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RSN: The Escalating Class War Against Bernie Sanders Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=48990"><span class="small">Norman Solomon, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Tuesday, 18 February 2020 09:40

Solomon writes: "More than ever, Bernie Sanders is public enemy number one for power elites who thrive on economic injustice."

Democratic presidential candidate Sen. Bernie Sanders. (photo: Mary Altaffer/AP)
Democratic presidential candidate Sen. Bernie Sanders. (photo: Mary Altaffer/AP)


The Escalating Class War Against Bernie Sanders

By Norman Solomon, Reader Supported News

18 February 20

 

ore than ever, Bernie Sanders is public enemy number one for power elites that thrive on economic injustice. The Bernie 2020 campaign is a direct threat to the undemocratic leverage that extremely wealthy individuals and huge corporations constantly exert on the political process. No wonder we’re now seeing so much anti-Bernie rage from leading corporate Democrats – eagerly amplified by corporate media.

In American politics, hell hath no fury like corporate power scorned.

Flagrant media biases against Sanders are routine in a wide range of mainstream outlets. (The media watch group FAIR has long documented the problem, illuminated by one piece after another after another after another just this month.) In sharp contrast, positivity toward Sanders in mass media spheres is scarce. 

The pattern is enmeshed with the corporatism that the Sanders campaign seeks to replace with genuine democracy – disempowering great wealth and corporate heft while empowering everyday people to participate in a truly democratic process.

Big media are continually amplifying the voices of well-paid reporters and pundits whose jobs involve acceptance of corporate power, including the prerogatives of corporate owners and sponsors. And, in news coverage of politics, there’s an inexhaustible supply of former Democratic officeholders and appointees who’ve been lucratively feeding from corporate troughs as lobbyists, consultants and PR operatives. Their corporate ties usually go unmentioned.

An important media headquarters for hostility toward the Sanders campaign is MSNBC, owned by Comcast – a notoriously anti-labor and anti-consumer corporation. “People need to remember,” I pointed out on Democracy Now! last week, “that if you, for instance, don’t trust Comcast, why would you trust a network that is owned by Comcast? These are class interests being worked out where the top strata of ownership and investors hires the CEO, hires the managing editors, hires the reporters. And so, what we’re seeing, and not to be rhetorical about it, but we really are seeing a class war underway.”

Routinely, the talking heads and go-to sources for mainline news outlets are far removed from the economic pressures besetting so many Americans. And so, media professionals with the most clout and largest megaphones are quite distant from the Sanders base.

Voting patterns in the New Hampshire primary reflected whose economic interests the Sanders campaign is promising to serve. With 10 active candidates on the Democratic ballot, Sanders “won 4 in 10 of voters with household incomes under $50,000 and nearly 3 in 10 with incomes between $50,00 and $99,000,” The Washington Post reported.

Meanwhile, a trio of researchers associated with the Institute for New Economic Thinking – Thomas Ferguson, Jie Chen and Paul Jorgensen – found that “the higher the town’s income, the fewer votes cast” for Sanders. “Lower income towns in New Hampshire voted heavily for Sanders; richer towns did the opposite.”

The researchers saw in the data “further dramatic evidence of a point we have made before: that the Democratic Party is now sharply divided by social class.”

It’s a reality with media implications that are hidden in plain sight. The often-vitriolic and sometimes preposterous attacks on Sanders via powerful national media outlets are almost always coming from affluent or outright wealthy people. Meanwhile, low-income Americans have virtually zero access to the TV studios (other than providing after-hours janitorial services).

With very few exceptions, the loudest voices to be heard from mass media are coming from individuals with wealth far above the financial vicinity of average Americans. Virtually none of the most widely read, seen and heard journalists are on the low end of the nation’s extreme income inequality. Viewed in that light – and keeping in mind that corporate ownership and advertising dominate mainstream media – it shouldn’t be surprising that few prominent journalists have much good to say about a presidential campaign fiercely aligned with the working class.

“If there is going to be class warfare in this country,” Bernie Sanders told the Iowa AFL-CIO convention last summer, “it’s time that the working class of this country won that war and not just the corporate elite.”

To the corporate elite, goals like that are unacceptable.



Norman Solomon is co-founder and national coordinator of RootsAction.org. He was a Bernie Sanders delegate from California to the 2016 Democratic National Convention. Solomon is the author of a dozen books including War Made Easy: How Presidents and Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Trump Just Comes Out and Admits to Entire Ukraine Scam Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=44994"><span class="small">Bess Levin, Vanity Fair</span></a>   
Monday, 17 February 2020 13:32

Levin writes: "Years after O.J. Simpson was found not guilty for the murders of Nicole Brown Simpson and Ron Goldman, he wrote a book called If I Did It. Now that Donald Trump has been acquitted by Republicans for extorting Ukraine for personal gain, he's kind of doing the same thing."

Rudy Giuliani. (photo: Drew Angerer/Getty Images)
Rudy Giuliani. (photo: Drew Angerer/Getty Images)


Trump Just Comes Out and Admits to Entire Ukraine Scam

By Bess Levin, Vanity Fair

17 February 20


How are Republicans feeling right about now?

ears after O.J. Simpson was found not guilty for the murders of Nicole Brown Simpson and Ron Goldman, he wrote a book called If I Did It, in which he basically explained exactly how the two were killed with a level of detail that only someone who participated in the murders could possibly have been privy to. Now that Donald Trump has been acquitted by Republicans for extorting Ukraine for personal gain, he’s kind of doing the same thing, except (1) he freely admitted to many of the details of the alleged crime even before his Senate trial, and (2) he’s not even doing the people who let him get away with it the courtesy of throwing an “if” in there for plausible deniability’s sake.

In a podcast interview with Geraldo Rivera that aired on Thursday, Trump was asked, “Was it strange to send Rudy Giuliani to Ukraine, your personal lawyer? Are you sorry you did that?” Rather than stick with his previous denials of ever having dispatched Giuliani to Ukraine to investigate the Bidens in the first place, Trump happily copped to it all, responding: “No, not at all...I deal with the Comeys of the world or I deal with Rudy,” the former of whom, per the president, left “a very bad taste” in his mouth due to the whole Russia investigation. “So when you tell me, why did I use Rudy, and one of the things about Rudy, number one, he was the best prosecutor, you know, one of the best prosecutors, and the best mayor,” Trump said. “But also, other presidents had them. FDR had a lawyer who was practically, you know, was totally involved with government. Eisenhower had a lawyer. They all had lawyers.” FDR and Eisenhower didn’t use their personal lawyers to uncover nonexistent dirt on their political rivals, but, sure, great history lesson.

In the new interview, Trump defended the decision to “use” Giuliani, even though U.S. diplomats previously testified that Giuliani had undermined long-standing U.S. policy toward Ukraine.... Multiple witnesses described how Giuliani met with former Ukrainian officials in search of dirt against Joe and Hunter Biden. Other key players described how Giuliani and his allies pressured Ukraine to announce investigations into the Bidens. Trump’s past denials came in November, when the House of Representatives was investigating the president’s conduct with Ukraine.

Trump, of course, has insisted up to this point that he never sent Giuliani to Ukraine, claiming last year that didn’t direct the former NYC mayor to take a fact-finding trip to the Eastern European country, and that the “great corruption fighter” had taken the initiative himself.

Obviously, the president didn’t exactly try to hide his corrupt ways prior to the formal impeachment proceedings, having stood in front of the White House last October and called—on camera!—for Ukraine and China to investigate the Bidens. But now that he’s free of the fear of impeachment, he’s apparently just going for broke with the admissions, in addition to getting revenge on the individuals who had the audacity to cooperate with the House’s inquiry, like Lt. Col. Alexander Vindman, who was escorted out of the White House last week and whom Trump has asked the military to further punish for disrespecting the king. (In other “just coming out and saying it” news, Trump tweeted this morning that he’s never asked Attorney General William Barr to do something underhanded in a criminal case but totally could if he wanted to, which means he probably has already.)

Anyway, the many lawmakers who chose to acquit the president while insisting that he’d totally learned his lesson have not yet commented on the fresh confessions, but presumably they’re feeling pretty stupid right now (and will continue to let Trump get away with whatever his heart desires moving forward).

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FOCUS: In His Assault on Justice, Trump Has Out-Nixoned Nixon Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=9643"><span class="small">Robert Reich, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Monday, 17 February 2020 13:11

Reich writes: "After Watergate, we worked for impartiality. Trump, Roger Stone and William Barr have dragged us back to the swamp."

Robert Reich. (photo: unknown)
Robert Reich. (photo: unknown)


In His Assault on Justice, Trump Has Out-Nixoned Nixon

By Robert Reich, Guardian UK

17 February 20


After Watergate, we worked for impartiality. Trump, Roger Stone and William Barr have dragged us back to the swamp

istory doesn’t repeat itself, but it sometimes rhymes,” Mark Twain is supposed to have said.

My first job after law school was as an attorney at the Department of Justice (DoJ). I reported for work September 1974, weeks after Richard Nixon resigned.

In the years leading up to his resignation, Nixon turned the justice department and FBI into his personal fiefdom, enlisting his appointees to reward his friends and penalize his enemies. He brought conspiracy charges against critics of the Vietnam war, for example, and ordered the department to drop an antitrust case against ITT after the conglomerate donated money for the 1972 Republican convention.

During the Senate Watergate investigation, Nixon’s stooges kept him informed. Reports about how compromised the justice department had become generated enough public outrage to force the appointment of the first Watergate special prosecutor, Archibald Cox.

Before Nixon’s mayhem was over, his first two attorneys general were deep in legal trouble – John Mitchell eventually served 19 months in prison – and his third resigned rather than carry out the demand to fire Cox.

Watergate also ushered into politics a young man named Roger Stone – who, as it happens, also graduated from my small rural high school in Lewisboro, New York, although I didn’t know him. Stone’s first job was on Nixon’s 1972 campaign, working for the Committee to Re-elect the President, known then, and forevermore, as Creep. Stone joined some two dozen dirty tricksters hired to lie about, harass and dig up dirt on Democrats.

After Nixon resigned, the entire slimy mess of Watergate spawned a series of reforms designed to insulate the administration of justice from politics.

During the years I worked at the justice department, officials teamed up with a bipartisan group of congressional leaders with the goal of making justice the most independent part of the executive branch.

“Our law is not an instrument of partisan purpose,” said Edward Levi, Gerald Ford’s attorney general.

Griffin Bell, appointed by Jimmy Carter, described the department as “a neutral zone in the government, because the law has to be neutral”.

Regulations were put into place to insulate the FBI and DoJ from political interference. The FBI director was given a 10-year term. A protocol allowed for the appointment of outside prosecutors. US attorneys were to be independent.

White House officials and justice department lawyers weren’t supposed to exchange information about ongoing criminal investigations or civil enforcement actions. A 2007 memorandum allowed the department to advise the White House of criminal or civil enforcement matters “only where it is important for the performance of the president’s duties and where appropriate from a law enforcement perspective”.

Now we’re back to where we were 50 years ago. Trump seems determined to finish Nixon’s agenda of rigging elections and making the justice department a cesspool of partisanship. In Trump’s 2016 campaign, even Stone was back to his old dirty tricks of issuing lies and conspiracy theories, and seeking dirt on a Democratic opponent.

Trump has out-Nixoned Nixon: firing FBI director James Comey after asking him to “let go” of an inquiry into former national security adviser Michael Flynn’s interactions with Russian officials; repeatedly calling the Russian inquiry a politically motivated “witch-hunt”; urging the firing of the FBI’s No 2 official because of alleged Democratic allegiances; launching an assault on special counsel Robert Mueller’s own investigation; and appointing a lapdog attorney general, William Barr, to do whatever the president wishes.

Barr has out-Nixoned Nixon’s attorney general, John Mitchell: whitewashing Mueller’s conclusions; defending Trump’s phone call to the president of Ukraine seeking dirt on Joe Biden; defending Trump during the House impeachment; refusing to enforce congressional subpoenas; opening an “intake process” for dirt Rudy Giuliani dredges up on Trump’s political opponents; and continuing to respond to Trump’s every whim including, this week, suggesting Stone should get a milder sentence than the one career prosecutors recommended.

In November, Stone was convicted of obstructing Congress and seeking to intimidate witnesses. This week, prosecutors recommended Stone be sentenced to between seven and nine years in prison. Applying federal sentencing guidelines, they reasoned that Stone deserved it because he had threatened to harm a witness – to whom he sent the message “prepare to die” – and his conduct had resulted in “substantial interference in the administration of justice”.

“This is a horrible and very unfair situation,” Trump tweeted, early the next morning. “The real crimes were on the other side, as nothing happens to them. Cannot allow this miscarriage of justice!”

Hours later, Barr decided to seek a more lenient sentence.

“The department finds the recommendation extreme and excessive and disproportionate to Stone’s offenses,” a spokesman said.

In response, the career prosecutors filed notices in court of their intention to leave the case. One wrote that he was resigning as an assistant US attorney and leaving government altogether.

The incident caused such an uproar that on Thursday Barr was forced to declare in a TV interview that he wouldn’t be “bullied” and that Trump’s tweets “make it impossible for me to do my job”.

But anyone who has watched Barr repeatedly roll over for Trump saw this as a minimal face-saving gesture. As if to underscore Barr’s subordinate role, on Friday Trump tweeted that he has the “legal right” to meddle in cases handled by the DoJ.

Trump’s view is that he has ultimate power – an “absolute right” – to control the justice department.

That’s as wrongheaded now as it was when Nixon held the same view. If a president can punish enemies and reward friends through the administration of justice, there can be no justice. Justice requires impartial and equal treatment under the law. Partiality or inequality in deciding whom to prosecute and how to punish invites tyranny.

A half-century ago, I witnessed the near dissolution of justice under Nixon and the enablers then drawn to him, such as Roger Stone. I served in the justice department when it and Congress resolved that what had occurred would never happen again.

But what occurred under Nixon is happening again. Trump neither understands nor cares about justice. He cares about nothing but himself. Like Nixon, he has usurped the independence of the Department of Justice for his own ends.

Unlike Nixon, Trump won’t resign. He has too many enablers – not just a shameful attorney general but also shameless congressional Republicans – who place a lower priority on justice than on satisfying the most vindictive and paranoid occupant of the White House since Richard Milhous Nixon.

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RSN: Sanders Gives the Democrats Legitimacy Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=63"><span class="small">Marc Ash, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Monday, 17 February 2020 09:40

Ash writes: "Independence frightens political party establishments but it comforts voters."

Vermont Senator and presidential candidate Bernie Sanders greets supporters at a 2019 campaign rally in Los Angeles. (photo: LA Times)
Vermont Senator and presidential candidate Bernie Sanders greets supporters at a 2019 campaign rally in Los Angeles. (photo: LA Times)


Sanders Gives the Democrats Legitimacy

By Marc Ash, Reader Supported News

17 February 20

 

ndependence frightens political party establishments, but it comforts voters. “On our side, right or wrong” is a bad formula for good governance. The voters rightly see political independence as a necessary thing when making critical decisions on policy. It speaks to the issue of doing the right thing versus doing the politically convenient thing, the former being significantly more respected and admired than the latter.

Bernie Sanders’s position in the Senate as a career-long Independent is not a liability for the Democratic Party, it’s an asset. It gives the entire Democratic platform greater independence, credibility and legitimacy – not to mention a big leg-up with Independent voters, particularly in key battleground states.

In the four years since the 2016 presidential election cycle, a number of public opinion polls have been conducted asking different variants of the question, “Which American politician do you trust most?”  Respondents have consistently rated Sanders highest in terms of honesty and as the political figure they trust most.

That public perception of trustworthiness is an incredibly valuable asset for the Democratic party heading into the 2020 campaigns – in terms of defeating Donald Trump and in the down-ballot races as well. Trust matters. Sanders has it, and his status as a frontrunner for the Democratic nomination strengthens the entire party as a result.

Democratic leaders love to talk about fighting for working Americans. Sanders’s grass-roots movement, a movement built tirelessly over the past five years, is made up of working Americans. That should be a perfect fit for the Democratic Party.  

Sanders was the ideological architect of the issues that brought the Democrats to power in the House in 2018.  The conversation about single payer healthcare and the state of healthcare in the U.S. were issues Sanders forced to the forefront and the ones, unsurprisingly, the voters responded to. His influence over the voters, the political debate, and the Democratic Party was on full display in 2018. The result was a resounding win for working Americans and the Democratic Party.  

Sanders represents the best, most valuable, and rarest kind of political power – political power through social relevance. He offers a rare opportunity for the Democratic Party to gain historic ground. This is one wave Democratic leadership can and should ride.


Marc Ash is the founder and former Executive Director of Truthout, and is now founder and Editor of Reader Supported News.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Beijing's Deadly Mistakes on Coronavirus Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=53349"><span class="small">Brendon Hong, The Daily Beast</span></a>   
Monday, 17 February 2020 09:40

Excerpt: "China's economy is 18 percent of global GDP. The more it falters, the more impacts are felt everywhere, and that would be the case even if this plague were confined. But it's not."

'As of Saturday in China, around 35 million people are living in cities that have been placed under mass quarantine due to the coronavirus outbreak.' (photo: Costfoto/Barcroft Media/Getty Images)
'As of Saturday in China, around 35 million people are living in cities that have been placed under mass quarantine due to the coronavirus outbreak.' (photo: Costfoto/Barcroft Media/Getty Images)


Beijing's Deadly Mistakes on Coronavirus

By Brendon Hong, The Daily Beast

17 February 20


China's economy is 18 percent of global GDP. The more it falters, the more impacts are felt everywhere, and that would be the case even if this plague were confined. But it's not.

ntire economies are stalling in distant parts of the world because of what’s going on in China. In a matter of weeks, the novel coronavirus first sighted in the central Chinese city of Wuhan less than two months ago, when it is believed to have made the leap from animal hosts to humans, has traveled to many continents. And the outbreak has changed the world in ways nobody had foreseen. 

The vast, fast-spreading contagion is a classic example of what Nassim Taleb years ago dubbed a “black swan”: an event that is highly improbable and unpredicted, a surprise that reshapes history, and is then subject to “retrospective distortion,” when everyone says they should have seen it coming.

If there is a difference, it’s that the initial reaction of the Chinese Communist Party was to deny in real time that anything very important was happening at all until the evidence was quite literally overwhelming. 

So the question has become, to put it colorfully, whether the black swan will vanquish the red dragon, or the other way around, and as the battle continues how great will the impact be on the rest of the globe.

BEIJING QUARANTINES

As of Saturday in China, around 35 million people are living in cities that have been placed under mass quarantine due to the coronavirus outbreak. That’s almost as many people as in California, the most populous state in America.

For more than three weeks, people in Hubei province, where Wuhan is the capital, have been confined to their homes except for medical emergencies or quick supply runs. Police, drones, and zealous apparatchiks have been deployed around the country to maintain various levels of lockdowns.

The economy is slowing down, with a dramatic effect on global oil prices, manufacturing supply chains on the far side of the world, and, of course, questions about public health in the many countries that have seen confirmed cases of the sickness.  

On Friday, the central government declared that all residents of Beijing returning from the Chinese New Year holidays endure a 14-day “self-quarantine or go to designated venues to quarantine.”

Things look dire, and it’s unclear when the viral outbreak will subside.

Time and time again during the crisis, people have seen that the Chinese Communist Party, with its readiness to mobilize an enormous security apparatus that fuses waves of manpower with cutting-edge technological accoutrements, still lacks reasonable plans to handle this critical, nationwide emergency.

While it’s hard to say what the actual toll on China’s population is so far—official numbers describing diagnoses and deaths don’t reflect conditions on the ground—what’s clear is the virus’ unexpected emergence and swift spread around the globe has changed how Chinese people express their views about their government.

XI TO THE RESCUE?

Chinese leader Xi Jinping has stated that officials need to hit economic growth targets for this year even though many businesses have ground to a halt. He expects them to make “adjustments” to minimize the virus’ impact on China's economic standing. State-owned enterprises are meant to have zero infections within their ranks. 

It’s unclear how people are to avoid infection and sickness if they’re being ordered to head back to work.

Heads are rolling in Hubei. Top officials in the province have been sacked and replaced by Xi Jinping’s protégés. The message broadcast by the party is clear: Rogue officials are responsible for this mess. The central authorities have come to your rescue.

State-run media already are spinning legends about the medical workers who have been dispatched to Wuhan and the rest of Hubei, as well as well-meaning individuals who have poured their savings and supplies into donation funds. There is footage of nurses who worked until they collapsed circulating on Douyin, the domestic equivalent of the viral video app TikTok. Video of quarantined patients dancing in a convention center now used to warehouse patients portrays a rosy picture of sick people feeling better, recovering, having fun. Surely, then, things are looking up.

Yet the party’s propagandists can’t pave over the numbers that every household in China is following. As of Saturday morning, there were nearly 66,600 confirmed coronavirus diagnoses in China. More than 1,500 have been recorded as killed by the virus. These are the official statistics issued by China’s National Health Commission. 

Doctors in Hubei and medical experts around the world believe the figures to be far higher. But by using the numbers for a rough calculation involving only the 9,600 cases where we know the outcome (or failure) of treatment, we can see that while 8,100 people have been reported as “recovered,” given that 1,500 are dead the coronavirus has a tremendously high kill rate of between 15 and 16 percent—nearly eightfold the 2 percent lethality cited by Chinese authorities.

On Friday, the National Health Commission said that more than 1,700 medical workers have been infected with the coronavirus. Six of them have died.

In a feeble attempt to calm the public, the state-run news agency Xinhua tole people this week, “Don't be terrified by the sharp increase in new cases.”

Officials are redoubling efforts to round up sick people in Hubei and house them in designated quarantine spaces. Suspected carriers are being placed in isolation in hotels and schools that have been outfitted for that purpose. Health officials working in Wuhan estimate that by Feb. 20 they will need 200,000 more beds for patients, including people who are suspected of carrying the coronavirus.

And in the southeastern corner of China, more than 1,000 kilometers from Wuhan, the city governments of Guangzhou and Shenzhen issued decrees to requisition private property, including housing and vehicles, that can be utilized to contain the outbreak. It’s the first time for local governments to activate an emergency law that was passed in 2007.

Starting on Sunday, all passengers of the Shenzhen subway will have to register their identities before rides so that the government can more easily track the movements of anyone who may be diagnosed subsequently as a host for the virus in the future. (The country’s vaunted, invasive facial recognition software has proved useless when everyone’s wearing protective face masks.) 

Across China, officials have tapped state-run telecommunication service providers to keep track of citizens, particularly to see if people have visited Hubei. At various public locations, security personnel examine text messages that show where a phone—and presumably its owner—has been in the past 15 days.

Chinese enterprises of all sizes have been hit hard, sending ripples through global commerce. Many may fold in the coming weeks, sending millions of workers into unemployment.

This is the world’s second largest economy, representing roughly 18 percent of global GDP. The more it falters, the more impacts are felt everywhere, and that would be the case even if this plague were confined to China’s borders. But of course it is not.

GLOBAL CHILLS

So far, only four people have died outside of mainland China due to complications brought on by the coronavirus—in Hong Kong, the Philippines, Japan, and, most recently, in France on Saturday. But its rapid spread has put many health authorities around the world on high alert.

In the U.S., the Centers for Disease Control (CDC) has confirmed that some of its testing kits for the virus do not function properly. At the same time, new cases of infection are showing up in California and Texas, where evacuees from Wuhan are under medical observation.

Airlines based in the U.S., New Zealand, Vietnam, Singapore, Rwanda, Kenya, the United Kingdom, and other countries have suspended flights to mainland China, disrupting travel, commercial shipping, and even normal postal service. 

At least 50 countries and territories have banned travelers from mainland China, in some cases including departures from any other country where there is a confirmed infection. Meanwhile, China’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs has summoned foreign diplomats to make the case for their governments to reopen borders to Chinese nationals.

A cruise ship with more than 2,250 people on board wasn’t able to dock anywhere after being turned away from Thailand, Japan, Taiwan, Guam, and the Philippines—and it didn't even have sick people on board. Finally, on Thursday, Cambodia allowed it to steer into a port.

Another cruise ship, the Diamond Princess floating off the shore of Yokohama, south of Tokyo, has been placed under a two-week quarantine. As of Saturday afternoonFriday morning, 285 of its passengers were diagnosed as carriers of the coronavirus.

Vietnam has quarantined more than 10,000 people 40 kilometers from its capital, Hanoi.

There’s good reason for nations outside of China to be worried. In Japan, none of the people who most recently tested positive for being infected have direct links to China, whether in their travel histories or interpersonal contacts. Ira Longini, a biostatistician and advisor to the World Health Organization, has warned that two-thirds of the world’s population could be infected. His calculation was based on each carrier infecting two to three people.

#WUFLU NO MORE

As the virus made its way overseas, Beijing’s geopolitical influence abroad was perhaps most noticeable in the World Health Organization’s hesitance to classify the outbreak formally as a “public health emergency of international concern.” Although the WHO eventually did make that declaration, its director general, Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, continues to heap praise upon CCP leader Xi Jinping, saying that he showed the right sort of “political commitment” and “political leadership” to weather a mass-scale medical crisis.

On Wednesday in Geneva, Tedros said, “We have met the president [Xi]. We have seen the level of knowledge he has on the outbreak. Don’t you appreciate that kind of leadership?” Tedros, aware of accusations he’s been soft on China, added, “We don’t say anything to please anyone.”

When meeting with the WHO head two weeks ago, Xi said he was “personally directing” and “personally planning” the Chinese government’s response to the outbreak.

Some call it the Wuhan virus. For a brief period, the hashtag #WuFlu was trending on Twitter. As infection numbers climbed in China, the WHO temporarily designated it as 2019-nCoV, then on Tuesday labeled it clinically as SARS-CoV-2, calling the disease it caused in humans COVID-19, or Corona Virus Disease 19. The idea, Tedros tweeted, was to “not refer to a geographical location, an animal, an individual or group of people.”

It wasn’t until Saturday that Beijing finally approved the WHO’s investigation of the virus on site in Wuhan.

THE PARTY ABOVE ALL

In the recent past, in times of collective shock and trauma, people in China have taken to social media to vent their frustrations. Two high speed trains crashed and killed 40 people in 2011. More than 87,000 were killed during an earthquake that hit Sichuan province in 2008, including thousands of children in schools constructed using substandard materials and shoddy techniques. These two disasters were exacerbated because of the neglect embodied within the CCP. Though corrupt cadres were routed out in the aftermath, little has changed within the government’s structures. Preserving the party’s interests is the key objective and the safety of the people decidedly secondary.

The Chinese Communist Party has figured out how to govern 1.4 billion citizens—but only by instituting authoritarian, at times dystopian measures during peaceful times. When disaster strikes, the party’s bureaucratic machinery lacks fluidity and fails to adapt. It simply falls apart.

Many in China, trapped at home, cycle through three feelings—boredom, anxiety, rage. After the death of the young doctor Li Wenliang, who tried to raise the alarm about the virus before it spread beyond one marketplace, the nation mourned—and did so without top-down guidance. 

The police in Wuhan had detained the doctor and designated him as a “rumormonger.” Then, after he died, the state appropriated his actions to repackage him as a national hero, a patriot. Party officials had set out to dye his legacy with the CCP’s colors and dogma.

But people wouldn’t buy it. They raised lights by their windows, shouting with fury into the night, recalling how the doctor was coerced into admitting that he broke the law and “disrupted social order.”

The collective grieving we saw captured a national spirit that wasn’t defined or controlled or controllable by the party’s ideologues. It was a moment that has kindled soul-searching in China: if the party can’t take care of Chinese citizens in a time of critical need, then the people need to organize on their own, for themselves, to assist each other, independent of the state.

SARS-CoV-2 is a global menace, but it required a host—an organizational, systematic deficiency—to make it so deadly so quickly. The way that the CCP’s cadres run China is unhealthy for the nation and the rest of the world—as we can see now only too clearly.

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