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FOCUS: With State of the Union Disinvitation, Pelosi Outmaneuvers Trump Once Again Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=6853"><span class="small">Frank Rich, New York Magazine</span></a>   
Friday, 18 January 2019 11:52

Rich writes: "I can't resist saying it again: Pelosi is awesome. She knows how to push the levers of government. She knows how to push Trump's buttons. This is an unbeatable combination."

Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi. (photo: Getty)
Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi. (photo: Getty)


With State of the Union Disinvitation, Pelosi Outmaneuvers Trump Once Again

By Frank Rich, New York Magazine

18 January 19


Most weeks, New York Magazine writer-at-large Frank Rich speaks with contributor Alex Carp about the biggest stories in politics and culture. Today, Trump’s unusual silence on Nancy Pelosi’s call to reschedule the State of the Union, the GOP’s about-face on Steve King, and Democrats’ deliberations about the next attorney general.

esterday morning, Speaker Nancy Pelosi asked Donald Trump to reschedule the upcoming State of the Union (or to submit it to Congress in writing), and Rudy Giuliani backed away from denials of collusion with Russia in the Trump campaign. How costly are these developments for Trump and the GOP?

I can’t resist saying it again: Pelosi is awesome. She knows how to push the levers of government. She knows how to push Trump’s buttons. This is an unbeatable combination. Twenty-four hours after she released her letter declining to play host to the State of the Union, Trump was so flummoxed he still hadn’t tweeted about it and his White House still had not responded. That’s because there is no response. It’s Pelosi’s House, and she’s under no obligation to let Trump commandeer it as a splashy backdrop for his propaganda. Even if there were a president of her own party in power, it would be ludicrous to stage this event, a superfluous (and tedious) political jamboree under the best of circumstances, during a government shutdown.

As the speaker also said, Trump can submit his speech in writing (ha!) or deliver it from the Oval Office. We know the latter isn’t happening because even he has reportedly figured out that his recent prime-time address was a flop and that he can’t read from a teleprompter — or at least one that isn’t on set at The Apprentice. So maybe he’ll hold a MAGA rally instead? If so, are the broadcast networks once again going to interrupt their prime-time schedules to air it unedited? We’ll see if they’ve learned a damn thing from their embarrassing enlistment in the White House’s fake news event of two weeks ago.

One more note about Pelosi. As Aaron Blake of the Washington Post has pointed out, the most brilliant passage of her letter to Trump was her reminder that last September Kirstjen Nielsen, in her capacity as secretary of Homeland Security, had officially “designated State of the Union Addresses as National Special Security Events (NSSEs),” a move requiring “the full resources of the Federal Government” to be employed when they occur. Those resources aren’t available during a shutdown. Hoisted by her own petard, Nielsen tried to recoup by tweeting yesterday that Homeland Security and the Secret Service are “fully prepared” to do the job. Even if Nielsen hadn’t previously destroyed her credibility with her litany of lies about the humanitarian crisis at the border, the fact remains that she can’t govern by Twitter and her tweet cannot override a policy she herself had set. Checkmate.

As for that other genius, Giuliani, he seems to be yanking back his and Trump’s repeated denials of any Russian collusion by Trump or his campaign in anticipation of Mueller dropping a new bombshell in court. What’s fascinating about his latest revisionist version, in which Trump’s campaign may well have colluded but Trump himself did not, is that it not only throws Paul Manafort and associates under the bus but also Donald Jr. and Jared.

And let us not forget that there was a third costly development for Trump and the GOP yesterday: the slaughter of four Americans in Syria a couple of hours before Mike Pence publicly repeated his boss’s claim that ISIS has been defeated. “We are bringing our troops home,” Pence said — which was technically true, but left out the detail that they were doing so in body bags.

After decades of support for white supremacy and a reelection victory last year, Iowa congressman Steve King has been removed from his committee assignments by House Republicans and major Iowan newspapers are calling for his resignation. What changed since the midterms?

What’s changed is that the GOP cynically wanted to keep King in place rather than lose his seat in the midterms. That mission was accomplished; King won after having been endorsed by Iowa’s senators, Chuck Grassley and Joni Ernst. Now GOP leaders can posture about their abhorrence of racism and throw King to the wolves. (Sort of: He is still in Congress.) Many have pointed out the hypocrisy of this. King has a history of racist statements and of palling around with white nationalists and neo-Nazis that dates back to nearly the turn of the century, yet no Republicans in power ever made any credible effort to drive him out of their party. It has also been widely noted that Trump is guilty of nearly every outrage committed by King. (Asked about King’s latest infractions last week, Trump said “I haven’t been following it” — a lie, of course, but doubly so since he has literally followed King’s nativist and racist playbook from the start of his presidential campaign.)

But another, greater hypocrisy is left unmentioned by the Republicans now turning on King: The GOP’s racism didn’t begin with King or Trump and likely won’t end with them either as long as their party’s base remains intact. From the moment Barry Goldwater voted against the Civil Rights Act of 1964 to recruit the old Dixie states to the GOP in his presidential run through Chief Justice John Roberts’s disembowelment of the Voting Rights Act in 2013, the GOP has been the party of what Richard Nixon codified as the “Southern strategy”: exploiting racial resentments for political gain. And so, to take one handy example of this denial, the former George W. Bush speechwriter, current NeverTrumper, and Post columnist Michael Gerson wrote a column this week excoriating King, Trump, Jefferson Davis, and Bull Connor — but never mentioned Strom Thurmond, George H. W. Bush’s Willie Horton campaign, or Ronald Reagan’s 1980 campaign speech in favor of “states rights” in a Mississippi town adjacent to the site where three civil-rights workers had been murdered in 1964. In a similar vein, the House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy condemned King by saying, “That is not the party of Lincoln” — as if this were the first time the GOP had breached that sobriquet. For heaven’s sake, McCarthy’s own deputy, Steve Scalise, had to admit four years ago that as a Louisiana state representative he had given a 2002 speech before a convention held by a white-supremacist organization founded by David Duke. (Of course Scalise claimed he had no idea of what group he was speaking to.)

At his confirmation hearing this week, attorney general nominee William Barr testified that he would not end the Mueller investigation prematurely, despite a memo he wrote last year that raised questions about his intentions to interfere. Should Democrats vote to confirm him?

A conventional conservative Republican with a Bushie resume, Barr towers over the grifters and hacks in Trump’s cabinet. He has not credibly explained why he wrote an unsolicited memo challenging the Mueller investigation’s legality, and his blurriness about whether he’d release a Mueller report (if there is one) is unacceptable. You are not exactly the crème de la crème of the American bar if the most prominent testimonials to your character include an op-ed (in the Times) written by Kenneth Starr, whose most recent accomplishment was to ignore a culture of rape at Baylor University, which ousted him as its president and chancellor. So as a matter of principle, there’s good reason to vote against Barr. But there is no way he will not be confirmed.

That said, what is happening in Mueller’s investigation and elsewhere is bigger than Barr. He’s too late in the game to stop the legal avalanche that seems likely to rain down on the White House, and perhaps he’s not inclined to destroy his reputation by attempting to do so. One way or another Mueller’s findings will get out. Too many inquiring minds want to know, including in Congress. And meanwhile, thanks to another cunning move by the Pelosi-run House, Michael Cohen will be giving televised public testimony on February 7 before he goes to prison. There will be Mueller-imposed restrictions on what he can talk about, but he has a hell of a story to tell and just the right dems-and-dose voice to tell it in. It’s the perfect spinoff to the 20th-anniversary celebration of The Sopranos.

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An Extraordinary New Film Captures the Spectacle of Soviet Show Trials Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=46742"><span class="small">Masha Gessen, The New Yorker</span></a>   
Thursday, 17 January 2019 13:38

Gessen writes: "At the time of the trial, state terror had not yet been felt in the cities as strongly as in the countryside. This was the time before the purges, before the better-known show trials, during the year when the Gulag was just coming into existence. And yet everyone is dutifully playing his role."

As in the real-life trial that it depicts, there is no story in Sergei Loznitsa's new film, 'The Trial' - only a palpable sense of randomness. (photo: TIFF)
As in the real-life trial that it depicts, there is no story in Sergei Loznitsa's new film, 'The Trial' - only a palpable sense of randomness. (photo: TIFF)


An Extraordinary New Film Captures the Spectacle of Soviet Show Trials

By Masha Gessen, The New Yorker

17 January 19

 

he show trial was a show. “The Trial,” a new film by the Ukrainian director Sergei Loznitsa, depicts it as a spectacle, complete with audience reactions, set in a stunning marble hall with grand crystal chandeliers.

Loznitsa initially set out to create a compilation of documentary footage of Stalin-era show trials. He was already assembling the collection when his assistant discovered hours of footage of a trial from 1930. It was an extraordinary find: a rare Soviet technique had been used to record sound and image synchronously, directly on film. A single camera had been used to shoot the trial, in four-to-five-minute takes, often sweeping from the judges to the defendants to the audience. Originally, the footage had been used in a forty-two-minute propaganda film, intended to demonstrate that the state had no mercy for enemies of the people. With this footage in hand, Loznitsa changed course and decided to make a film about a single trial; his two-hour-and-eight-minute project, which uses only original footage with no commentary, is a remake of sorts. (“The Trial” premièred at the Venice and Toronto film festivals and screened at the Museum of the Moving Image, in New York City, on Saturday.)

In the film, a bell announces that the show is about to begin. People are ushered into the Column Hall, an iconic Moscow space, which seats more than a thousand. The camera captures the audience and a large group of middle-aged men in suits, who are seated at cloth-covered tables dotted with bank lamps. It is a shock when some of these men approach the microphone to identify themselves and plead guilty—up until that moment, the men appear to be members of a single group. This is essentially accurate: the judges, the prosecutor, the court clerks, and the defendants are all members of the cast. They are performing their assigned roles. The rest of the people in the hall—men and women of different ages, some dressed in military uniforms and some in civilian suits, but all wearing their best—are the audience, and their job is to believe everything they see.

Eight men are on trial. The youngest is thirty-nine, and the oldest is sixty-six. All are either professors or high-level engineers. They stand accused of belonging to the Industrial Party, a sprawling organization whose goal was to sabotage Soviet industrial development and, ultimately, with the help of the French government and Russian émigrés abroad, to seize power. The Party and the plot were completely fictional. No such organization or effort ever existed.

And yet all eight men pleaded guilty. Outside the Column Hall, thousands were demonstrating, demanding that they be put to death. Loznitsa uses footage of the demonstrations to indicate breaks between the thirteen days of the trial. One can see the slogans on the signs carried by the demonstrators: “Firing Squad for Those Who Want to Restore Capitalism”; “No Mercy for Agents of Internationalism!”

Remarkably, there is no real narrative of the imagined crime. Witnesses and defendants are confused about what they should be saying. At one point, a defendant claims that he was not a member of the Industrial Party.

“You weren’t a member, you say?” the judge asks.

“I didn’t realize I was a member,” the defendant offers. Groping for what he was expected to say, he asserts that he was working with French interventionists to overthrow the Soviet regime.

A witness rambles—“Things didn’t go as planned. . . . The class struggle continued. . . . But it was weakened . . .”—until he talks himself into a confession, and admits to having been a part of a nonexistent plot. He proceeds to beg the court for mercy.

Finally, the prosecutor, Nikolai Krylenko, gives a rambling speech with no details. The camera shows the defendants listening intently—for their own final statements, they are going to need whatever story he creates. But there is no story, only a mood, a sense that the Soviet state is under extreme threat and that enemies of the regime may be lurking anywhere. Only at the end of his speech does Krylenko go into an oratorical mode. His voice suddenly booms. His gestures become sweeping. He throws down the book he is holding. “Anyone in the U.S.S.R. who might aid in an effort to destroy the state must be swept away once and for all,” he says. “The state prosecution demands that the special session of the court sentence every single one of the accused to death by firing squad!” The hall erupts in applause. People stand up and shout. The audience turns into a mob.

It is striking that the trial took place just thirteen years after the Bolshevik Revolution. All of the defendants would have been adults, even professionals, before the change of regime—they had not, it would seem, been shaped by totalitarianism. At the time of the trial, state terror had not yet been felt in the cities as strongly as in the countryside. This was the time before the purges, before the better-known show trials, during the year when the Gulag was just coming into existence. And yet everyone is dutifully playing his role. The defendants don’t defend themselves—indeed they cannot, because there are no specific accusations to deny. All they do is beg for mercy.

Five of the eight defendants are sentenced to death by firing squad; the three others are sentenced to ten years of incarceration. All or most of the sentences were soon reduced, but then some of the defendants were executed in the late nineteen-thirties, while others were released. One of the defendants even went on to be awarded the Soviet Union’s highest civilian honor. The prosecutor, on the other hand, was falsely accused of being a spy and executed. Terror continued to assign roles at random.

A palpable sense of randomness is Loznitsa’s singular accomplishment. As in the trial itself, there is no story in “The Trial”—only the spectacle of the transformation of people into totalitarian subjects.

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A Night at the Theater With Trump's Accusers Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=49973"><span class="small">Alyssa Shelasky, The Cut</span></a>   
Thursday, 17 January 2019 13:37

Shelasky writes: "As soon as it became a reality that Donald Trump would run for president, I couldn't stop thinking about one person: Natasha Stoynoff."

Natasha Stoynoff and six other women who have come forward to publicly accuse Donald Trump of sexual harassment took their stories to the stage for one night only. (photo: Jenny Anderson)
Natasha Stoynoff and six other women who have come forward to publicly accuse Donald Trump of sexual harassment took their stories to the stage for one night only. (photo: Jenny Anderson)


A Night at the Theater With Trump's Accusers

By Alyssa Shelasky, The Cut

17 January 19

 

s soon as it became a reality that Donald Trump would run for president, I couldn’t stop thinking about one person: Natasha Stoynoff.

Stoynoff was my mentor when I worked at People magazine, about ten years ago. She was the brilliant, hilarious, confident, and warm writer who got all the good assignments because Larry Hackett, the editor-in-chief at the time, knew she was the best. Naturally, I worshipped her; so I was thrilled when after a year of working together we finally went out for drinks. There were so many things I wanted to ask her.

Huddled at some midtown bar, I first wanted all the gossip. Who was the nicest celebrity she ever interviewed? Who were the secret druggies? She humored me and my adoration grew by the second. But the mood shifted when I asked something like, “Who’s the biggest scumbag you ever interviewed?” and she hesitantly told me that on a work trip to Mar-a-Lago, Donald Trump had forced himself on her. The details were disgusting. I felt terrible that she had to relive it that night, and the story has haunted me ever since.

Years later, Donald Trump’s presidential campaign was a reality, and as his popularity grew, I wondered if Natasha would come out with her story. Neither of us was working full-time at People anymore, and we never had drinks again (though we tried!). After the Access Hollywood tapes came out, I really wanted to reach out to her, but it felt insensitive, even salacious. And then a few days later, I read her heart-stopping essay on People.com and heard her name on CNN; she’d come forward to tell her story. She became a national hero — along with the 21 other brave women who have come forward with stories of sexual harassment and assault.

Last night, after years of relentless attacks, insults, even death threats from his supporters, Natasha and six other women who have come forward to publicly accuse Donald Trump of sexual harassment took their stories to the stage for one night only. In an eight-act play created by theater-makers Kate Pines (daughter of Tony Schwartz, who famously told The New Yorker that he had deep remorse over ghostwriting Trump’s book The Art of the Deal) and Sharyn Rothstein, professional actors performed the women’s individual experiences at New York’s Joe’s Pub. Pines and Rothstein contacted the Trump accusers and matched them with professional playwrights and actors (over 70 women worked on the event), and they all turned their collective pain into a play called The Pussy Grabber Plays — a title inspired by that vulgar Billy Bush interview. All proceeds went to the New York Women’s Foundation Fund for the Me Too Movement and Allies.

A few hours before showtime, I joined Natasha, Karena Virginia, Tasha Dixon, and Rachel Crooks — some of the women whose stories were told alongside those of Jill Harth, Samantha Holvey, and Jessica Leeds — for preshow drinks at the bar above Joe’s Pub. This was the first time many of the women depicted in the play met each other. Here were the women who were groped and stalked and degraded, whom we watched on the news in awe during the campaign, connecting in real life.

I was allowed to join them because of my connection to Natasha, but as I talked with these intelligent, poised women whose strength I admired, I realized they were extremely anxious about what they said in front of me, a reporter. They’d told their stories, and some of them would have them interpreted that night for an audience, but as many of them explained to me, after the promise of anonymity, they still live with fear. “I had death threats arrive in my actual mailbox, at my actual house,” one woman told me. Another said she’d been “sent a photo of my face slashed open.”

So I just listened as they compared horror stories. A few of the women have been repeatedly called “transvestites” online, and it made at least one of them deeply insecure about her looks. They each lost friends. One is frequently trashed-talked in her local newspaper. Someone was conned into an interview for her “fans,” but really, it was with trolls — in Russia.

When I asked what it felt like to be national heroes, pioneers of the #MeToo movement, many of them said the experience has not felt entirely victorious yet. That night, as they all came together, was certainly a high point. There were tight hugs. Everyone appeared to feel — momentarily — less alone, less (and I don’t use this word lightly) terrorized. That aside, most of the women still appeared to be in survival mode; noting that it’s too soon to understand the greater meaning of their courage.

The play itself was terrific. Each of its eight acts honored a victim and her story (one act actually honored the victims who haven’t yet spoken). Some were disturbing, some were hilarious, most were both. Actress Caitlin Fitzgerald played a hilarious and tragic beauty queen, Miss Texas, who couldn’t, or wouldn’t, face the truth about Trump’s Miss USA pageant. I sat at a table with one of Trump’s accusers who wept uncontrollably when her story was told through a musical performance as powerful as “Seasons of Love” in Rent.

Natasha’s story was the last one. Called “The Interview,” it broke down the Mar-a-Lago nightmare through song. It was 2005. She was there to profile Donald and Melania’s first year of marriage. When Melania left for a wardrobe change, Trump forced himself on Natasha. He shoved his tongue down her throat. He commanded that they would have an affair. Then Melania, hugely pregnant, returned and he went back to being a doting husband. The next day Trump waited for Natasha at her spa appointment (he was NOT invited, obviously). Had she not been running very late, and had he not left for a meeting, she believes she would have been trapped, naked, in a massage room with him. This was all explained through laughter and tears in the musical piece that Natasha co-wrote and Broadway actress Lora Lee Gayer performed. It went something like this, “Fuck you! Fuck you! Fuck you!”

I was overwhelmingly proud of my friend, my hero, and all the heros in that room. As all the women got onstage to take a final bow, I hoped they took in what it feels like to be only loved and respected and believed and supported, and that — for the first time since coming forward with their stories — all they could hear was wild applause.

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2018 Was the Ocean's Hottest Year. We'll Feel It a Long Time. Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=49866"><span class="small">Alejandra Borunda, National Geographic</span></a>   
Thursday, 17 January 2019 13:37

Borunda writes: "Earth's oceans are warmer now than at any point since humans started systematically tracking their temperatures, according to research published on January 16 in Advances in Atmospheric Sciences."

The Arctic Ocean in Barrow, Alaska, in June 2015, after the warmest winter on record in Alaska. (photo: Katie Orlinsky/National Geographic)
The Arctic Ocean in Barrow, Alaska, in June 2015, after the warmest winter on record in Alaska. (photo: Katie Orlinsky/National Geographic)


2018 Was the Ocean's Hottest Year. We'll Feel It a Long Time.

By Alejandra Borunda, National Geographic

17 January 19


The ocean soaks up 93 percent of the heat of climate change. But that heat has a big and long-lasting impact.

arth’s oceans are warmer now than at any point since humans started systematically tracking their temperatures, according to research published on January 16 in Advances in Atmospheric Sciences. The oceans have sopped up more than 90 percent of the heat trapped by human-emitted greenhouse gases, slowing the warming of the atmosphere—but causing many other unwelcome changes to the planet’s climate.

Even a slightly warmer ocean can have dramatic impacts. Other new research shows that warmer oceans make waves stronger. Warmer waters fuel stronger storms, increasing the damage that hurricanes and tropical storms inflict. The added warmth hurts coral habitats and stresses fisheries. Around Antarctica, yet another new study suggests, ice is melting about six times faster than it was in the 1980s—an increase due in part to the warmer waters lapping at the continent’s edge.

“The oceans are the best thermometer we have for the planet,” says Zeke Hausfather, an energy and climate scientist at the University of California, Berkeley, who used the ocean heat data published today in an analysis published last week in Science. “We can really see global warming loud and clear in the ocean record.”

Missing heat is now found

As early as the 1800s, scientists suspected that adding carbon dioxide to the atmosphere would cause air temperatures around the planet to rise. By the 1960s, once they started keeping careful track of both air temperatures and carbon dioxide levels around the world, their predictions were borne out.

The atmosphere didn’t seem to be warming quite as much as model calculations indicated it should, however. Where could the extra heat be going?

Some oceanographers suspected that the “missing” heat was being absorbed into the oceans—but measuring that heat was much harder than measuring air temperatures. Although research ships crossing the ocean would occasionally dip a probe into the water to test the temperature, those data were tiny blips in the wide expanse of the sea.

So scientists pulled together all data they could find, from observations from commercial ships to naval data to historical records. And when all that was compiled, the scientists realized that the oceans were, in fact, acting as an enormous buffer for the climate system, like a giant pillow softening the hard landing of climate change.

In the last decade, measurements of the ocean's heat content have been improved dramatically by a new tool: Some 3,000 autonomous sensors, called Argo floats, have been scattered around the ocean. They regularly record temperatures in the top 6,500 feet of the water column and have immensely improved the quality of the data scientists have to work with for these estimates.

Thanks to those measurements, it's now clear that the oceans are absorbing some 90 percent of the heat our carbon emissions have trapped in the atmosphere—the most recent estimate, published last week, pegs that number at 93 percent. If all the heat the ocean absorbed from 1955 onward were suddenly added to the atmosphere, air temperatures would rocket by more than 60 degrees.

In other words, the oceans are acting as a giant thermal buffer, protecting us from feeling all the heat of climate change directly. But the heat isn't going away.

The warming is speeding up

In 2018, the entire top slice of the ocean, from the surface down 6,500 feet, was warmer than ever before, just over one tenth of a degree Celsius warmer overall than the long-term average. Even that tiny bump was enough to nudge sea levels about an eight of an inch higher, simply because warmer water takes up more space.

But 2018 caps off nearly three decades of smooth, consistent warming, the cumulative results of which can be felt more keenly.

“The warming seems small on a day-to-day basis, but it adds up over time,” says Kevin Trenberth, a climate scientist at the National Center for Atmospheric Research in Colorado and an author of today’s report. The extra energy pooling in the atmosphere slowly percolates into the ocean, and “and that’s why we keep breaking records year after year,” he says.

More alarmingly, over those last few decades, oceans warmed nearly 40 percent faster than they did in the middle of the last century, say the authors of the Science analysis from last week.

Since the Industrial Revolution, says Laure Zanna, a climate scientist at the University of Oxford who recently inventoried the ocean's growing absorption of extra heat, the amount of extra energy trapped in the ocean as a result of our greenhouse gas emissions is about 1,000 times as great as the amount of the energy humans use each year, worldwide.

What happens now lasts centuries

There’s essentially no limit to how much more heat from the atmosphere the oceans can absorb: they’re huge and deep. But the ocean has a long memory, and the heat it sucks up now will be stuck in the system for hundreds or even thousands of years: The ghost of a cold phase from a few hundred years ago in the North Atlantic is still floating through the world’s oceans, a study published in Science in early January showed.

So the decisions we make now will affect us far into the future, says Susan Wijffels, an oceanographer at the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institute on Cape Cod. “The ability of the deep ocean to take up heat on that very long timescale is great. But it's also locking in a commitment in the system,” she says. So even if we stopped emitting greenhouse gases tomorrow, the ocean will continue to warm for centuries—and will take even longer to shed the extra heat.

The effects, say the authors of the new heat assessment, are likely to disrupt both marine physics and marine life. Warmer oceans hold less oxygen, which could hurt biota from plankton to whales. A warmer baseline temperature makes the likelihood of marine heat waves more likely, like the one that swept through the waters off northeast China last summer, ruining the sea cucumber harvest across the shallow seas. Zanna and her colleagues also see evidence that the major currents that carry heat and nutrients around the ocean are changing.

The full magnitude of the changes will take hundreds of years to play out, Wijffels says.

“Every molecule of CO2 that we don’t put into the atmosphere now is saving us from warming potential in the future,” she says. “This really drives home that we need to reduce emissions now, as much as we can.”

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FOCUS: Why Doesn't Donald Trump's Cozy Relationship With Vladimir Putin Worry His Supporters? Jefferson Davis's Treason Case Holds a Clue. Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=47190"><span class="small">James Risen, The Intercept</span></a>   
Thursday, 17 January 2019 12:36

Risen writes: "Questions about whether Donald Trump is an agent of a foreign power have intensified since the Washington Post reported that the president of the United States has refused to share with even his most senior aides the details of his personal meetings with Russian President Vladimir Putin. But Trump's supporters don't seem to care."

Supporters of President Trump jeer at a rally on November 4 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. (photo: Drew Angerer/Getty)
Supporters of President Trump jeer at a rally on November 4 in Chattanooga, Tennessee. (photo: Drew Angerer/Getty)


Why Doesn't Donald Trump's Cozy Relationship With Vladimir Putin Worry His Supporters? Jefferson Davis's Treason Case Holds a Clue.

By James Risen, The Intercept

17 January 19

 

uestions about whether Donald Trump is an agent of a foreign power have intensified since the Washington Post reported that the president of the United States has refused to share with even his most senior aides the details of his personal meetings with Russian President Vladimir Putin.

But Trump’s supporters don’t seem to care. The president’s approval rating has hardly budged over the past year despite a seemingly endless series of disclosures about the Russia investigation. The website 538, which publishes a daily approval rating for Trump based on its formula for weighting and adjusting public polls, calculates that Trump’s approval rating on January 15, 2019 was 40.8 percent, compared with 39.3 percent exactly a year ago. Trump’s base dismisses each new revelation about Trump and Russia in the same way. They see the investigation as a McCarthyite witch hunt, a conspiracy by the so-called deep state.

There is a precedent in American history for this weird situation, in which there is evidence that a leader has acted against the interests of the United States, yet a large percentage of the American public doesn’t believe it or simply isn’t interested. Many of the same political dynamics that shaped the treason prosecution of Jefferson Davis, the president of the Confederate States of America, seem to be at work today.

On April 9, 1865, Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee’s surrender to Union Gen. Ulysses S. Grant at Appomattox Court House effectively ended the Civil War. But there were still plenty of loose ends, and one of them was Davis, who fled Richmond, the Confederate capital, just before it was occupied by Union troops. The Confederate president was finally captured in Georgia in May 1865 and imprisoned in Virginia’s Fort Monroe.

Initially, Davis had little support. He was captured in the wake of President Abraham Lincoln’s assassination, and many in the North were eager for vengeance. His backing had also waned in the broken South, where his abrasive personality, his wretched mismanagement of military operations and the economy, and his unrealistic, dead-ender attitude had diminished his popularity by the close of the war.

But Davis quickly regained sympathy thanks to the bungled handling of his case by President Andrew Johnson’s administration. He was imprisoned for two years, and during that time, Southerners who had scorned him in his last days as Confederate president began to rally to him, and he eventually came to be seen as a martyr to their lost cause. Before long, as Ron Chernow wrote in his 2017 biography of Grant, there were reports that “white militias, with telltale names such as the Jeff Davis Guards, were springing up across Mississippi.” Many northern whites, who increasingly wanted reconciliation with the South, also came to believe that the government’s handling of Davis was too punitive. This changing political climate provided the backdrop for Davis’s treason case.

There was no doubt that Davis had broken with the United States. He had been the leader of a government of 11 states that had seceded from the Union. (The two shadow state governments of Missouri and Kentucky, which hadn’t seceded, were also accepted into the Confederacy.) He had fought a bloody war against the United States.

But was that treason? Southern whites had supported the Confederacy and wanted Davis to be its president. Those Americans wanted slavery to continue, and they wanted white power to be undiminished. Davis gave them what they wanted. In fact, one of the concerns looming in the minds of some in the government in Washington at the time was whether Davis’s prosecution might have the unintended effect of leading the Supreme Court to rule that secession was legal.

With political support for the prosecution waning, Davis’s case came to an anti-climactic conclusion. He was freed from prison after his bail was paid by a wealthy group that included Horace Greeley and Cornelius Vanderbilt. On Christmas Day in 1868, Johnson issued a pardon for treason for Confederates, and the case against Davis was dismissed in February 1869.

Trump came to power thanks to some of the same factors that fueled the rise of Jefferson Davis. Millions of Americans voted for Trump because they believed that he would protect white power and fight against the rising tide of diversity in America. (Iowa Rep. Steve King’s recent comments about white supremacy were an odd place for Republican congressional leaders to draw a line in the sand on racism, given that they continue to embrace and enable Trump’s presidency.)

Many right-wing Trump supporters also have no problem with his alliance with Putin because they see both men as conservative guardians of white power. As I’ve noted before, Russia, too, is increasingly popular among Republican voters, who seem to approve of Putin’s authoritarianism. As a result, many Trump supporters may not mind his eagerness to shield his conversations with the Russian leader from scrutiny.

That leads to a provocative question: Do a significant number of Americans today want a president who defies the nation’s ideals in the name of white power, just as they wanted Jefferson Davis so many decades ago?

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