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We Know How Trump's War Game Ends Print
Sunday, 23 December 2018 09:34

Taibbi writes: "So we're withdrawing troops from the Middle East. GOOD!"

James Mattis. (photo: Aaron P. Bernstein/Reuters)
James Mattis. (photo: Aaron P. Bernstein/Reuters)


We Know How Trump's War Game Ends

By Matt Taibbi, Rolling Stone

23 December 18


Nothing unites our political class like the threat of ending our never-ending war

o we’re withdrawing troops from the Middle East.

GOOD!

What’s the War on Terror death count by now, a half-million? How much have we spent, $5 trillion? Five-and-a-half?

For that cost, we’ve destabilized the region to the point of abject chaos, inspired millions of Muslims to hate us, and torn up the Geneva Convention and half the Constitution in pursuit of policies like torture, kidnapping, assassination-by-robot and warrantless detention.

It will be difficult for each of us to even begin to part with our share of honor in those achievements. This must be why all those talking heads on TV are going crazy.

Unless Donald Trump decides to reverse his decision to begin withdrawals from Syria and Afghanistan, cable news for the next few weeks is going to be one long Scanners marathon of exploding heads.

“Today’s decision would cheer Moscow, ISIS, and Iran!” yelped Nicole Wallace, former George W. Bush communications director.

“Maybe Trump will bring Republicans and Democrats together,” said Bill Kristol, on MSNBC, that “liberal” channel that somehow seems to be populated round the clock by ex-neocons and Pentagon dropouts.

Kristol, who has rarely ever been in the ballpark of right about anything — he once told us Iraq was going to be a “two month war” — might actually be correct.

Trump’s decisions on Syria and Afghanistan will lay bare the real distinctions in American politics. Political power in this country is not divided between right and left, and not even between rich and poor.

The real line is between a war party, and everyone else.

This is why Kristol is probably right. The Democrats’ plan until now was probably to impeach Trump in the House using at minimum some material from the Michael Cohen case involving campaign-finance violations.

That plan never had a chance to succeed in the Senate, but now, who knows? Troop withdrawals may push a collection of hawkish Republicans like Lindsey Graham, Marco Rubio, Ben Sasse and maybe even Mitch McConnell into another camp.

The departure of Defense Secretary Jim Mattis — a standard-issue Pentagon toady who’s never met an unending failure of a military engagement he didn’t like and whose resignation letter is now being celebrated as inspirational literature on the order of the Gettysburg Address or a lost epic by Auden or Eliot — sounded an emergency bell for all these clowns. The letter by Mattis, Rubio said:

“Makes it abundantly clear we are headed towards a series of grave policy errors which will endanger our nation, damage our alliances & empower our adversaries.”

Talk like this is designed to give political cover to Republican fence-sitters on Trump. That wry smile on Kristol’s face is, I’d guess, connected to the knowledge that Trump put the Senate in play by even threatening to pull the plug on our Middle Eastern misadventures.

You’ll hear all sorts of arguments today about why the withdrawals are bad. You’ll hear Trump has no plan, which is true. He never does, at least not on policy.

But we don’t exactly have a plan for staying in the Middle East, either, beyond installing a permanent garrison in a dozen countries, spending assloads of money and making ourselves permanently despised in the region as civilian deaths pile up through drone-bombings and other “surgical” actions.

You’ll hear we’re abandoning allies and inviting massacres by the likes of Turkish dictator Recep Tayyip Erdogan. If there was any evidence that our presence there would do anything but screw up the situation even more, I might consider that a real argument. At any rate, there are other solutions beyond committing American lives. We could take in more refugees, kick Turkey out of NATO, impose sanctions, etc.

As to the argument that we’re abandoning Syria to Russians — anyone who is interested in reducing Russian power should be cheering. If there’s any country in the world that equals us in its ability to botch an occupation and get run out on a bloody rail after squandering piles of treasure, it’s Russia. They may even be better at it than us. We can ask the Afghans about that on our way out of there.

The Afghan conflict became the longest military engagement in American history eight years ago. Despite myths to the contrary, Barack Obama did not enter office gung-ho to leave Afghanistan. He felt he needed to win there first, which, as anyone who’s read The Great Game knows, proved impossible. So we ended up staying throughout his presidency.

We were going to continue to stay there, and in other places, forever, because our occupations do not work, as everyone outside of Washington seems to understand.

TV talking heads will be unanimous on this subject, but the population, not so much. What polls we have suggest voters want out of the region in increasing numbers.

A Morning Consult/Politico poll from last year showed a plurality favored a troop decrease in Afghanistan, while only 5 percent wanted increases. Polls consistently show the public thinks our presence in Afghanistan has been a failure.

There’s less about how the public feels about Syria, but even there, the data doesn’t show overwhelming desire to put boots on the ground.

When Trump first ordered airstrikes in Syria over Assad’s use of chemical weapons, 70 percent favored sanctions according to Politico, while 39 percent favored sending troops. A CBS poll around that time found 45 percent wanted either no involvement period, or airstrikes and no ground troops, versus 18 percent who wanted full military involvement.

Trump is a madman, a far-right extremist and an embarrassment, but that’s not why most people in Washington hate him. It’s his foreign-policy attitudes, particularly toward NATO, that have always most offended DC burghers.

You could see the Beltway beginning to lose its mind back in the Republican primary race, when then-candidate Trump belittled America’s commitment to Middle Eastern oil states.

“Every time there’s a little ruckus, we send those ships and those planes,” he said, early in his campaign. “We get nothing. Why? They’re making a billion a day. We get nothing.”

As he got closer to the nomination, he went after neoconservative theology more explicitly.

“I don’t think we should be nation-building anymore,” he said, in March of 2016. He went on: “I watched as we built schools in Iraq and they’re blown up. We build another one, we get blown up.”

Trump was wrong about a thousand other things, but this was true. I had done a story about how military contractors spent $72 million on what was supposed to be an Iraqi police academy and delivered a pile of rubble so unusable, pedestrians made it into a toilet.

The Special Inspector General for Iraqi Reconstruction noted, “We witnessed a light fixture so full of diluted urine and feces that it would not operate.”

SIGIR found we spent over $60 billion on Iraqi reconstruction and did not significantly improve life for Iraqis. The parallel body covering Afghanistan, the Special Inspector General for Afghan Reconstruction, concluded last year that at least $15.5 billion had been wasted in that country between 2008 and 2017, and this was likely only a “fraction” of financial leakage.

Trump, after sealing the nomination, upped the ante. In the summer of 2016 he said he wasn’t sure he’d send troops to defend NATO members that didn’t pay their bills. NATO members are supposed to kick in 2 percent of GDP for their own defense. At the time, only four NATO members (Estonia, Poland, the U.K. and the U.S.) were in compliance.

Politicians went insane. How dare he ask countries to pay for their own defense! Republican House member Adam Kinzinger, a popular guest in the last 24 hours, said in July 2016 that Trump’s comments were “utterly disastrous.”

“There’s no precedent,” said Thomas Wright, a “Europe scholar” from the Brookings Institute.

When the news came after Trump’s election that he’d only read his intelligence briefings once a week instead of every day as previous presidents had dutifully done, that was it. The gloves were off at that point.

“The open disdain Trump has shown for the agencies is unprecedented,” said Patrick Skinner, a former CIA official for both George W. Bush and Obama.

All that followed, through today, has to be understood through this prism.

Trump dumped on basically every segment of the political establishment en route to Washington, running on a classic authoritarian strategy — bash the elites, pose as a populist.

However fake he was, there were portions of the political establishment that deserved abuse, the Pentagon most of all.

The Department of Defense has been a money pit for decades. It has trillions in expenditures it can’t account for, refused an audit for nearly 30 years and then failed this year (as in failed completely, zero-point-zero, not producing any coherent numbers) when one was finally funded.

We have brave and able soldiers, but their leaders are utter tools who’ve left a legacy of massacres and botched interventions around the world.

NATO? That’s an organization whose mission stopped making sense the moment the Soviet Union collapsed. We should long ago have repurposed our defense plan to focus on terrorism, cyber-crime and cyber-attacks, commercial espionage, financial security, and other threats.

Instead, we continued after the Soviet collapse to maintain a global military alliance fattened with increasingly useless carriers and fighter jets, designed to fight archaic forms of war.

NATO persisted mainly as a PR mechanism for a) justifying continued obscene defense spending levels and b) giving a patina of internationalism to America’s essentially unilateral military adventures.

We’d go into a place like Afghanistan with no real plan for leaving, and a few member nations like Estonia and France and Turkey would send troops to get shot at with us. But it was always basically Team America: World Police with supporting actors. No wonder so few of the member countries paid their dues.

Incidentally, this isn’t exactly a secret. Long before Trump, this is what Barney Frank was saying in 2010: “I think the time has come to reexamine NATO. NATO has become an excuse for other people to get America to do things.”

This has all been a giant, bloody, expensive farce, and it’s long since time we ended it.

We’ll see a lot of hand-wringing today from people who called themselves anti-war in 2002 and 2003, but now pray that the “adults in the room” keep “boots on the ground” to preserve “credibility.”

Part of this is because it’s Trump, but a bigger part is that we’ve successfully brainwashed big chunks of the population into thinking it’s normal for a country to exist in a state of permanent war, fighting in seven countries at once, spending half of all discretionary funding on defense.

It’s not. It’s insane. And we’ll never be a healthy society, or truly respected abroad, until we stop accepting it as normal.

Incidentally, I doubt Trump really follows through on this withdrawal plan. But until he changes (what passes for) his mind, watch what happens in Washington.

We’re about to have a very graphic demonstration of the near-total uniformity of the political class when it comes to the military and its role. The war party is ready for a coming-out party.

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One Year on, GOP Tax Bill Is the Gift That Keeps on Taking Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=17019"><span class="small">Adam Peck, ThinkProgress </span></a>   
Sunday, 23 December 2018 09:32

Peck writes: "In 2018, Republican lawmakers gave the American people a government shutdown for Christmas, sending roughly 800,000 federal employees home for the holidays without a paycheck. And one year ago today, workers unwrapped a tax bill that gifted the country's millionaires and billionaires even more money."

Paul Ryan. (photo: Gary Cameron/Reuters)
Paul Ryan. (photo: Gary Cameron/Reuters)


One Year on, GOP Tax Bill Is the Gift That Keeps on Taking

By Adam Peck, ThinkProgress

23 December 18


A windfall for coal barons, a lump of coal in the stockings of American workers.

n 2018, Republican lawmakers gave the American people a government shutdown for Christmas, sending roughly 800,000 federal employees home for the holidays without a paycheck. And one year ago today, workers unwrapped a tax bill that gifted the country’s millionaires and billionaires even more money.

At the time, Republicans assured the country that their bill would benefit all American workers in the long-term, leading to wage increases, larger bonuses, and a thriving economy that would lift everyone’s financial fortunes. Spoiler! Not so much.

Let’s start with the stock market, Donald Trump’s favorite economic indicator. On December 22, 2017, the Dow Jones Industrial Average closed at 24,782.29. On Friday, the final full day of trading before the Christmas recess, the DJIA closed at 22,445.37.

Friday’s performance on Wall Street — a decline of more than 400 points on the Dow — capped off the worst trading week in a decade. The last time the stock market fell by more than seven percent in a single week came during the height of the Great Recession in 2008.

With just four full trading days remaining in 2018, it is virtually assured that the stock market will close the year lower than where it began.

For many Americans though, the stock market has little direct bearing on their own financial health. So how about those bonuses workers were promised by Republicans after passage of their tax bill?

In the immediate aftermath of its signing, Republicans leapt to put out self-congratulatory press releases every time a major corporation announced it would be rewarding their employees with bonuses. Take AT&T for example. The company publicly announced a one-time $1,000 bonus for roughly 200,000 of its employees, tying it directly to the windfall it received from the tax bill. But as the union representing many of the company’s employees pointed out, that $1,000 was a far cry from the $4,000 it requested in salary increases that Republicans promised for the average American worker.

Other major corporations that offered their workers one-time bonuses very quickly reneged on their generosity by announcing layoffs weeks or sometimes even days later.

A full year later, what did the average American worker get in tax bill-funded bonuses? According to federal data released this month, they got 2 cents.

Not two percent, two pennies. If the average American worker took a five minute stroll around the neighborhood, they could probably double or even triple their average bonus increase from last year by keeping a close eye on the sidewalk for loose change.

And then there are overall wages. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, wage growth was almost nonexistent 10 months after the passage of the tax bill. The year-over-year jump in total compensation was actually greater between September 2016 and September 2017 than it was between September 2017 and September 2018.

It’s not all bad news this holiday season, though. In a handful of small pockets of the country, CEOs and investment bankers are having very happy holidays thanks to windfalls from tax breaks for the rich and executive bonuses.

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America Has No Way to Hold Accountable Someone With Kavanaugh's Power Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=15772"><span class="small">Dahlia Lithwick, Slate </span></a>   
Sunday, 23 December 2018 09:31

Lithwick writes: "But whatever the intention, Kavanaugh's threat was a chillingly ugly one, and his subsequent not-quite-apology in the Wall Street Journal was not an adequate corrective. That's why more than 2,400 law professors refused to support him after that testimony."

Judge Brett Kavanaugh during the Senate Judiciary Committee hearing testimony. (photo: Getty Images)
Judge Brett Kavanaugh during the Senate Judiciary Committee hearing testimony. (photo: Getty Images)


America Has No Way to Hold Accountable Someone With Kavanaugh's Power

By Dahlia Lithwick, Slate

23 December 18


The 83 ethics claims filed against Brett Kavanaugh that cannot be processed underscore what SCOTUS lost this year.

hat goes around comes around.”

This was a sentence in then-Judge Brett Kavanaugh’s prepared oral statement to the Senate Judiciary Committee on Sept. 27 in response to claims made by Christine Blasey Ford about an alleged sexual assault he’d participated in when they were both in high school. After he uttered these words to the committee and the world, many on the left saw this phrase as an open threat, from the nominee, to use his perch to punish those seeking “revenge on behalf of the Clintons” among the “outside left-wing opposition” and the Democratic senators who advanced the accusation. As Jonathan Chait wrote in New York magazine at the time: “Here was a man apparently threatening revenge on his political enemies, and asking for a lifetime appointment with supreme power of judicial review with which to do it.” Right before the final vote to confirm the judge, Sen. Chris Murphy, D-Connecticut, tweeted, “After I spend my 5 min today with the single copy of the FBI report I will be thinking of how Kavanaugh calls Democrats ‘embarrassments’, thinks we are engaged in conspiracy against him on behalf of the Clintons, and promises when he’s on the Court ‘what goes around comes around’.”

Reasonable people can differ. I didn’t think “what goes around comes around,” read in context, was as much a threat to punish Democrats and liberals for their accusations, as it was a promise that someday, a liberal judicial nominee will be subject to horrific and abusive scrutiny by Senate Republicans, and that nominee will deserve it. Of course, Kavanaugh knows more about how Senate Republicans already treat judicial nominees than most of us; one of the many ethics complaints leveled at him was that when he was in the White House he knowingly used emails stolen from Senate Democrats to help advance George W. Bush’s nominees. So I think we should take him at his word when he says that Republicans on the Judiciary Committee will be willing to lie and cheat to game the system.

But whatever the intention, Kavanaugh’s threat was a chillingly ugly one, and his subsequent not-quite-apology in the Wall Street Journal was not an adequate corrective. That’s why more than 2,400 law professors refused to support him after that testimony. That’s why now-retired Justice John Paul Stevens advocated, in response to Kavanaugh’s second round of remarks, that he not be confirmed. As Stevens noted after the hearings, the testimony “suggest[ed] that he has demonstrated a potential bias involving enough potential litigants before the court that he would not be able to perform his full responsibilities.” The legal test for such prejudice isn’t whether a jurist is actually biased but whether he has evinced even an appearance of bias. No reading of Kavanaugh’s opening statement can avoid the appearance of partisan political bias and the Wall Street Journal walk back did nothing beyond claiming that the judge was emotional and out of control, something we’re apparently meant to forgive with all the magnanimity he’d shown his own opponents.

This is immaterial, anyway. The real problem with the threat that “what goes around comes around” is that it’s actually a lie. There were 83 ethics claims filed against Kavanaugh during his confirmation process, the majority of them based on the judge’s conduct during the process. These claims went around and around and around again, but they never came to anything. The D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals handed them off to Chief Justice John Roberts, who in turn handed them off to a special judicial council panel of judges from the 10th U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, which—as was always expected—determined this week that while the ethics complaints leveled against Kavanaugh “are serious,” the panel must dismiss them all, because it has no statutory authority over Kavanaugh, due to the fact that he is now seated on the Supreme Court. And Supreme Court justices are not covered by the 1980 code of conduct, the Judicial Conduct and Disability Act, or by any code of conduct, because, well, they sit on the Supreme Court. So what went around, rather than coming around, simply stopped.

Again, this was not a surprise. Ongoing scholarly debate about whether the judicial conduct rules can be applied to sitting Justices as opposed to lower federal judges, or applied to conduct when the individual was a lower federal judge, suggests that there probably isn’t an easy fix here. And at this point, it’s not clear that it’s in anyone’s political interest to launch polarizing impeachment hearings against Kavanaugh, who will now serve for life.

The written complaints against him in the filings include claims that he “shouted and behaved disrespectfully” during his Senate hearings; “lowered public confidence in the courts”; lied under oath in 2006 about a Bush era wiretapping program; lied under oath about receiving documents stolen from Senate Democrats in 2002; lied about the alleged assault of Christine Blasey Ford; lied about words and references in his high school yearbook; and was “evasive, condescending and aggressive” in his Senate testimony, especially toward female senators. We do not know which of the 83 complaints was deemed “serious” by the panel. You can try to decipher it for yourself by reading through the retracted public versions, which are available here. It’s an engaging read: One complaint noted that Kavanaugh’s conduct “reflects on the legacy of every ‘judge’ in America.”

The fact that there can be no accountability despite “serious” allegations is, in some sense, the common theme of the time. It’s part of a drumbeat that insists: We cannot indict a sitting president; we cannot discipline a sitting justice. If you are untruthful for a long enough period of time, you can find your way into a job where there are no consequences for being untruthful. One can hardly blame the panel for applying the statute as written, or the chief justice for referring it to a panel that had no remedy to offer, or anyone, really, for the fact that the conduct of September had an expiration date of less than a week. One can hardly blame Ed Whelan for fundraising off his advocacy efforts after just 30 days in the naughty chair for promulgating a shameful and false doppelgänger theory. And of course the fact remains that Christine Blasey Ford has moved houses four times due to the threats against her life, which persist, while Kavanaugh is back to coaching basketball. This episode thus concludes with the same wearying lessons: The courts and the law are a serious enterprise; whatever the woman was complaining about didn’t even warrant an intellectually coherent response; her testimony was “credible” but not truthful; her claims were heartbreaking but not remediable.

Of course, to many millions of Americans, Ford’s testimony was credible and compelling and persuasive. It went unrefuted by Republican claims that she had somehow misremembered her assailant (made by Sen. Susan Collins) or was part of a hoax (made by President Donald Trump) or that LOUD SHOUTING should make it go away (made by Sen. Lindsey Graham). For so many Americans, the enduring visceral impression of September was of her authentic pain and Brett Kavanaugh’s snarling fury; the enduring visceral impression is that she wasn’t even taken seriously enough to be taken seriously.

The 83 letters of complaint just filed in the “oh well” bin of federal judicial history give voice to this discrepancy: They make clear that the public conviction that something profoundly disturbing had happened has now been “resolved” only because it has been papered over. That papering over of the truth was a team effort, bolstered by the White House, Fox News, Senate Republicans, and now the federal judicial branch. The suffering of one man, so furious at being called to account that he chose to undermine the independence and integrity of the courts, became the story that carried the day. The woman herself was an anomaly that didn’t warrant a real probe.

But that didn’t make it disappear. For the young female law students who can’t understand why they are still bothering with law school, the sexual assault survivors still traumatized by the events of the fall, the millions of victims wondering whether it will ever be worth it to report abuse by the powerful, and everyone else who is still reeling at what all happened in September, this public corroboration that the federal judicial branch has no mechanism to police the federal judicial branch is just another bruise on a still-open wound. In September, horrified Americans heard from Senate Republicans that Ford’s testimony was not all that serious and so there would be no consequences. This week, they heard that the conduct alleged was “serious” and also that there would be no consequences. The lesson is depressingly clear: When you are powerful enough, what goes around eventually doesn’t come around. It just goes away.

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RSN: Climate Crisis Goes Unabated, Nations Most Responsible Still Anti-Future Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=20877"><span class="small">William Boardman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Saturday, 22 December 2018 13:34

Boardman writes: "Some people say that I should study to become a climate scientist so that I can 'solve' the climate crisis. But the climate crisis has already been solved. We already have all the facts and solutions."

The COP24 gathering in Katowice, Poland. (photo: BBVA)
The COP24 gathering in Katowice, Poland. (photo: BBVA)


Climate Crisis Goes Unabated, Nations Most Responsible Still Anti-Future

By William Boardman, Reader Supported News

22 December 18


Some people say that I should study to become a climate scientist so that I can “solve” the climate crisis. But the climate crisis has already been solved. We already have all the facts and solutions. And why should I be studying for a future that soon may be no more, when no one is doing anything to save that future? And what is the point of learning facts when the most important facts clearly mean nothing to our society?

Today we use 100 million barrels of oil every single day. There are no politics to change that. There are no rules to keep that oil in the ground. So we can no longer save the world by playing by the rules, because the rules have to be changed. So we have not come here to beg the world leaders to care for our future. They have ignored us in the past, and they will ignore us again. We have come here to let them know that change is coming, whether they like it or not. The people will rise to the challenge. And since our leaders are behaving like children, we will have to take the responsibility they should have taken long ago.

Greta Thunberg of Sweden, age 15, addressing COP24,
the 24th Conference of Parties to the United Nations
Framework Convention on Climate Change


appy talk news coverage of COP24 accomplishments tends to prattle on about how 196 nations have agreed on a “rule book” that will help implement the 2015 Paris Agreement to begin cutting back on greenhouse gasses worldwide in an effort to limit the damage of the climate crisis already well underway. This is not bad news. It’s not really news at all. The highly technical “rule book” may add clarity to what 195 nations are doing or not doing to mitigate global warming, but it is no more enforceable than the Paris Agreement. The response to the global climate crisis continues to be voluntary, with the world’s most useful volunteers refusing to step up. Global greenhouse gas emissions increased in 2017 and are increasing again in 2018. None of this is new, nor is it necessarily an unalterable omen of planetary doom. But to head off the worst of this creeping catastrophe, major nations will need to change their behavior enough to have global impact. That is still a long, long way from happening. The US is in the retrograde vanguard, along with China, Russia, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, and other oil-producing states.

The history of the world’s limp response to climate change is an old, consistent story, since long before it reached crisis proportions. Human impact on climate was recognized as early as 1847, in a speech by Whig congressman George Perkins Marsh in a talk before the Agricultural Society of Rutland County, Vermont. His observations were largely cautionary, the kind of environmental concern that was ignored by the industrial revolution for a century, until there were too many toxic waste streams and Superfund sites to ignore, so the costs were passed on to the victims as much as guilty corporations and their quisling political flunkies could manage. It’s the same game with the climate crisis; those responsible avoid accountability at whatever cost to anyone but themselves. At COP24, 191 nations were eager to adopt the latest UN climate report that gives the world roughly 12 years to head off the worst effects of the climate crisis. This simple acknowledgement of the best current science available was blocked by the coercion of the US, Russia, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait. The power politics of denial, led by the US, not only slows any rational response to continued warming, these politics encourage unchecked pursuit of the profitable but globally destructive practices that created the crisis in the first place.

As an example, take the 100 million barrels of oil the world uses every day, referred to by Greta Thornberg (above). Leaving those 100 million barrels in the ground, day after day after day, year after year, would accrue to the health and welfare of billions of people over decades if not centuries. By contrast, a few people, maybe a few thousand people in the oil and gas industry will die before they forego the profit from using every last drop no matter what carnage they cause. In a very real sense, the traditional energy industry is a calculating mafia for whom killing people isn’t mass murder, it’s just a cost of doing business, and the beauty part is that it’s a cost they don’t even have to pay.

The UN’s Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change isn’t the only credible scientific body warning of the deepening climate crisis. The US government’s official 1596-page National Climate Assessment released in November also sounds alarms that increased warming will cost the US billions of dollars and millions of lives. The White House has rejected it and the president said, “I don’t believe it.” All the same, the evidence is clear, the science is sound, the crisis is real. UN Secretary General António Guterres spoke urgently and lucidly to the COP24 gathering in Katowice, Poland, delivering in his own words essentially the same message as 15-year-old Greta Thornberg – that addressing and ameliorating climate change is not only necessary but entirely possible:

We have the ways. What we need is the political will to move forward…. Failing here in Katowice would send a disastrous message to those who stand ready to shift to a green economy.

To waste this opportunity would compromise our last best chance to stop runaway climate change. It would not only be immoral, it would be suicidal.

COP24 was neither a failure nor a success. Insofar as the “rule book” was adopted, that’s positive, but perhaps a Pyrrhic victory. There’s little reason to think that enough of the nations that pose the major threats to the planet are even close to changing their practices sufficiently to make any real difference. There is no reason to expect any reduction in global emissions, which is necessary to mitigate the climate crisis. In the near term, global emissions are going to continue to increase and the only possible good news will be slowing the rate of increase. That is unlikely. The US is hell-bent on burning more oil, coal, and gas as well as loosening restrictions on emissions. Canada has long-term plans to decarbonize its economy, but for now it is rushing to capitalize on its tar sands oil. According to the Union of Concerned Scientists, China has become the largest national greenhouse gas producer (once #1, the US is now #2) and that’s unlikely to change. Australia is committed to more coal. Brazil is committed to agribusiness at the expense of the Amazon rainforest. Germany is still hooked on coal. And Poland, which hosted COP24, plans to continue to rely on coal. The #3 polluting nation, India, is committed to using coal to bring electricity to hundreds of millions of its people. The #4 polluting nation, Russia, relies heavily on coal and oil. And so it is across the industrialized world where no one wants to get too far from the herd as it ambles toward the cliff. 

Precise measurements of particular greenhouse gasses from particular sources are hard to come by and mostly don’t exist because the world is a tricky place to measure with precision. But the scale of the problem doesn’t seem to be a mystery. More than half the climate-warming emissions come from China, the US, and the European Union (add India, Russia, and Japan and that’s close to 70% of the total). In other words, there’s little the rest of the world can do to make much difference. And right now there’s no major national leadership anywhere committed to reducing greenhouse gas emissions enough to avert catastrophic warming. The US is deliberately heading for destruction, burning all the fossil fuels it can find. Other nations have a more mixed approach (China burns more coal and has more solar panels than anyone else by wide margins), but collectively it’s nowhere near enough to keep the climate crisis from deepening.   

Globally, some 70% of greenhouse gasses are created by the energy sector of the economy – primarily electricity generation, transportation, heating/cooling, and industrial processes. Of those, electricity and transportation are the worst offenders. That’s why solar panels and windmills matter so much (even when discounted for the industrial production emissions). The scale of the problem is huge and hard to grasp. But the laws of physics as applied to greenhouse gasses have brought us to a reality where the control and reduction of a planetary threat is understood and could be implemented, albeit with great difficulty and cultural stress. The main barrier to preserving a livable planet is the intellectual pollution of right-wing and corporatist ideologues who claim reality is a hoax. That’s how the official US delegation ends up going to the climate change conference to promote using more coal. Self-preservation is the enemy of the profitable.

In a culture of equal treatment for disinformation, it’s little wonder an organization like 350.org has trouble getting heard beyond its committed minority. Founded in 2008, 350.0rg refers to the presumed reasonable concentration of CO2 (carbon dioxide) in the atmosphere of 350 parts per million (ppm). In 2008, that reasonable level had long since been passed. In the 1880s, early in the industrial revolution, the CO2 level in the atmosphere was around 280 ppm. By 2008 the concentration was 386 ppm. Today CO2 concentration in the atmosphere is over 400 ppm and climbing. In its simplest terms, this is a clear crime against humanity (as well as a suicidal gesture). Perhaps it’s time to start thinking of the climate crisis as a crime and the world as a crime scene. Then we’d need to figure out a way to round up the perpetrators. We know who they are.

As they were fond of saying back in the day: things are going to get a lot worse before they start getting worse.

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William M. Boardman has over 40 years experience in theatre, radio, TV, print journalism, and non-fiction, including 20 years in the Vermont judiciary. He has received honors from Writers Guild of America, Corporation for Public Broadcasting, Vermont Life magazine, and an Emmy Award nomination from the Academy of Television Arts and Sciences.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez Gets It Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=39192"><span class="small">Ryan Cooper, The Week</span></a>   
Saturday, 22 December 2018 13:34

Cooper writes: "Over the next decade at most, if the United States is going to do its part in the international effort to combat the existential risk posed by climate change, it must conduct an all-out crash decarbonization program."

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. (photo: Getty Images)
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. (photo: Getty Images)


Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez Gets It

By Ryan Cooper, The Week

22 December 18

 

ver the next decade at most, if the United States is going to do its part in the international effort to combat the existential risk posed by climate change, it must conduct an all-out crash decarbonization program.

The biggest obstacle to that objective is the Republican Party. But the second-biggest is the moderate faction of the Democratic Party, which may grudgingly acknowledge climate change — and many other problems only somewhat less important — but is too corrupt and mealy-mouthed to do anything remotely sufficient about it.

That's why it's so heartening to see leftist champion Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D) considering backing a primary challenge to fellow New York Rep. Hakeem Jeffries (D), who recently beat Rep. Barbara Lee (D-Calif.) to become the Democratic caucus chair in the House of Representatives. Nothing short of an all-out political struggle will topple the centrist Democrats — or perhaps convince them to start taking these problems seriously.

Let's recall some history. Back in 2009, the Democratic Party controlled the presidency, the House, and even had a filibuster-proof majority in the Senate for a few months. For awhile, parts of the party attempted to pass a pitifully weak cap-and-trade plan (like ObamaCare, it was designed to not infuriate too many interested parties) and did get something out of the House. But it died in the Senate on the opposition of moderate Democrats.

So climate policy moved to the executive branch, where nothing much happened for over five years in large part because Obama's neoliberal regulatory czar in his first term deliberately threw sand in the gears of the entire regulatory apparatus. Then we got the Clean Power Plan, which at bottom was … another inadequate cap-and-trade scheme. Probably better than nothing, but not good enough to actually head off the problem.

And then Obama's handpicked successor lost to a reality TV buffoon, who promptly ripped up the plan.

I believe Joe Biden is right — just about anybody could beat President Trump in 2020. But America and the world cannot afford another repeat of this ignominious centrist failure. Corrupt moderate Democrats cannot be allowed to sandbag the next attempt at climate policy (or health care, or financial regulation, etc.) to please their big donor handlers or blinkered ideology.

So who is Jeffries? While he is not so bad as the Blue Dogs, he is a close ally of infamously corrupt, incompetent New York Gov. Andrew Cuomo (D), and has been for years. He's a huge fundraiser who gets virtually all of his money from large personal contributions and political committees. He's a big charter school fan — at a time when charters are increasingly unpopular among Democrats.

We should also remember that Joe Crowley — the New York machine politician that AOC beat in the first place — previously held the exact position that Jeffries now occupies. Essentially, when House Democrats lost one big money machine fundraiser, they quickly replaced him with another.

Many rank-and-file Democratic voters don't like this sort of infighting. "Can't we focus on defeating Trump?" they often ask. But not only must this happen before the party takes power again, it's also something moderates — many of whom patently loathe the left — do routinely. When Rep. Keith Ellison (D-Minn.) made a bid to be elected chairman of the Democratic National Committee in 2017, moderates stood up a candidate to run against him and pushed Islamophobic oppo research against him. In discussions about the 2020 primary, moderates are already accusing Bernie Sanders of a devious conspiracy.

And Jeffries himself beat Lee partly on the back of whispered insinuations from Crowley that Lee had donated money to AOC (she had, but only after the latter won her primary contest). Incidentally, that is a good insight into how moderate Democrats actually feel about AOC and the rest of the left, when they aren't desperately trying to appropriate some of her celebrity.

Politics ain't beanbag, as the saying goes. And given the appalling track record of moderate Democrats, they should expect nothing less. Just don't fall for this Cristiano Ronaldo shtick of taking weepy dives when the cameras are on and furiously putting the boot in when they are not.

It's going to be a fight, so let's have that fight — as AOC would have it, in fair elections.

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