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RSN: Young People Are Set to Make History With Bernie Sanders - and New Hampshire's Youth Movement Is Showing How Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=48990"><span class="small">Norman Solomon, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Monday, 27 January 2020 13:14

Solomon writes: "Fifty-two years after young people changed history with the New Hampshire primary election, a new generation is ready to do it again - this time by mobilizing behind Bernie Sanders."

Young Bernie Sanders supporters hold Bernie posters before a campaign rally. (photo: Peter Foley/EPA)
Young Bernie Sanders supporters hold Bernie posters before a campaign rally. (photo: Peter Foley/EPA)


Young People Are Set to Make History With Bernie Sanders - and New Hampshire's Youth Movement Is Showing How

By Norman Solomon, Reader Supported News

27 January 20

 

ifty-two years after young people changed history with the New Hampshire primary election, a new generation is ready to do it again — this time by mobilizing behind Bernie Sanders.

During early 1968, thousands of young people volunteered in New Hampshire to help the insurgent presidential campaign of Democratic senator Eugene McCarthy — who went on to stun the party establishment by winning 42 percent of the state’s primary vote against President Lyndon Johnson’s 49 percent. Three weeks later, Johnson announced that he would not run for re-election.

What propelled McCarthy and his young supporters into the snows of New Hampshire was their opposition to the war in Vietnam. Five decades later, in effect, what’s propelling Bernie Sanders and his young supporters is the grim reality of class war in America.

The New Hampshire Youth Movement — which its leadership calls “the largest youth power organization in the state” — endorsed Sanders last week. NHYM could provide the margin of victory in New Hampshire’s Feb. 11 primary.

The strategy has been methodical. “People involved with NHYM have been canvassing nonstop,” the state director of the organization’s field program, Dylan Carney, told me. “We’ve gathered over 9,500 pledge-to-vote cards from people aged 18 to 25 and will be working to get them voting for Bernie Sanders on Feb. 11th.”

I asked Carney for his assessment of why polling nationwide shows young people prefer Sanders over every other Democratic contender by a lopsided margin.

“Sanders is a movement candidate — who will be accountable to our generation,” Carney replied. “He has proven that he is aligned with the version of the world that we want to create. And since before our generation was born, he was fighting the injustices that we are fighting today.”

New Hampshire Youth Movement is a natural ally of the Bernie 2020 campaign, as the organization’s website makes clear:

  • “Scientists tell us that we have less than 10 years left to prevent irreversible damage from the climate crisis. Our ability to act on the climate crisis depends on who we elect to be our president. We need a president that is committed to passing a just and robust Green New Deal.”

  • “Everyone deserves access to quality healthcare regardless of their ability to pay. People across this country are drowning in medical debt just to receive the services they need to stay alive while pharmaceutical and insurance executives accrue unimaginable wealth. To address the healthcare crisis, we must elect a candidate who will fight for a Medicare for All system that includes everyone and eliminates private insurance companies.”

  • “Students and alumni are drowning in debt while private loan providers are making obscene amounts of money. Providing free college for all will be a massive investment in our work force and our economy. We can build a system that eliminates tuition and fees at all public colleges and all existing student debt if we turn out to vote for a candidate who will fight with us.”

After living in New Hampshire for all of his 23 years, Dylan Carney is keenly aware that the state’s margin of victory often hinges on a small number of votes. When he says that “we have the reach to turn out 10,000 young voters for Bernie Sanders,” he quickly adds that Hillary Clinton beat Donald Trump in New Hampshire by only a few thousand votes in 2016 while the incumbent Republican senator Kelly Ayotte was unseated by just 1,017 votes.

Young voters have the potential to make Bernie Sanders the winner of the New Hampshire primary — and young voters across the country have the potential to make him president of the United States.



Norman Solomon is co-founder and national coordinator of RootsAction.org. He was a Bernie Sanders delegate from California to the 2016 Democratic National Convention and is currently a coordinator of the relaunched independent Bernie Delegates Network. Solomon is the author of a dozen books including War Made Easy: How Presidents and Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Lindsey Graham Is the Most Shameless Man in American Politics Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=44184"><span class="small">Mehdi Hasan, The Intercept</span></a>   
Monday, 27 January 2020 09:23

Hasan writes: "The South Carolina senator once cultivated an image of a moderate Republican, willing to denounce Donald Trump. But today, there is no position he won't abandon, no U-turn he won't perform, no lie he will not tell in service of the president."

U.S. Sen. Lindsey Graham. (photo: Stefani Reynolds/Getty Images)
U.S. Sen. Lindsey Graham. (photo: Stefani Reynolds/Getty Images)


Lindsey Graham Is the Most Shameless Man in American Politics

By Mehdi Hasan, The Intercept

27 January 20

 

he South Carolina senator once cultivated an image of a moderate Republican, willing to denounce Donald Trump. But today, there is no position he won’t abandon, no U-turn he won’t perform, no lie he will not tell in service of the president.

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The High Priests of Plutocracy All Meet at Davos. What Good Can Come From That? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=52221"><span class="small">Cas Mudde, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Monday, 27 January 2020 09:23

Mudde writes: "For years now the media have been writing that the WEF takes place as 'capitalism is in crisis,' but while this might be true in general, the vast majority of the World Economic Forum participants continue to do well."

'The World Economic Forum is a good example of the enduring ideological legacy of neoliberalism, an often-ignored aspect of neoliberal hegemony.' (photo: Gian Ehrenzeller/EPA)
'The World Economic Forum is a good example of the enduring ideological legacy of neoliberalism, an often-ignored aspect of neoliberal hegemony.' (photo: Gian Ehrenzeller/EPA)


The High Priests of Plutocracy All Meet at Davos. What Good Can Come From That?

By Cas Mudde, Guardian UK

27 January 20


No amount of window dressing can change the nature of the World Economic Forum – a club for capitalism’s elites

he World Economic Forum (WEF) is an odd event, but also the perfect insight into the problems of political activism in today’s world. Every year a select(ed) group of a few thousand people travel to the remote Swiss town of Davos, many in their own or their corporate private planes, to discuss the global economic, political and social issues of the day, including climate change. Economic leaders rub shoulders with political leaders, and prominent social activists provide a flavor of social responsibility.

For years now the media have been writing that the WEF takes place as “capitalism is in crisis”, but while this might be true in general, the vast majority of the WEF participants continue to do well. They have learned to adapt to criticism, be it from the anti-globalization movement of the 1990s or from the far right today. Include the most malleable, shower them with praise, write a communique that you have understood their message, make some cosmetic changes and continue with what you have been doing from the beginning.

The WEF 2020 meeting was yet another example of this routine. It touted its “young change-makers”, who entertained the old(er) change-frustraters with passionate speeches about issues like climate change, gun violence, pollution and racism. Obviously, “Greta” (who no longer needs a last name) was there, holding the grownups to account, playing on their parental guilt, and giving the international media the quotes they came for: “Our house is still on fire.”

There are also some “old change-makers”, less touted but more respected, most notably impeached president Donald Trump. He had dominated the 2017 WEF in absence, surprised his audience as a “pragmatist” in 2018, and skipped Davos again in 2019. This year he returned to boast about “his” economic accomplishments, using it both as a distraction from the impeachment trials and as part of the permanent re-election campaign. While his speech was full of distortions and lies, as usual, it raised few concerns among the Davos crowd. Trump has long been domesticated and (the people who drive) the markets love him.

In an op-ed in the Guardian last week, which was much debated and mocked on social media, self-proclaimed co-founder of Occupy Wall Street Micah White explained why he was “headed to Davos”. Allegedly, there is a “hidden Davos”, and White was going on a great discovery expedition to find it. “In the hidden Davos,” according to White, “opposing social forces, activists and elites, can put their egos and personas aside to speak freely and find common cause for joint action on the global crises that impact us all – from income inequality to climate change.”

I don’t know whether he found it, but based on the first 50 years of the World Economic Forum, this “hidden Davos” has proven to be fairly irrelevant. Sure, Davos has helped elevate the public profile of important activists and voices for change, including “Greta” and my fellow Dutchman Rutger Bregman, last year. But neither has changed the agenda of the World Economic Forum, let alone the priorities of the economic and political elites.

In essence, the World Economic Forum is the high priest of plutocracy, ie rule by the ultra-wealthy. It is a good example of the enduring ideological legacy of neoliberalism, an often-ignored aspect of neoliberal hegemony. While states have held on to significant control over national economies, national politicians have largely renounced their power over the economy and politics. Believing that “the market” is the best mechanism to solve every issue, from employment to healthcare, economists and entrepreneurs are now seen as the best problem solvers for our political problems.

Whether through “stakeholder capitalism” – the official theme of WEF 2020, which sounds meaningful, but is so vague that it is meaningless – or through the philanthropy by billionaires like Bill Gates and George Soros, the plutocrats set the priorities of social change and activists like “Greta” and celebrities like “Bono” can at best tinker at the margins.

As the US writer Anand Giridharadas does not tire of emphasizing, the “plutocrats’ phony religion” of philanthropy is no substitute for the state. And neither is “stakeholder capitalism” or whatever expensive rebranding the Davos crowd come up with to sell their old wine in new bottles. They are not fundamentally changing the exploitative nature of capitalism, of both nature and people, and will not stand up to authoritarian leaders – in fact, they often embrace them.

So, rather than fawning over billionaires who donate tiny percentages of their massive wealth to issues of their choosing or providing entertainment and normative cover for exploitative big business, activists for social change should call for stricter regulation and fairer taxes by their individual states. Only then will they have a true opportunity to regain control over the political agenda and will they, rather than the plutocrats, be able to decide which issues to focus on and how to support them.

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Why Everyone's Talking About American Dirt Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=50156"><span class="small">Rachelle Hampton, Slate</span></a>   
Monday, 27 January 2020 09:23

Hampton writes: "Why is literary Twitter piling on Jeanine Cummins' American Dirt, once one of the most highly anticipated books of the year?"

A headshot of Jeanine Cummins next to the cover of American Dirt. (photo: Joe Kennedy/Macmillan Publishers)
A headshot of Jeanine Cummins next to the cover of American Dirt. (photo: Joe Kennedy/Macmillan Publishers)


Why Everyone's Talking About American Dirt

By Rachelle Hampton, Slate

27 January 20


The controversy about Jeanine Cummins’ novel encompasses appropriation, cries of silencing, and four separate New York Times stories.

hy is literary Twitter piling on Jeanine Cummins’ American Dirt, once one of the most highly anticipated books of the year? After an intense bidding war among nine houses that ended in a reported seven-figure deal, the novel landed on both the New York Times’ and LitHub’s 2020-in-reading lists. It’s in stores Tuesday, accompanied by praise from heavyweights like Stephen King, Sandra Cisneros, and Don Winslow—the last of whom compared the migrant drama novel to John Steinbeck’s Grapes of Wrath. A film adaptation is already in the works by the same company that produced Clint Eastwood’s The Mule. 

But an increasingly vocal contingent of Mexican and Mexican American writers has panned the novel as “trauma porn,” pointing out myriad inconsistencies and errors in Cummins’ descriptions of Mexico that a largely American, non-Spanish-speaking industry of agents, editors, and publicists seemed to not have been able to notice. 

Over the long weekend, the slowly brewing clash spilled onto the pages of the New York Times books section. Here’s what’s going on. 

The Book 

American Dirt follows the journey of a mother and son fleeing Mexico for America after their entire family is murdered on the orders of a local cartel kingpin. Before the slaughter, Lydia Quixano Pérez is a bookseller in Acapulco, mother to Luca and wife to journalist Sebastián. It is Sebastián’s exposé on the kingpin, who also happens to be a frequent customer of Lydia’s bookstore, that serves as the linchpin for the violence that sets off the novel and Lydia’s journey through the desert to the border. 

In her afterword Cummins describes a four-year writing process that included extensive travel and interviews in Mexico. Cummins writes of her desire to humanize “the faceless brown mass” that she believes is so many people’s perception of immigrants. “I wish someone slightly browner than me would write it,” she continues. “But then I thought, if you’re the person who has the capacity to be a bridge, why not be a bridge.” I’m sure you can see where this bridge is going. 

The Backlash 

At first glance, the criticism of American Dirt reads as the increasingly pro forma conversation about who’s allowed to tell whose story. On one side are Mexican and Mexican American writers asking why Cummins felt the need to tell this story, other than to individuate a “faceless brown mass” that she’s not a part of—simultaneously raising the question of who exactly sees that mass as faceless and whether it’s worth writing for them. On the other side is Cummins raising a familiar alarm on how conversations around cultural appropriation will eventually morph into censorship. In a profile in the Times touching on the controversy, she said, “I do think that the conversation about cultural appropriation is incredibly important, but I also think that there is a danger sometimes of going too far toward silencing people.” 

The public debate began with a review of American Dirt by Myriam Gurba* published in Tropics of Meta, an academic blog that publishes essays on a broad range of topics. Gurba takes to task not only Cummins’ identity—she apparently identified as white as recently as four years ago, when she wrote in the New York Times that she wasn’t qualified to write about race—but also American Dirt’s similarity to other books about Mexico that Cummins used for research, as well as the novel’s ignorance of the very people the book purports to represent. “That Lydia is so shocked by her own country’s day-to-day realities […] gives the impression that Lydia might not be … a credible Mexican,” Gurba writes. “In fact, she perceives her own country through the eyes of a pearl-clutching American tourist.” 

Gurba also dropped that she was originally assigned to review American Dirt by “an editor at a feminist magazine”—later revealed to be Ms. While her editor thought the review was “spectacular,” Gurba wrote, it was nonetheless killed because Gurba “lacked the fame to pen something so ‘negative.’ ” 

Though Gurba’s review was published over a month ago, in the days before American Dirt hit the shelves it was shared again and again. Writers like Jose Antonio Vargas and Viet Thanh Nguyen publicly called for Ms. to account for why they decided to kill the review. 

The New York Times 

But the pan with the biggest reach came this weekend when Parul Sehgal wrote for the New York Times’ daily Books of the Times section that “this peculiar book flounders and fails.” Two days later, the Times Book Review published Lauren Groff’s conflicted review, which makes the case that the novel “was written with good intentions, and like all deeply felt books, it calls its imagined ghosts into the reader’s real flesh.” 

What’s literary drama without the Gray Lady? The differences between Sehgal’s and Groff’s reviews were noted as soon as the latter published on Sunday. Soon after Groff’s review dropped, it was linked from the Book Review’s Twitter account with a line more complimentary than any that exists in the published review: “ ‘American Dirt’ is one of the most wrenching books I have read in the past few years, with the ferocity and political reach of the best of Theodore Dreiser’s novels.” Groff responded, “Please take this down and post my actual review.” (She added, “Fucking nightmare.”) The tweet, according to Groff and, later, New York Times Book Review editor Pamela Paul, had mistakenly been pulled from an earlier draft of the review—one that perhaps started out more positive about American Dirt than it ended up. Groff seemed to agonize over the review in public, eventually tweeting, “I give up. Obviously I finished my review long before I knew of Parul’s—anyone who has gone through edits knows the editing timeline—but hers is better and smarter anyway. I wrestled like a beast with this review, the morals of my taking it on, my complicity in the white gaze.” 

Once upon a time, books frequently received reviews from both the daily Times and the Book Review, but that’s much rarer now. These days it happens only to the most newsworthy or most highly anticipated books—which often happen to be their publishers’ seasonal lead titles, the ones that get the biggest publicity budgets. In addition to those reviews, the Times also published an excerpt for some reason. Oh, and the profile. All of which makes Cummins’ fears—stated in the New York Times!—about being “silenced” seem a bit silly. For the big-money book publicity machine to wield its influence on behalf of a novel about the Mexican immigrant experience written by a non-immigrant, non-Mexican author—when books by Mexican and Mexican American writers often struggle to see daylight—is another reminder of what the industry deems valuable. Cummins’ good intentions have largely been acknowledged, but as Rebecca Makkai wrote in LitHub last year—and linked to on Tuesday, “apropos of nothing”—“I [can’t] good-person myself into good writing.” 

Still, the conversation seems to have reached its peak and is calming down. Let’s just hope Oprah doesn’t pick American Dirt for her book club or anything

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The Leather Community Isn't 'Degenerate' - It Leads the LGBTQ Movement Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=53103"><span class="small">Daniel Arrieta, The Advocate</span></a>   
Monday, 27 January 2020 09:23

Arrieta writes: "This past Martin Luther King Jr., Day, gay writer Brad Polumbo - in an op-ed for the Washington Examiner - described a perfectly normal weekend of Mexican cuisine and binging Game of Thrones with his boyfriend, while an older friend spent time with his family. In another part of Washington, D.C., my husband and I also enjoyed a perfectly normal weekend with our friends alongside hundreds of attendees at Mid-Atlantic Leather Weekend."

Contributor Daniel Arrieta gives a history lesson to those who would promote prejudice and sex-shaming. (photo: Trumbull Photography)
Contributor Daniel Arrieta gives a history lesson to those who would promote prejudice and sex-shaming. (photo: Trumbull Photography)


The Leather Community Isn't 'Degenerate' - It Leads the LGBTQ Movement

By Daniel Arrieta, The Advocate

27 January 20

 

his past Martin Luther King Jr., Day, gay writer Brad Polumbo — in an op-ed for the Washington Examiner — described a perfectly normal weekend of Mexican cuisine and binging Game of Thrones with his boyfriend, while an older friend spent time with his family.

In another part of Washington, D.C., my husband and I also enjoyed a perfectly normal weekend with our friends alongside hundreds of attendees at Mid-Atlantic Leather Weekend (MAL for short). We purchased leather and rubber outfits that would usually be out of our budget and then watched people in varying states of dress (or undress) enjoy themselves. For example, a slightly older gay man we know spent the weekend at the hotel with his husband and their newly adopted human puppy.

Across the country, millions of LGBTQ people such as us went about their normal lives celebrating who they are unapologetically, without making any headlines in the process.

However, the difference between these two experiences is that my husband and I didn’t slam those who opted against wearing latex suits with detachable butt plugs as being any less a part of the LGBTQ community. Polumbo, however, accused a tribe of consenting adults at a private event of being “degenerates” and “giving us all a bad name and annihilating what progress we’ve made.”

In the controversial commentary piece, the gay writer proceeded to lament how the gay community’s persistent “hypersexualization” of the Pride movement is “an affront to gay acceptance,” the fight for which was apparently rooted in heteronormative assimilation and the assertion that “real-life gay people tend to be as boring and domestic as anyone else.” Oh, and he described programs to diversify MAL through events celebrating queer people, transgender people, and people of color as both “disgusting” and “eminently harmful to gay progress and acceptance.”

Oh, sweetie darling, just where to start…

First of all, let’s address the problematic social construct of “normal.” For one, in the eyes of far too many people in this country, you, a homosexual, will never be “normal.” In fact, you are the very degenerate they believe is destroying America. And no amount of heteronormative and cis-normative camouflage will make them think differently. If all we — or members of any marginalized community — are concerned with is reinforcing the majority’s idea of what normal is, then we will never be able to overcome barriers to full recognition of our humanity and the rights inherent to it.

Second, let’s set the record straight about exactly who ignited and continues to advance the “Pride movement” you reference that affords you the right to serve and marry. To be clear, it was the very same disgusting, degenerate people that you described — the transgender community, people of color, and the leather community — that rioted at Stonewall, fought on the frontlines of the AIDS crisis, and marched for equality without any of the protections that you enjoy. Indeed, what strengthens today’s LGBTQ movement is the expansion of focus and attention beyond the “L” and the “G” of our alphabet to an increasingly inclusive recognition and embrace of the complexity of human sexuality and gender expression.

And finally, to put it bluntly: sex shouldn’t be some flavorless mush slopped on a cafeteria tray. Instead, it should be a glorious, plentiful buffet endowed with ever-changing colors, aromas, and textures. We, as queer people, are the creative, sexual anarchists that propel exploration into all the sensations engineered in the human body. We should be free to celebrate the fun in sex in all its myriad forms. Also, many of us understand that queer sex will always be, to some degree, an act of civil disobedience and political revolution. So why not liberate ourselves from sexual norms that never applied to us in the first place?

Indeed, Brad, we shouldn’t be more like what you imagine “normal” heterosexual people are. Trust me, they’re just as kinky and public about it. Consider Burning Man, Coachella, Spring Break, Mardi Gras, and any number of thousands of public celebrations and festivals where straight people frequently flaunt their sexuality with wild abandon.

Instead, perhaps heterosexuals should be more like the hundreds who enjoyed MAL — perfectly normal LGBTQ people who have finally learned that their bodies and affections are not a source of shame, but pride, joy, and love.

This freedom does not destroy the movement. In fact, it defines it. 

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