in La Guajira to refer to the open coal pits is 'tajo,' Spanish for cut or gash, because the pits look like wounds carved into the surface of the landscape. A deep tajo is also called a herida (wound), a testament to the profound physical and emotional suffering the communities in La Guajira endure."

Mining operations at one of the Cerrejón pits. (photo: El Espectador)
Mining operations at one of the Cerrejón pits. (photo: El Espectador)


Coal's Open Wounds in Colombia

By Hilda Lloréns and Ruth Santiago, NACLA

02 October 18


Coal mining in La Guajira, Colombia, has caused widespread devastation—physical, environmental, and cultural—for Indigenous and Afro-descendant communities. It is time for it to end.

e spotted the deep, wide gashes cut into the earth of Colombia’s coast from 20,000 feet in the air. The extraordinary birds-eye view of the massive pits was our first encounter with La Guajira’s open-pit coal mine, Cerrejón, and our first clue that coal is not just “big business”— it is colossal business. From our point of view, Cerrejón’s visual impact also made us—two Puerto Rican anti-coal activists on a mission to understand the environmental, social, and cultural impacts of coal extraction—contemplate our own smallness.

The word used in La Guajira to refer to the open coal pits is “tajo,” Spanish for cut or gash, because the pits look like wounds carved into the surface of the landscape. A deep tajo is also called a herida (wound), a testament to the profound physical and emotional suffering the communities in La Guajira endure. Cerrejón, the world’s largest open-pit coal mine, is owned by multinational mining giants Anglo American, BHP, and Glencore. Its arrival to the region nearly four decades ago has caused irreparable harm to the environment, landscape, and the people who live there, including upending their farming livelihoods, causing widespread air and water contamination, diverting streams, and cutting the community off from its water sources.

Richard Solly from the London Mining Network aptly described the scale of Cerrejón’s operation as “massive open holes, where coal is gouged out using enormous mechanical shovels. Whatever is on the surface—woods, farmland, villages—has to be erased in order to open up the pit and get at the coal.”

Despite being resource-rich, most of the inhabitants of La Guajira, who are primarily Indigenous Wayúu and Afro-descendants, are poverty stricken. In the first three months of 2018 alone, 16 Wayúu children died from malnutrition and dehydration. A resident we spoke with referred to the area as a “pueblo de minas, pueblo en ruinas” (town with mines, town in ruins), to refer to La Guajira’s staggering levels of poverty, high rates of malnutrition, and infant mortality.

The adverse health effects impact not only residents in communities close to the mine, but also the mine workers themselves, including respiratory illnesses, cancers, bone atrophy, and frequent injuries.

The burning of coal to generate electricity has dire consequences on the environmental and individual health of communities located close to these plants. Finally, the disposal of toxic-coal ash causes birth defects, miscarriage, and cancers. This creates a sort of “death cycle” in communities and environments wherever coal is extracted, burned, and disposed.

We traveled to La Guajira with two Colombian social organizations, Fuerza de Mujeres Wayúu (Strength of Wayúu Women) and Indepaz. We were fortunate to join Aviva Chomsky, along with delegates from Witness for Peace. Over the course of four days, we visited five communities and heard testimony from six more. We also met with members of Sintracarbon, the mineworkers’ union, and attended a meeting at the Cerrejón mine with the management team, community leaders, and union representatives. What we witnessed and heard reaffirmed to us that coal is anything but clean energy—a dirty business that must be ceased.

Loss of Land, Loss of Culture

“We refer to the earth as Mother Earth because she has nourished us through the generations, ” Rogelio Ustate Arrogoces, who comes from the displaced community of Tabaco, tells us one sweltering August afternoon during our visit. “We ethnic communities, Afro-descendant and Wayúu, have always lived off of agriculture, fishing, hunting, and from herding our animals. We have a spiritual anchor to our land,” he explains.

Tabaco is a community comprised of about 700 Afro-Colombian residents who were forcefully evicted from their land by Cerrejón in 2001. Despite promises to resettle the community, for 17 years Cerrejón has left them displaced. Stripped of their homes, many have been forced to migrate to cities or out of the region altogether. “Because we have been displaced, we have lost our sacred places, our meeting places, we have lost our ancestral medicine,” Rogelio says.

Ustate Arrogoces’ words reflect the importance of traditional and local ecological knowledge for the well-being of communities and the impacts of displacement on people intimately connected to their lands. “In losing our ancestral medicine we have lost part of our lives ,” Rogelio explains. “In being forcefully displaced we have fallen into extreme poverty.”

His comments speak to a loss of traditional ecological knowledge (TEK), or local knowledge about a natural environment that forms an intrinsic element of a social group’s culture that endures, even as it changes and evolves, through generations. Such ecological knowledge is often held by peoples considered to be indigenous to a place, usually in resistance to colonialism and expansionism. These cultural traditions are grounded in a specific territory, landscape, and natural resources. This knowledge is preserved and passed down through oral and written traditions and in spiritual and cultural practices, such as in art and crafts, song, dance, ceremonies, planting, fishing, foraging, and in the preparation of traditional medicine and foods. Essential to the vitality of ancestral and traditional ecological knowledge is the maintenance of language, access to the environment and natural resources, intergenerational continuity, and the ability to practice and pass down cultural traditions without restriction.

Ustate Arrogoces stressed that land is fundamental for Afro-descendant and Indigenous communities, who cannot live out their worldview of collective wellbeing in harmony with nature without a connection to the land.  “When we don’t have our land, we don’t have buen vivir (good living),” he says.

In the case of the Afro-descendant and Indigenous communities of La Guajira, the coal mine’s extractive forces have caused irreversible damage to the social fabric of the communities affected, as well as to the natural environment. For Rogelio, the connection between loss of land and loss of culture is clear. “Any negative impacts that exists on our land also impacts our culture and the possibility for the sociocultural development of our community,” he explains. “Territory is a source of legitimacy, confidence, and strength across generations, and the loss of territory also means the loss of possibilities to develop ourselves, and to live.” 

The impacts of the mine on this cultural knowledge and spiritual well-being are pervasive. Aura Robles, the authority of the Wayúu community Paradero, explains that the more than 90-mile (150-km) train that runs adjacent to Paradero, and transports coal 24 hours a day from the mine to Puerto Bolivar on the coast disrupts dreams and disturbs residents on a spiritual level. “My mother is a dreamer and the train interrupts her dreams and she is unable to continue dreaming once she is awake,” she says. “And this is upsetting because her dreams are a source of important information for us.”

Contamination of Communities

Water quality and contamination is a major concern for affected communities. La Guajira is a semi-desert region, where water is a precious but increasingly scarce resource. Cerrejón guzzles up nearly nine million gallons (34 million liters) of water every day. After nearly four decades of mining, water sources are contaminated, and unless treated, unfit for human consumption.

Indepaz, a Colombian social justice NGO, has found that the nearby Rachería River’s water contains heavy metals such as lead, cadmium, arsenic, zinc, magnesium, iron, and barium, which endanger the health of flora, fauna, and people. Similarly, they have found that mining has had adverse impacts on the region’s air quality. Coal extraction ejects particulate matter (PM-10) and emits sulfur dioxide and nitrogen oxide into the air. These contaminants put the region’s population at greater risks of suffering respiratory illnesses and certain forms of cancers.

But mining officials have brushed off the problem, blaming local residents for polluting their own water sources. “The mine says that the contamination of our water results from our animals defecating in the water,” explains a Wayúu community authority in Charito, another community wedged beside the train tracks near Cerrejón, who wished to remain anonymous. “That feels as if they are mocking us, insulting us. How can they say such a thing when we know our animals are not causing the widespread contamination of our water, when our ancestors had animals and the water was not contaminated?”

Wayúu and Afro-descendant community members raised these issues at a recent meeting with Cerrejón itself. They voiced concerns about the lack of access to and availability of clean water for communities while the mine continues to use astronomical amounts of water every day, and accused the company of destroying clean water sources.

Cerrejón representative Gabriel Bustos denied that the mine is to blame for water contamination and scarcity and demanded proof of poor water quality.  Bustos refuted the findings of Indepaz’s report on widespread water and air contamination in the region, claiming the mining company has conducted its own study confirming its operations have not caused contamination. He instead accused communities of discarding untreated wastewater into the river and suggested that agricultural runoff could compromise water quality. Community members maintain that the potential pollution of their small-scale farming activities pales in comparison to the toxic impact of the world’s largest coal mine.

During the meeting at the mine, we witnessed the outright disregard for the community’s members’ knowledge and the placing of blame on the community for their problems. Time and again, the mine representatives contested the community member’s ecological observations with “scientific” data. This alienated community members and made them feel as if their knowledge was useless.

This is a common practice for multinational corporations, states, and even the scientific community. These sectors often construe traditional and Indigenous knowledge as “backwards,” “harmful,” “superstitious,” and “uneducated,” as scholars such as Henry P. Huntington, Robert Johannes, and Carlos G. Garcia-Quijano have reported.

Bad Neighbors

During the meeting, several Indigenous and Afro-descendant community members referred to the idea of being a good neighbor, which requires mutual respect, as a reminder to the mining company that has not acted in good faith towards the communities. In turn, the mine executives reminded the communities that the multinational company is not the state and therefore unable to fulfill all the demands made by the communities. An Afro-descendant community member from Tabaco denounced the company’s denial of responsibility.

“You are the ones who removed the communities from their territories, as such you are responsible for providing water to the communities. We had water in our communities and now you have created pits in our territories,” he says. “You cannot tell us we have to fend for ourselves now, we were living peacefully in our territories and you are the ones who came here and removed us from our land.”

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