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The Empire Strikes Soon: TrumpExit's Great Leap Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=6004"><span class="small">Harvey Wasserman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Monday, 24 December 2018 13:52

Wasserman writes: "A grim 'Red Line' has been crossed. But not the one Donald wants."

Special Council and former FBI director Robert S. Mueller III. (photo: AP)
Special Council and former FBI director Robert S. Mueller III. (photo: AP)


The Empire Strikes Soon: TrumpExit's Great Leap

By Harvey Wasserman, Reader Supported News

24 December 18

 

grim “Red Line” has been crossed. But not the one Donald wants.

He’s unexpectedly talking about troop withdrawals from Syria and Afghanistan, offering a welcome glimmer for peace.

But he’s also taken a Great Leap into the TrumpExit abyss.

Donald meant his “Red Line” to warn Robert Mueller away from his decades of bankruptcy, theft, and ruble-laundering.

All that’s crumbling. Mueller’s “report” so far has been a devastating onslaught of indictments and convictions.

If the new Democratic House majority pursues Trump’s tax returns and laundered mob money, calls for impeachment will become a deafening roar.

But there’s much more. Trump’s insane decision to shut the government has shaken even many Republicans. That hate-crazed banshees like Rush Limbaugh and Ann Coulter could scream down the White House is a reality too terrifying even for many at Fox “News.” Visuals of young innocents being tortured and murdered have moved the madness even deeper.

The markets have reacted. Trump now hates his recent appointee to the Federal Reserve. He even distrusts his own son-in-law, a kindred grifter if there ever was one.

But mega corporations still run the world. Many were thrilled to see Trump in the White House. Certainly they love his tax cuts.

But they equally crave stability. This madman can’t deliver. Another 1929/2008 crash could be just one deranged tweet away.

So feel safe betting that much of the deep Wall Street chatter centers on The Donald’s departure. Coded phone calls and stealth meetings may be readying Mike Pence to take the helm.

A few hundred more points off the Dow, a few billion more funneled to Trump Inc., a few trillion more down the equities drain, and the Malefactors of Great Wealth may make their move. They did, after all, plot to kill Franklin Roosevelt in 1933

But there’s now another mega-player on the scene: the Imperial Brass.

At least since World War II, the Pentagon/CIA/NSA apparatus has been a global Death Star. It tolerates no stains on its Godly Empire, foreign or domestic (see: Army/McCarthy Hearings, Bay of Pigs, 11/22/1963, 1980 October Surprise, deaths of Noriega and Saddam, and so much more).

Characteristically oblivious, Trump has bulled his way into the China Containment Shop. His cringe-worthy “welcome” speech at CIA-HQ, his insane deployment at the border, his insulting sack of “Mad Dog” Mattis … all are ticking time bombs.

Now he’s proposed pullouts from Syria and Afghanistan.

To those who work for peace, these are great gifts. To have those slaughters end and the troops come home would be a joyous liberation.

But in the eyes of our Imperial overseers, Trump is slipping Syria to his mob boss.

Likewise the “Graveyard of Empires.” If the US leaves Afghanistan, will it revert to the poppy-growing warlords who’ve ruled it for millennia? Will Putin get suckered into yet another imperial suicide?

What matters to the TrumpExit countdown is that the bankers and the Star Warriors have reason to conclude that he’s too crazy, arrogant, and unpredictable to tolerate. In the innermost circles of power, Mike Pence or even Nancy Pelosi must seem a safe harbor in a cyclone of insanity.

If The Donald had even half a brain, he’d shut up and duck for cover.

But he doesn’t, and he won’t. So the sound of the TrumpExit ticking may now be a fire bell on Wall Street and at the Pentagon.

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Harvey “Sluggo” Wasserman’s “Green Power & Wellness Show” is podcast at prn.fm; “California Solartopia” is broadcast at KPFK-Pacifica 90.7FM Los Angeles. His Life & Death Spiral of US History: from Deganawidah to Trump to Solartopia will be published around Earth Day, 2019.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.


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The Class Struggle in the North Pole Print
Monday, 24 December 2018 13:48

Excerpt: "What's behind Santa's bloody rise? Three leading elven labor activists offer a class analysis of the North Pole 'gift economy.'"

Coca Cola santa. (photo: Jacobin)
Coca Cola santa. (photo: Jacobin)


The Class Struggle in the North Pole

By Jacobin

24 December 18


What's behind Santa's bloody rise? Three leading elven labor activists offer a class analysis of the North Pole 'gift economy.'

he North Pole Labor Study Group was constituted by a group of Christmas elves in fall 2008. Santa Claus’s workshops had been reeling from the global economic recession. The sense of discontent among our ranks was palpable. Since then we have been meeting biweekly to develop a concrete analysis of our conditions as workers, as well as debate strategies for resistance.

The following is a document we are submitting to the group in the spirit of deepening our analysis.

The Arab Spring and the Occupy movement radicalized many elves. But it is clear that there remains uncertainty about what it will take to challenge the system of exploitation we live under. We believe that the confusion around political strategy is at least in part a product of a mistaken analysis of the class structure and dynamics of our economic system.

What is the true nature of the relationships among elves, Santa Claus and his reindeer? How were these relations first constituted and how are they reproduced?

In order to answer these questions, we first need to grapple with the dynamics of our supposed “gift economy.” While it is true that the gifts we produce are not sold, they are governed by more than social norms and custom. Warm cookies can sustain Santa’s waistline, but a manufacturer cannot survive on sugar and flour alone (unless, of course, he’s selling cookies). He still needs money to expand his workshop and to purchase new equipment or maintain ones of an older vintage.

Another issue is that our workshops depend on resources not immediately available to us in the North Pole. For a long time Santa could simply exploit our natural reserves of wood and fossil-based fuels. But as new product lines have been introduced additional materials need to be purchased on a global market.

In place of wooden toys we have increasingly had to adopt plastics in order to effectively compete in the Christmas market. This has as much to do with consumer demand as it does unit labor costs. While Santa might want to think he lives in a gift bubble, a growing share of annual Christmas presents has been privatized since the onset of the neoliberal era, made possible by increased price competition with thriving Chinese industry.

But competition has not led Santa to necessarily increase the productivity of each worker. Instead he has been able to drive down unit costs of production by more aggressively sweating the labor he already employs, or by simply adding more workers to reduce the time the workshop is left idle. As long he has surplus elf labor to draw on, as he certainly still does, we cannot expect him to be much concerned with the health and safety grievances we have filed with management.

Furthermore, gratitude only gets a businessman so far. Santa, as sole proprietor, is able to keep his finances secret. But those who have had the misfortune to work in his office have reported that letters from the Vatican and Washington have regularly arrived days before Santa announces quarterly plans for production. We can surmise that financial support from these sources, along with their yearly estimates of “nice” children, are what actually sustains our economy. It is through these external funds that Santa is able to provide the candy and shelter for which we must exchange our labor power.

But how did he come to hold such power over us? Was it through greater ingenuity or was it something more sinister?

The Rise of Santa Claus

We must remember that Santa started his life as a petty commodity producer of wooden toys. He had been a master craftsman of wood, trained by some of the best elves in the North Pole. Yet, while others had been content to exchange their wooden commodities in local markets, Santa began selling his in nearby towns.

As luck would have it, the clergy in the some industrial towns he visited saw in these scarce commodities the means to engender moral discipline in the increasing numbers of children that flooded their streets from the lower classes.

The clergy raised funds from rich patrons, as well as the middling classes, to generously compensate Santa for delivering his wooden toys as gifts to a select group of children.

As urban populations expanded and the problems facing the ruling class worsened, Santa became overwhelmed by the increased demand for his handmade toys. He initially sought to expand production by exploiting his own family, but he soon had to look for surplus labor elsewhere. But try as he might with stories of serving the greater good and helping the impoverished in distant lands, he could not compel the necessary numbers among us to labor in his workshop.

Finally, after a failed experiment with a putting-out system, Santa resorted to violence as the only means by which he could coerce us into his employ. This would not have been possible without the support of the clergy and rising bourgeoisie in the towns. With their help, Claus organized an underclass of reindeer, who have historically had tense relations with elves, by promising them economic security and social status.

Gangs of reindeer were sent out to elf villages to tear up farmland, which they were well-suited for given their antlers. The constant disruptions to food production left many of our people with no choice but to go work for Santa.

All the while, the ruling class in the towns had fabricated a story to counter the reports of violence in the hinterland that made their way to the cities. Pointing to the gifts he bestowed on the children of the town, they likened Santa to Bishop Nicholas of Smyrna — a rich man who was known to be generous with children — and depicted the reindeer as noble creatures.

But Santa is no saint and the reindeer are no friends to us. Santa violently reconstructed the old class structure in his narrow interests. He separated us from our primary means of subsistence through the coercive threat of antlers, a strategy he has had to maintain to this day in order to protect his class position.

Understanding the different class interests in our society is essential if we are going to develop an effective strategy of resisting our exploitation. Armed with such an analysis we can explain to our brothers and sisters why recent statements about a few “bad apples” among the reindeer ring hollow. They remain “Our Enemies in Antlers” as long as they serve as a bulwark of power in our society.

A class analysis also counters the dominant narrative we are fed about why Christmas elves are so willing to work for meager compensation. We did not enter his workshop because we have innate dispositions that better fit the production of toys. Nor did we leave our farms because we preferred candy to tubers.

This is a crucial point. The popular lore about us is that we gladly work for candy. But that was not by choice. Before the reindeer devastated our family plots we cultivated a diverse range of vegetables well-suited to the surrounding land. We were even recognized worldwide as experts at storing harvests in the warmer months for consumption year-round. All that has now been lost.

Our dependence on imported sugar is the result of social conditions beyond our control. And in this sense we have much more in common with the worker in the cane field than we do with the oversized exploiter who benefits off our blood, sweat, and toil.

Some have concluded that the old slogan “Workers of the world, unite!” is far too outdated for the new post-industrial reality. They have said that the working class is no longer the agent of social transformation. But this conclusion, we believe, ignores the conditions that continue to prevail in Santa’s workshops and beyond.

We hope that the above clarified some of what we see as crucial for a correct analysis of classes in the North Pole. Let the “war on Christmas” recommence on a more scientific basis.

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Last Minute Gifts? All I Want for Christmas Is No Plastic, Please Print
Monday, 24 December 2018 13:43

Kiss writes: "The US produces 25% more waste between Christmas and New Year."

The US produces 25% more waste between Christmas and New Year, an estimated 1m tons each holiday week that includes 33m trees and 2.65bn Christmas cards. (photo: Will Whipple)
The US produces 25% more waste between Christmas and New Year, an estimated 1m tons each holiday week that includes 33m trees and 2.65bn Christmas cards. (photo: Will Whipple)


Last Minute Gifts? All I Want for Christmas Is No Plastic, Please

By Jemima Kiss, Guardian UK

24 December 18


For the next few months, Jemima Kiss explores how we can all move towards a life without plastic, starting with Christmas

e all know the physical and emotional toll Christmas can take, particularly on women; it is hard bloody work. But I also enjoy making the magic happen because I love the ritual, and the nostalgia, and the gratitude. I loved it when I was a kid, when Father Christmas left sooty boot prints across our lounge carpet, crumbs of mince pies and dribbles of whisky on the floor. I loved the map he left me that Christmas morning in 1984 that led to a real bunny rabbit waiting for me downstairs. I loved my Mum’s Christmas pudding. I loved hand-making my cards. I loved giving presents. Thirtysomething years later I still love all of this, and now I unironically have Michael Bublé’s Christmas album, too.

But Christmas is also an environmental nightmare. The US produces 25% more waste between Christmas and New Year, an estimated 1m tons each holiday week that includes 33m trees, 2.65bn Christmas cards, and the packaging debris from our intensifying love affair with home delivery that will see UPS alone deliver 800m seasonal packages this year; cardboard can be recycled but not packing peanuts, air pillows or wrapping film. The $720bn consumer leviathan that is Christmas in America seems to require us to buy more, eat more, to suck up more resources than ever. It’s even noticeable from space, where Nasa’s satellite monitoring shows that US cities shine 20-50% brighter between Thanksgiving and New Year thanks to holiday lights.

A few months ago, I challenged myself to go plastic-free for a week – not buying anything made of or wrapped in petrochemicals. The experience led me to create this column, a personal look at our global plastic addiction and its effects. For the next few months, I’ll be considering how we can all move towards a life without plastic, examining everything from the synthetic fibers in our clothes to whether we can – or should – recycle our dog poop bags.

And I’m kicking it off with Christmas. This year, many of my female friends will be unwrapping beautifully made reusable cloth pads on Christmas Day. I’ve never given anyone a panty pad for Christmas before, and I’m sure it will be a first for them, too. But I included a label that explained these are made by a small women-owned business in Wisconsin called Party in My Pants that makes leakproof pads from lovely fabrics, complete with instructions to “put the nice bit against your nice bits”. Fabrics include, obviously, the periodic table, a soft fleecy starscape or unicorns. Whatever tickles your fancy.

Discovering Party in My Pants is just the latest moment of mini joy to bubble up from my personal project to cut down the amount of plastic waste our family produces. It started in June, when I wondered if we could go a week without buying any single-use plastic or plastic packaging, and quickly spiralled into Plastic Free July, and then the whole summer, and then interest and encouragement from friends and the discovery of thousands of people and small businesses all trying to work towards a goal of cutting out plastic and reducing waste. The revelation for me has been that in this age of overwhelming chaos and impending environmental disaster, it feels hugely empowering to take charge of something and make a difference in our own small way.

Early on in this project I developed the habit of questioning whether I really needed to buy something, and whether there was a plastic-free alternative. Another rule is that we reuse plastic we already have until it just falls apart, and only then put it in recycling. We refuse plastic, and reuse it, before we have to recycle it. Christmas is hard not just because there is a huge amount of plastic involved with consumerism generally, but there’s also an emotional pressure to do it right – to get the right gift, the right food, create the right experience.

I asked Robert Reed at San Francisco’s progressive, employee-owned recycling firm Recology what would encourage people to make better decisions about what they buy, and what they throw away. “I think people just need to be brave,” he said. “The fear about making a change is worse than doing it. But really it doesn’t take much courage to give up buying Christmas wrapping. You make your life simpler and get more respect from your children.”

Reed told me that the materials that cause problems are plastic-based glitter on cards and wrapping that can’t be recycled, food containers that aren’t empty or rinsed out, and those thin plastics used in delivery packaging that can’t be easily recycled and that become entangled in sorting machinery.

So, good mother elf that I am, I started my Christmas spreadsheet in October. I found out that plastic Christmas trees take 20 years to cancel out the damage caused by making them, so rather than buying a new real tree we put up our plastic Ikea tree, circa 2001. On went the tinsel and tree decorations that we shall reuse every year until they disintegrate and then replace with a non-plastic alternative.

We’re using energy efficient LED lights rather than incandescents (27w, $10 over 40 days). Homemade crackers with non-plastic, personalized gifts inside. Homemade Christmas pudding. I might even try making a panettone if I’m feeling brave.

We once had something delivered that had 12ft of brown paper around it, so I kept it and used it as my Christmas wrapping this year; part of this project necessitates a sort of Mad Maxian hoarding of potentially useful materials. I used paper string and washi tape I already had. I handmade cards using paper from a big box of scraps and spares, sewed them together and posted them to friends and family in dozens of old mismatched envelopes I’ve had for years. I know, ideally, that I’d call or email instead, but our artist family has a long-held tradition of hand-making Christmas cards that we send at year end as a small token that we are thinking of people, however busy and far away they might be.

For big presents for my closest family back home I’ve ordered tickets to great things. Mum’s going to London’s most glamorous and outrageous Christmas panto at the London Palladium, my brother’s going to see his favourite stand-up in Brighton, his girlfriend will be doing a craft course and their kids are going to a puppet show. It feels both simple and triumphantly non-material.

I asked family and friends to consider handmade or non-plastic gifts, and to email one of their favourite recipes so that we can collect them and make them throughout the year. And I spent a few evenings sewing (with no significant level of skill) dozens of mini-pillowcases from pretty leftover fabric with labels that explain these are to be taken to the supermarket and used instead of plastic bags for fruit and vegetables. I’ve already had one friend say she’s been inspired to sew a few of her own and hand these out to her friends in Bristol.

I also remembered to add a note to my son’s letter to Father Christmas, asking him very nicely if he would avoid plastic packaging on any gifts this year. Given the enormous list of Lego requests, let’s see how she does with that.

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FOCUS: The Threat in the White House Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=49800"><span class="small">Susan Rice, The New York Times</span></a>   
Monday, 24 December 2018 11:40

Rice writes: "With the impetuous decisions that drove Jim Mattis into retirement, President Trump does more to undermine American national security than any foreign adversary."

Susan Rice. (photo: Ethan Levitas/Vogue)
Susan Rice. (photo: Ethan Levitas/Vogue)


The Threat in the White House

By Susan Rice, The New York Times

24 December 18


With the impetuous decisions that drove Jim Mattis into retirement, President Trump does more to undermine American national security than any foreign adversary.

his country’s national security decision-making process is more broken than at any time since the National Security Act became law in 1947. Nothing illustrates this dangerous dysfunction more starkly than President Trump’s reckless, unilateral decisions to announce the sudden withdrawal of all 2,000 United States troops from Syria and to remove 7,000 from Afghanistan.

These decisions went against the advice of the president’s top advisers, blindsided our allies and Congress, and delivered early Christmas presents to our adversaries from Russia and Iran to Hezbollah and the Taliban. The costs of this chaos are enormous, starting with the blunt, unnerving resignation of Defense Secretary Jim Mattis, one of the last senior administration officials committed to preserving American global leadership and alliances.

In a stunning tweet Wednesday, Mr. Trump declared the Islamic State defeated and promised the rapid return of all United States forces from Syria. In fact, the Islamic State is not defeated, though it is greatly weakened. The Pentagon estimates that 2,000 to 2,500 fighters continue to control territory in southeastern Syria, while tens of thousands more remain throughout Syria and Iraq. Although many militants have melted back into the population, they can re-emerge, as we saw after the American withdrawal from Iraq in 2011. Stabilizing the areas liberated from the Islamic State to prevent its revival remains as important as ever.

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FOCUS: Robert Mueller Has Enjoyed a Year of Successes ... 2019 Could Be Even Stronger Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=23323"><span class="small">Tom McCarthy, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Monday, 24 December 2018 11:34

McCarthy writes: "To judge the effectiveness of the special counsel’s Trump-Russia inquiry look no further than the reaction of those in its crosshairs."

Special Counsel Robert Mueller, Washington DC, 2017. (photo: Alex Wong/Getty Images)
Special Counsel Robert Mueller, Washington DC, 2017. (photo: Alex Wong/Getty Images)


Robert Mueller Has Enjoyed a Year of Successes ... 2019 Could Be Even Stronger

By Tom McCarthy, Guardian UK

24 December 18


To judge the effectiveness of the special counsel’s Trump-Russia inquiry look no further than the reaction of those in its crosshairs

ne measure of special counsel Robert Mueller’s prosecutorial success in 2018 is the list of former top Donald Trump aides brought to justice: Michael Cohen pleaded guilty, a jury convicted Paul Manafort, a judge berated Michael Flynn.

Another measure is the tally of new defendants that Mueller’s team charged (34), the number of new guilty pleas he netted (five) and the amount of money he clawed back through tax fraud cases ($48m).

Yet another measure might judge Mueller’s pace compared with previous independent prosecutors. “I would refer to it as a lightning pace,” said Barb McQuade, a University of Michigan law professor and former US attorney. “In a case of this complexity which has international implications, aspects relying on the intelligence community, complicated cyber components – to indict that many people that quickly is really impressive work.”

But there’s perhaps a more powerful way to measure Mueller’s progress in his investigation into Russian interference in the 2016 US election and links between Moscow and the Trump campaign; that’s by noticing how the targets of his investigation have changed their postures over the course of 2018, from defiance to docility – or in the case of Trump himself, from defiance to extreme, hyperventilating defiance.

The distance Mueller has traveled over the last year can be measured in the orders of magnitude by which Trump’s criminal associates’ bombastic sense of their own impunity has been deflated, as the president’s attacks on the special counsel have grown increasingly shrill.

Manafort went from tough-guy talk about “the battle to prove our innocence” to accepting a plea deal with Mueller, later broken. Cohen went from “taking a bullet” for Trump to telling Mueller everything.

Trump’s lead spokesman, Rudy Giuliani, has made a gradual transition in his defense of the president from “there was no collusion” to “collusion is not a crime”.

The slow, steady pressure from Mueller’s investigation has forced a group of fast-talkers accustomed to saying anything – “Lock her up!” – to fall momentarily dumb, or at least to modulate their speech.

And no public figure has undergone a more dramatic shift than Trump himself. Throughout 2018, Trump repeatedly erupted on the topic of Mueller, but three outbursts were notably impassioned, possibly indicating key achievements by Mueller – or areas where the president thought the special counsel was too close for comfort.

One came in April, after federal agents raided Cohen’s office and residences. One came in August, just before cooperation deals with the longtime Trump Organization executive Allen Weisselberg and longtime Trump friend David Pecker were announced. And one came after the election, when a slew of developments landed, from the exposure of Trump’s Moscow project to the sentencing of Cohen to prison to Flynn’s public dressing-down.

“It’s a disgrace, it’s frankly a real disgrace,” Trump said on camera after the Cohen raids. “It’s an attack on our country in a true sense. It’s an attack on what we all stand for.”

Trump was right to be concerned. Evidence collected in the raids appears to have cracked wide open a case involving hush payments by Trump to the porn star Stormy Daniels and former model Karen McDougal. Those payments have been assessed in court to be federal felonies. And recordings seized in the same raid appear to have spawned entire new fields of inquiry including an investigation of Trump’s inaugural committee.

Lisa K Griffin, law professor at Duke University, said the Cohen raid appeared to be a watershed moment in the investigation, for the fuel it gave to Mueller but also to separate US attorney’s offices.

“In hindsight it may appear that the most significant day in all of this was the day that federal agents executed search warrants on Michael Cohen’s office and home,” Griffin said, “because it continues to appear that there are many threads to both the southern district of New York and the special counsel’s investigation, that were generated by what they seized because of the longstanding relationship between Mr Cohen and the president.”

In prosecuting the hush payments, Mueller overcame an effort by Trump to hide one secret about how the 2016 election was won. But Mueller in 2018 continued to fill in the blanks of an even bigger secret, one that Trump tried with equal effort to suppress.

In February and again in July, Mueller unsealed indictments that described a coordinated Russian hacking and election-tampering effort conceived as early as 2014 and carried out using stolen US identities, camouflaged IP addresses and phishing scams, as well as physical spying inside the United States.

Trump had long questioned a Russian role in the election-relating hacking, and he kept it up after the second indictment was unveiled, when the US president found himself alongside the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, at a summit in Helsinki. “I have great confidence in my intelligence people,” Trump said, “but I will tell you that President Putin was extremely strong and powerful in his denial today.”

Yet it seemed that Mueller had hit his mark. Upon his return to the United States, Trump escalated his attacks on the special counsel, tweeting: “This is a terrible situation and Attorney General Jeff Sessions should stop this Rigged Witch Hunt right now, before it continues to stain our country any further.”

What followed was a bad August for Trump – and strong one for Mueller, who simultaneously on 21 August revealed Cohen’s guilty plea and saw a jury convict Manafort on eight fraud counts. Then Mueller unveiled the cooperation agreements with Pecker and Weisselberg, who together know more about Trump’s businesses and private affairs than perhaps anyone apart from Trump himself.

In the continuing tug-of-war between the president and the prosecutor, the public appears to be siding with Mueller. A CNN-SSRS poll in early December found that respondents approved of the job Mueller was doing by a margin of 43-40, while Trump’s approval has been at least 10 points underwater in the poll since Mueller was appointed in May 2017. Trump had a 39-52 approval rating in December, the poll found.

In the year ahead, it appears that Flynn and Manafort will be sentenced, and further indictments against Trump-world figures are expected to be handed down. Mueller is expected to reveal whether he discovered evidence of cooperation between the Trump campaign and Russian operatives, and he might deliver a report on his investigation of alleged obstruction of justice by the president.

One year ago, the top question on the minds of many experienced observers was whether Trump would seek to fire Mueller. In the past seven weeks, the attorney general has been dismissed and the deputy attorney general, Rod Rosenstein, has been stripped of some of his power to oversee the special counsel.

But Mueller is still in place, on the threshold of 2019, which might be his biggest year yet.

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