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The Vultures Aren't Hovering Over Africa - and That's Bad News Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=50631"><span class="small">Stephen Moss, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Sunday, 14 June 2020 08:22

Moss writes: "It's hard to love vultures. Their bare-headed appearance, scavenging habits and reputation as the refuse disposal workers of the bird world rarely endear them to a public who prefer more conventionally attractive creatures. But amid growing fears that the birds are facing extinction, conservationists are calling for more to be done to save these unloved birds of prey."

Vultures squabble over an elephant carcass in Kenya. (photo: Jen Guyton/2018 Wildscreen Panda Awards)
Vultures squabble over an elephant carcass in Kenya. (photo: Jen Guyton/2018 Wildscreen Panda Awards)


The Vultures Aren't Hovering Over Africa - and That's Bad News

By Stephen Moss, Guardian UK

14 June 20

 

Unlovely and unloved, vultures play a vital role as nature’s clean-up squad but are now one of the most threatened groups of birds on the planet

t’s hard to love vultures. Their bare-headed appearance, scavenging habits and reputation as the refuse disposal workers of the bird world rarely endear them to a public who prefer more conventionally attractive creatures. But amid growing fears that the birds are facing extinction, conservationists are calling for more to be done to save these unloved birds of prey.

But in just 15 years, from 1992 to 2007, India’s most common three vulture species declined by between 97% and 99.9%. The consequences were catastrophic: only once the vultures had gone did people realise the crucial job they had been doing in clearing up the corpses of domestic and wild animals. Rotting carcasses contaminated water supplies, while rats and feral dogs multiplied, leading to a huge increase in the risk of disease for humans.

key cause was confirmed. Asia’s vultures were feeding on animal carcasses containing diclofenac, an anti-inflammatory drug routinely given to domestic cattle but poisonous to birds.

16 old world vulture species. They are found in towns and cities as well as in the savannah, where again they perform the vital role of the clean-up squad.

Africa, these birds have been a reassuring and seemingly permanent presence wherever big game animals roam. But now there are signs that Africa’s vulture populations are also plummeting at an alarming rate.

– a significant proportion of the entire world population – died in Guinea-Bissau in March. The deaths were due to poisoning, and reports suggest they may be linked to the trade in vulture parts amid a widespread belief that possessing the head of a vulture guards against harm and acts as a good luck charm.

red list. Twelve species of vulture are now listed as endangered or critically endangered, meaning vultures are one of the most threatened groups of birds on the planet.

Endangered Wildlife Trust, recalls that in June 2013 several hundred vultures were poisoned at an elephant carcass in the Zambezi region of Namibia. More recently, in June last year, 537 vultures of five different species were poisoned at elephant carcasses near Chobe national park in Botswana.

RSPB senior conservation scientist specialising in vultures, says that while deliberate poisoning by poachers does occur, other cases are unintentional. “Pastoralists and rural farmers try to protect their livestock from wild dogs, jackals, lions and hyenas by poisoning predators, and vultures are the unfortunate collateral damage.”

BirdLife South Africa, deliberate and accidental poisoning now accounts for well over half of all unnatural vulture deaths in Africa.

Conservation partnerships across eastern and southern Africa are focusing on trying to reduce the death toll from poisoning by providing training for law enforcement officers and rangers, and rapidly removing poisoned carcasses – though with such huge areas involved, that is not an easy task.

All of these actions are recommended in the Multi-species Action Plan to Conserve African-Eurasian Vultures, which has been adopted by all African states where vultures occur, and provides a road map to halt the decline in vulture populations over the next 12 years.

Vulture Safe Zones across the region. These encourage owners of large tracts of land to keep vultures safe, with anti-poisoning measures, education projects and ways to prevent habitat loss, yet another factor in the birds’ decline.

The situation is not helped by a lack of appreciation of the importance of vultures, as Beckie Garbett of BirdLife International Africa admits.

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Trump Blasts Milley: "This Is Not the Military I Avoided Serving In" Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=9160"><span class="small">Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker</span></a>   
Saturday, 13 June 2020 13:05

Borowitz writes: "In a series of angry tweets on Thursday, Donald J. Trump lashed out at the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Mark Milley, declaring, 'This is not the military I avoided serving in.'"

Donald Trump. (photo: Scott Olson/Getty Images)
Donald Trump. (photo: Scott Olson/Getty Images)


Trump Blasts Milley: "This Is Not the Military I Avoided Serving In"

By Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker

13 June 20

The article below is satire. Andy Borowitz is an American comedian and New York Times-bestselling author who satirizes the news for his column, "The Borowitz Report."


n a series of angry tweets on Thursday, Donald J. Trump lashed out at the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, General Mark Milley, declaring, “This is not the military I avoided serving in.”

Calling Milley’s apology for appearing in last week’s controversial church photo op “a disgrace,” Trump said, “The United States military of my youth was known for courage and valor, which is why I got a podiatrist’s note to get out of being a part of it.”

Recalling that episode from a half century ago, Trump said, “As I watched my podiatrist dictate that note, I thought about the great institution of the U.S. military, which I would be exempted from participating in. That institution is unrecognizable today.”

With his apology, Trump claimed, “Mark Milley has besmirched the memories of all the Americans who fought so hard to avoid fighting.”

In his most caustic broadside against Milley, Trump questioned the general’s ability to lead U.S. forces and said that he might have to find “someone else” to launch the American invasion of Seattle.

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Beware of Police "Reforms" That Reinforce the Very System Killing Us Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=54680"><span class="small">Janae Bonsu, In These Times</span></a>   
Saturday, 13 June 2020 12:59

Bonsu writes: "The killing of George Floyd by police sent a wave of righteous rage through the nation and around the globe."

Police officers face off with protesters. (photo: Sean Rayford/Getty Images)
Police officers face off with protesters. (photo: Sean Rayford/Getty Images)


Beware of Police "Reforms" That Reinforce the Very System Killing Us

By Janae Bonsu, In These Times

13 June 20


We can’t fix the problem by investing more resources in police. We must defund and disband.

he killing of George Floyd by police sent a wave of righteous rage through the nation and around the globe. It seems to have been the tipping point—following the deaths of Ahmaud Arbery, Breonna Taylor and Tony McDade—prompting a new sense of urgency for major intervention on the matter of police. But not everyone is on the same page. There is a broad consensus that there is a problem with police in the United States, but divergence on whether the problem lies with individual officers and their respective departments, or with the institution itself.

On one end of the intervention spectrum, there are those who want to reform the police: make them better by implementing more rules and regulations, requiring more training, investing in technology to bolster accountability, and generally changing the culture of law enforcement. These actions are what Critical Resistance, an organization that aims to end the prison-industrial complex, calls “reformist reforms,” or policy solutions that make cosmetic changes while expanding the reach of policing. The two most visible and recent examples are the prominent organization Campaign Zero’s #8CantWait campaign and the congressional Justice in Policing Act. Both were introduced within days of each other and garnered significant media attention.

“Non-reformist,” or abolitionist, reforms, on the other hand, work to chip away at policing and reduce its overall impact. Abolition is the theory and practice of chipping away at a vast system of formal social control, imposed through punishment and surveillance, while also building new practices and systems that affirm people’s humanity. Ultimately, abolition is about striving for a world where police, and the prison-industrial complex in which they operate, is obsolete because we can build communities that are equipped to rely on each other for safety and create alternatives to punishment.

At a time of mass mobilization and uprising, when communities are demanding reparation for historically rooted and ongoing harms, it’s a moment to dream big, fight for abolitionist demands, and reject “reformist reforms” that will only further entrench our system of racist policing.

Critical Resistance developed a chart that was inspired by organizer, writer and educator Mariame Kaba. Critical resistance presents four questions to assess and distinguish between reformist reforms versus abolitionist reforms. In the organization’s words: 

  • Does the solution reduce funding to police? 

  • Does the solution challenge the notion that police increase safety? 

  • Does the solution reduce the tools, tactics, or technology police have at their disposal? 

  • Does the solution reduce the scale of policing? 

Measuring the #8CantWait reforms and the Justice in Policing Act against these criteria, they surely fail the litmus test of transformative change. #8CantWait seeks to “bring immediate change to police departments” through eight restrictive use-of-force policies that the initiative claims can dramatically reduce police violence by 72%. The campaign encourages police departments to: (1) Ban chokeholds and strangleholds; (2) Require de-escalation; (3) Require warning before shooting; (4) Exhaust all other means before shooting; (5) Intervene and stop excessive force by other officers when it happens; (6) Ban shooting at moving vehicles; (7) Require use-of-force continuum, which guides the appropriate officer response in particular situations; and (8) Require comprehensive reporting each time an officer uses forces or threatens to do so. The initiative has since caught a lot of valid criticism, not only for the methodological flaws of its research underpinnings, but also because it is insufficient to change the fundamental structure of policing.

These recommendations presume that giving officers more rules and reporting requirements means that these guidelines will be followed; it does not. The reality is that many cities—including those with huge police departments, like New York and Chicago—have a lot of these policies in place already. Yet, unsurprisingly, these police departments are still purveyors of violence. For example, the New York Police Department (NYPD) banned chokeholds in 1993, but didn’t stop an NYPD officer from killing Eric Garner using that very method in 2014. What’s more, 40 NYPD officers have used chokeholds since the beginning of 2015. And even with accountability mechanisms to ensure that these policies are being followed, it is not enough. The margin of error is still too high. On the matter of life and death, one life taken by the state is too many. So what do we make of the 28% that #8CantWait leaves on the table?

Five days after the launch of #8CantWait, three members of the Congressional Black Caucus and the chair of the House Judiciary Committee introduced what they call the “first-ever bold, comprehensive approach” to police accountability and reform in the Senate: the Justice in Policing Act of 2020. This 134-page bill seeks to: prohibit racial and religious profiling, require body cameras, investigate police misconduct, hold police accountable in court, change the culture of law enforcement with training, improve transparency with data collection on misconduct and use of force, and make lynching a federal crime, among other reforms. There is some overlap with #8CantWait regarding a ban on chokeholds, as well as with a demand from local organizers calling for an end to no-knock warrants. There is also some overlap with demands from progressive organizations like Action Center on Race and the Economy (ACRE), which has called for a national database of decertified police officers to prevent them from simply moving to different jurisdictions, ending the qualified immunity doctrine that prevents police from being held legally accountable, and demilitarizing the police. It’s worthwhile to note, though, that the proposed congressional bill seeks to only limit the transfer of military equipment to local police departments under the 1033 Program with additional regulations, while ACRE is calling for the altogether elimination of military transfers. Even with this overlap, the Justice in Policing Act does not get us to the rotten core of the problem that is policing.

None of the recommendations from either initiative recognize policing itself as the problem. As Kaba has said, “violence is endemic to U.S. policing itself,” making the notion of police violence redundant. It is an inherently racist, violent institution born out of slave patrols. As long as police have existed, they have operated as the foot soldiers of the social order meant to control, criminalize, and surveil marginalized people while prioritizing the protection of property.

Neither initiative reduces funding to police. In fact, core elements of the Justice in Policing Act increase funding for more training and community policing. The latter would allocate funds from the Community Oriented Policing Services (COPS) program to establish local task forces on what they call policing innovation. The bill would also allocate funding to create training programs for law enforcement on “best practices” from the reforms proposed by the Task Force on 21st Century Policing. More funding is, obviously, not aligned with the goal of defunding and certainly not abolishing the police.

Not only do these “solutions” fail to challenge the notion that police increase safety, they actually further entrench the legitimacy of the notion that police have a monopoly on public safety. The aforementioned COPS grants are what Congress calls an investment in “transformative community-based policing programs,” but there’s nothing transformative about the notion of a community-engaged arm of the police state. The bill would allocate these funds towards community-based organizations to come up with new ways to work with the police when it should really be for community-based infrastructure for accountability and justice without having to use police. Community policing tends to operate as a means to undermine self-governance, and mobilizes the community to act as police intelligence gatherers and political advocates for punitive criminal justice. Community policing offers, to cite the Chicago political formation We Charge Genocide, “the promise of blunting grievances of radical movements and co-opting some of their leaders.” Further, members of Congress co-opting language like transformative and reinvest from abolitionist movements is disingenuous and counterproductive in a time when reception to the idea of reducing the size, scope and role of the police is at an all time high.

Disturbingly, the Justice in Policing Act also requires more technology in the form of body and dashboard cameras, which not only requires funding but could be used to justify police murder by people who look for such excuses.

Thankfully, reformist reforms are being countered by those who can imagine and are fighting for a world where police are essentially obsolete, because the elements of real community safety are fundamentally opposed to what police actually do. The demand to defund police is reverberating across the country, thanks to the work of Movement for Black Lives (M4BL), the abolitionists who put forth the #8ToAbolition response to #8Cant Wait, and the radical left movement that has been dreaming of freedom from the police state for decades.

Defunding the police may sound completely ludicrous to people who are wholly invested in the idea that police keep us safe. That belief is, in large part, due to what seems to be a lack of alternatives. However, in all spaces that I’ve been in that have engaged in some type of visionary exercise to imagine a world without prisons and policing, and devise new understandings of what real safety looks like, this vision inevitably involves a community with significantly more resources. Policing, prisons, poverty and profit are all connected; any discussion of abolition must discuss distribution of resources.

The recent moves towards abolition through defund and dismantle strategies have been exciting to see, like Minneapolis Public Schools severing ties with the Minneapolis Police Department and the subsequent City Council vote to completely disband its police force. These are victories that were years in the making by grassroots organizations like the Black Visions Collective and Reclaim the Block, yet the fruits of this labor is just the beginning. There’s much more work to do.

Abolition is not just about getting rid of police officers and brick and mortar buildings full of cages. It is also about undoing the society we live in because the prison industrial complex both feeds on and maintains oppression and inequalities. It’s about divesting from punitive systems, and then investing in systems that care for people, from mental health clinics and drug treatment programming to universal childcare and after-school programs. A prison abolitionist framework entails, more specifically, developing and implementing alternative social projects, institutions and conceptions of governance, and remedying shared problems—interventions that might make police and prisons insignificant and ineffective to ensuring safety and security over the long term. And critically, to move towards an abolitionist horizon, we must identify and critique those “reformist reforms” that threaten to knock us off our path.

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How Europe's "Trash Market" Offloads Pollution on Its Poorest Countries Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=54678"><span class="small">Jana Tsoneva, Jacobin</span></a>   
Saturday, 13 June 2020 12:46

Tsoneva writes: "For decades, Europe's big economies outsourced the problem of pollution by literally shipping their trash to China."

Instead of markets in trash, we need to move swiftly to rein in trashy production that trashes the planet for profits. (photo: Jacobin)
Instead of markets in trash, we need to move swiftly to rein in trashy production that trashes the planet for profits. (photo: Jacobin)


How Europe's "Trash Market" Offloads Pollution on Its Poorest Countries

By Jana Tsoneva, Jacobin

13 June 20


For decades, Europe’s big economies outsourced the problem of pollution by literally shipping their trash to China. When Beijing banned the toxic trade in 2018, it could have served as a wake-up call — but instead, the big polluters have rerouted their garbage to low-wage, low-regulation countries inside the European Union.

ate January saw angry protests in the streets of Pernik, Bulgaria, as residents denounced the toxic air and the depletion of the local dam. In this now-shrinking industrial center just twenty miles from Sofia, air quality meters routinely record appalling sulfur dioxide levels of over 900 micrograms/m3. This highly toxic gas — the main component of acid rain, when combined with water — causes respiratory damage and is particularly dangerous for children and asthmatics. Blame for the rising pollution was attributed to a nearby privatized coal power plant that burned garbage to meet the surge in demand for heating.

Complaints here, as in other towns, soon prompted a government investigation, asking why Bulgaria’s power plants were really burning so much trash. The prevailing narrative sees this simply as a domestic problem, pointing the finger at corruption and collusion between public authorities and private business interests. But the problem isn’t just local. Rather, it is fed by the European legal framework that permits trash burning in the first place — the “circular economy” ironically meant to serve the “transition to a sustainable society.”

The circular economy aims to diminish waste levels and is a central plank of the newly proposed “European Green Deal” — yet this gesture is more of a window-dressing exercise that, as Yanis Varoufakis compellingly argued, has little to do with a real Green New Deal. The circular economy encourages reuse and recycling of consumer products via restrictive policies, such as bans on single-use plastics, but also through incentives for energy efficiency, recycling, and waste markets.

But the European directive regulating waste shipments has had a paradoxical effect: the rise of literal trash markets that transfer waste to Eastern Europe. If in the past the problem of trash was an outsourcing to China — the largest recipient of trash from the EU — this changed in 2018 when it enforced draconian restrictions on waste imports. With China abruptly shutting down the trade, the pollution outflow that began choking affluent European nations had to find alternative outlets. The trash, and the pollution associated with burning it, continues to be shipped eastward — but now it’s citizens of other EU member states who must deal with the effects.

Playing the Garbage Market

Cross-border movement of trash within the EU does not really qualify as an “export” — indeed, it does not require any special state authorization, only a notification. The market-based mechanism for waste disposal relies on and amplifies existing differentials within the EU. For example, burning waste in Bulgaria is estimated to be at least 50 percent cheaper than in Italy, since Bulgarian power plants underbid their Western European counterparts. Meanwhile, low taxes levied on deposition, combined with lax regulations on what waste gets buried, make Bulgaria a lucrative destination for disposal. This unequal situation is enabled by the European Commission’s 2017 Landfill Directive. Though it aims to virtually phase out landfills by 2035, it provides for derogation for countries that rely predominantly on landfills, thus turning poorer member states’ primitive waste disposal methods into a competitive advantage.

In December 2019, a public scandal flared up when the Italian military police apprehended a freight train containing 800 tons of illegal garbage headed for Bulgaria. Suspecting the involvement of the Italian mafia (specifically the Calabrian crime syndicate known as the ‘Ndrangheta), Bulgarian investigative media and environmental organizations sounded the alarm that Italy was exporting untreated and toxic waste to the country. Italy’s reputation (especially its southern regions) has been notoriously marred with poor waste collection and disposal, which has prompted the country to export a large amount of trash to alleviate the situation.

The intercepted 800 tons represented only one instance of such Italian shipments. Another 9,000 tons that reached the city of Pleven in late 2019 also caused grave concern. In fact, environmental organizations and the Bulgarian Socialist Party have been sounding alarms at least since the summer of 2019. And though 9,000 tons may sound like a lot, it is only a drop in a vast and unknowable ocean of trash drifting from west to east. For example, the investigative web portal Bivol claims Bulgaria is set to receive at least 1.5 million tons in the future, including Rome’s garbage output. Yet, while Bivol tried to find out exactly how much trash was entering the country, the National Customs Agency of Bulgaria only partially fulfilled their request for information. They stated that 538 companies import trash from outside the EU, but refused to reveal their identities, citing a “lack of identifiable public interest” and safeguards in place about disclosing trade secrets. For its part, the Ministry for the Environment and Water disavowed having any details about the 800-ton shipment. Environmental organizations in Bulgaria have repeatedly called for more transparency, to no avail. This kind of information blackout seems facilitated by European Economic Community rules, which consider waste “imported” only when it originates from non-member states.

The State “Investigates”

The Pleven shipment caused alarm because environmentalists reported that the trash — supposedly sorted and ready to be recycled — was dumped on a field with no electricity or water access, rousing suspicion of illegal land deposition. Upon inspection, authorities discovered that the appropriate papers for the waste were in order. However, in order to address this indignation, the Bulgarian prime minister, Boyko Borissov, promised further investigations into waste-importing companies and threatened to intern corrupt officials at Belene — Bulgaria’s infamous Stalin-era concentration camp, now a memorial site that hosts solemn anti-communist commemoration events.

In addition, the Bulgarian government seized twenty-five Italian shipping containers at the Port of Varna, and Borissov proposed a temporary moratorium on waste imports, curiously prompting letters of protest from associations of secondhand clothing importers. Borissov assured them that the state never considered secondhand clothes “trash,” but this seems contrary to the objectives of the purveyors of this business. The Minister of Environment and Water, Emil Dimitrov, representing the far-right United Patriots party, objected to the moratorium claiming it contradicted free-market principles.

As the 800 tons of Italian waste were unrecyclable, investigative journalist Dimitar Stoyanov exposed that it was destined for illegal dumping or incineration. He suspected the recipient was Hristo Kovachki, one of the richest entrepreneurs in Bulgaria, who made his fortune in energy by privatizing state-owned power plants and coal mines.

A Universe of Trash

Environmental activists and experts claimed Kovachki’s socialist-era lignite coal plants were not suited for waste incineration or burning so-called refuse-derived fuel (RDF), yet he was granted permission from the state to burn garbage despite failing to obtain social and ecological impact assessments. This, critics claim, is only possible because Kovachki enjoys protection from those at the most senior levels of the government and state administration. The Ministry of Environment and Water assured the public that Kovachki’s plants do not emit toxic pollution beyond ordinary levels, lending credibility to accusations of collusion. As some environmentalists claim, this is not possible given that his plants were built over fifty years ago to be powered only by lignite.

Kovachki has long been in the spotlight for flagrant labor and environmental abuses. For example, Lider (now the Bulgarian Democratic Center), a short-lived and baseless political party he founded, became infamous for extorting workers in one of his coal plants to vote for the party or face starvation. To ensure a decent turnout, the only Kovachki-owned supermarket — where his workers’ food vouchers were valid — imposed severe shortages of basic necessities, and many disobedient workers were threatened with layoffs. According to a leaked US embassy cable, Kovachki received seed capital from Konstantin Dimitrov, a notorious trafficker who was publicly assassinated by rival mafia gangs in 2003.

With coal getting more expensive due to European emissions taxes, Kovachki seems to be moving into the garbage business. Trash Universe, a waste-import company connected to Kovachki, is set to import 1.5 million tons of waste. Bivol’s investigation alleges that it works closely with Sergio Gozza, a shady businessman who, until recently, has fed Romanian cement factories an endless supply of Italian waste. After Romania tightened its regulations, shipments were diverted to Bulgaria due to its more business-friendly environment and lax environmental regulations (i.e., only plants burning upward of one hundred tons of waste per day are obliged to conduct environmental impact assessments, while Bulgaria’s Waste Management Act provides for a highly liberal licensing regime for import and treatment companies).

But as the scandal began dominating media headlines, the state was forced to return some of the containers. The stated reason for this was that the exporting entity claimed it consisted of plastics and rubber, while in reality the cargo contained all sorts of unsorted municipal trash unfit for burning. As far as the Bulgarian state is concerned, importing trash is not a problem — unless some irregularity in the paperwork is detected.

“Take the Waste Home”

The framing of illegal dumping as a mafia problem dominates discussions of European waste disposal in Bulgaria. Though mafia involvement is undeniably present, such a framing ignores the extent to which it is actually not only legal to burn trash in low-income countries with lax environmental regulations, but it is actively encouraged by the “circular economy” and the EU’s founding principle of the free mobility of goods, capital, and people.

For example, when the citizens of Pernik went on protest, the executive of the Republika Power Plant (owned by Kovachki) said that the introduction of biofuels and RDF is promoted by the government’s national investment plan and is fully in-line with European directives encouraging the expansion of the CO2 emissions quota trade. This is absolutely correct. The Council of the European Union officially urged “the Commission to consider how the movement of waste destined for recycling could be facilitated within the Union,” exploiting price differentials within the EU. The founding EU principle of freedom of movement of capital, goods, and people needs to be updated to include the free circulation of trash. As the ex-environmental minister Neno Dimov — a far-right climate change denier who was sacked for presiding over the depletion of the Studena Dam — said, Bulgaria is not burning enough imported garbage, “only 3 percent.” For his part, the new Minister of Environment and Water pressed the point on the inevitability of waste imports and RDF even more brutally. When more protests broke out, he unceremoniously insulted the citizens, telling them, “If you don’t like RDF, then put the trash in your own gardens.”

The latest Bulgarian waste import scandals highlight the social and environmental price of market-based solutions to Europe’s waste problem, and the inequality upon which Europe’s lauded “green circular economy” rests. Who can blame the businesses engaging in this trashy trade? After all, maritime ports and freight companies rake in cargo charges; and cement factories and power plants not only get free fuel but are paid to burn trash — and even save money because the EU considers RDF to be “carbon-neutral,” rewarding it with emissions credits. Meanwhile, the state coughs up higher prices for the electricity produced by burning RDF to stimulate “renewable sources of energy,” and wealthy countries like Italy rid themselves of their towering trash heaps at bargain prices.

It is a win-win business for everybody involved — except for nature and for local residents who are forced to breathe the toxic pollution released by the “circular economy.” It seems that expanding the garbage markets as a solution to pollution does not actually solve the problem, but just shifts it to cheaper countries whose environmental and social well-being can be sacrificed for the sake of keeping the core European states “green.” The problem will most likely worsen, given the tendency of the fossil industry to expand the production of plastics to make up for lost revenue caused by the fracking boom.

The market has proven woefully inadequate for tackling our pollution problems; in fact, it only deepens them. Instead of markets in trash, we need to move swiftly to rein in trashy production that trashes the planet for profits. This demands draconian restrictions on the production of disposable items, on planned obsolescence, and on the tendency of overproduction of high throughput sectors such as “fast” (but also regular) fashion. Madenningly, vast volumes of new garments do not even reach the stores but go straight to incinerators and landfills in order to maintain the price and prestige of the final goods.

Such overproduction is a problem endemic to capitalism — and the obsolete model of industrialization on which it is historically based. If the European Green Deal is to be truly green, market mechanisms must be removed from the equation.

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FOCUS: Black Lives Matter Is More Popular Than Donald Trump Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=50468"><span class="small">Luke Savage, Jacobin</span></a>   
Saturday, 13 June 2020 12:25

Savage writes: "National support for Black Lives Matter has soared - while President Donald Trump's approval rating has plunged ten points in a single month. The movement for racial justice is more popular than Trump's presidency."

Demonstrators march down Pennsylvania Avenue during a protest against police brutality and racism on June 6, 2020, in Washington, D.C. (photo: Drew Angerer/Getty Images)
Demonstrators march down Pennsylvania Avenue during a protest against police brutality and racism on June 6, 2020, in Washington, D.C. (photo: Drew Angerer/Getty Images)


Black Lives Matter Is More Popular Than Donald Trump

By Luke Savage, Jacobin

13 June 20


National support for Black Lives Matter has soared — while President Donald Trump’s approval rating has plunged ten points in a single month. The movement for racial justice is more popular than Trump's presidency.

s protests in all fifty states continue to rile America’s political establishment, a new poll suggests that the growing mobilizations against police brutality and structural racism may also be aiding a titanic shift in public opinion.

This week, an online and telephone survey conducted by Rasmussen found that an astonishing 62 percent of likely voters now have a favorable opinion of Black Lives Matter (BLM), while 32 percent have a very favorable one. The result represents a stunning turnaround in how many Americans perceive the movement compared with even a few years ago. A similar poll conducted by Rasmussen in June 2016, for example, found that only 37 percent of likely voters had a favorable view of BLM, while a majority viewed it unfavorably.

Some 30 percent of those surveyed this month, meanwhile, said they had developed a more favorable view of BLM since national protests ignited following the murder of George Floyd by Minneapolis police officer Derek Chauvin. In another apparent shift, a majority of likely voters now also believe that black Americans receive unfair treatment from the cops, while the number who believe there are too few police has fallen from a high of 51 percent in 2014 to 38 percent today.

In a parallel development, the approval rating held by President Donald Trump has fallen a full ten points in a single month according to Gallup, which identified a precipitous drop from 49 percent to 39 percent amid nationwide protests, the ongoing pandemic, and the federal government’s decidedly inadequate efforts to address unprecedented economic turmoil. In the modern history of presidential opinion polling, Jimmy Carter and George H. W. Bush are the only sitting presidents to have held such low approval ratings this deep into an election year. Both lost their reelection campaigns.

Though activists should certainly find the trend observed by Rasmussen encouraging, other numbers suggest that considerable work still needs to be done when it comes to converting favorable perceptions of BLM into majority public support for many of its key demands. More than half of those elsewhere surveyed by Rasmussen, for example, remain opposed to cutting their local police budgets. A minority of 17 percent presently believe there are too many police officers in the United States, though this nonetheless represents a jump of six points from 2014.

According to research published by the Urban Institute, state and local expenditure on police and policing has been ballooning for decades — vastly outpacing population growth by a margin of three to one. While liberal politicians (and most recently Barack Obama) have largely responded to the current wave of protests with familiar calls for new training protocols and racial bias training, Minneapolis already had in place many of the measures currently being put on the table at the time of George Floyd’s murder.

Though it remains to be seen what the move will look like in practice, its city council members recently voted in overwhelming numbers to “defund and dismantle” the local police department — something that would have been unthinkable only a few weeks ago.

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