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How Donald Trump Is Driving Americans to Renounce Their Citizenship |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=30317"><span class="small">Arwa Mahdawi, Guardian UK</span></a>
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Wednesday, 12 August 2020 13:14 |
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Mahdawi writes: "He may not have built his 'beautiful wall,' but Donald Trump is doing an A+ job of keeping people, including his own citizens, out of the US."
'If President Trump is re-elected, we believe there will be another wave of people who will decide to renounce their citizenship.' (photo: Getty)

How Donald Trump Is Driving Americans to Renounce Their Citizenship
By Arwa Mahdawi, Guardian UK
12 August 20
The US president’s mishandling of the coronavirus crisis has helped cause a 1,200% increase in people abandoning their US citizenship this year
e may not have built his “beautiful wall”, but Donald Trump is doing an A+ job of keeping people, including his own citizens, out of the US. Record numbers of people are giving up their US citizenship, according to analysis by a New York accountancy firm. More than 5,800 Americans renounced their citizenship in the first six months of 2020, Bambridge Accountants reports, a 1,210% increase on the six months to December 2019.
The US’s global tax reporting requirements are a major reason why many people decide to cough up the $2,350 (£1,775) fee required to officially cut ties with the US. Boris Johnson, for example, renounced his US citizenship in 2016 after complaining about the “absolutely outrageous” US tax demands. Nevertheless, it seems that Trump is sending an increasing number of expats over the edge.
“What we’ve seen is people are over everything happening with President Donald Trump, how the coronavirus pandemic is being handled and the political policies in the US at the moment,” a partner at the firm explained to CNN. “If President Trump is re-elected, we believe there will be another wave of people who will decide to renounce their citizenship.”
I can’t imagine Trump is too concerned about Americans socially distancing themselves from their passports; the man seems hellbent on making citizenship as unattractive as possible. The Trump administration is reportedly considering blocking US citizens and permanent residents from re-entering the US if an official “reasonably” believes they could have Covid-19. Once upon a time, an American passport let you cross borders with ease – now it makes you persona non grata around the world. Not only are most Americans banned from Europe, but they may also no longer even be guaranteed entrance to their own home.

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Calls to Defund the Police Are Joining the Demand to Cancel Rent |
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Written by
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Wednesday, 12 August 2020 13:14 |
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Excerpt: "The combination of rising property values and billowing police budgets have transformed New York City since the 1970s. Now, movements to defund the police are coalescing with calls to cancel rent."
Hundreds gathered to walk from the New Haven Green to the New Haven Police Department during a peaceful protest Friday. (photo: Kassi Jackson/The Hartford Courant)

Calls to Defund the Police Are Joining the Demand to Cancel Rent
By Francisco Pérez and Luis Feliz Leon, Jacobin
12 August 20
The combination of rising property values and billowing police budgets have transformed New York City since the 1970s. Now, movements to defund the police are coalescing with calls to cancel rent.
n 2014, at a fundraiser for the Police Foundation, the newly elected New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio and Police Commissioner Bill Bratton, hobnobbed with the city’s elite. Among the luminaries in attendance were billionaire Wall Street investor Carl Icahn and real estate developer Bill Rudin, whose company converted St Vincent’s Hospital into a complex of luxury condominiums with units starting at the mere pittance of $16,320,623.57.
As reported by the journalist Josmar Trujillo, the gala marked the first hundred days of de Blasio’s mayoralty and Bratton’s second stint as commissioner. Attendees were honored with keepsakes that included bullets and bulletproof vests courtesy of the NYPD. But the most important guests in the room, the coterie of millionaires and billionaires, were provided with the highest honor of the night: incontrovertible evidence of how private property and policing mutually constitute wealth accumulation under capitalism.
To this august assemblage of the city’s most powerful residents, Bratton presented slides juxtaposing drops in crime against the accompanying rise in property values in the same neighborhoods. Mayor de Blasio, ostensibly elected as a repudiation of his predecessor’s heavy-handed policing tactics, gushed with praise: “It’s actually incredibly inspiring to see what the work of the NYPD has achieved.… Let’s thank them for all they’ve done. I will also note, as a homeowner in Brooklyn, I was struck by the real-estate value map. There’s good news all around tonight.”
The combination of rising property values and billowing police budgets have transformed the city to the detriment of many, no one more so than working-class New Yorkers of color who are squeezed by higher rents and constant police harassment. Movements to defund the police are coalescing with calls to cancel rent, as activists increasingly understand that both are essential for achieving racial and economic justice.
Fear City
The real estate industry’s domination of New York City since the neoliberal turn in the mid-1970s is inextricably linked to racist policing. As researchers Gin Armstrong and Derek Seidman from the Public Accountability Initiative have found, police foundations across country have partnered with corporations to supplement their budgets and purchase equipment with no public oversight — including SWAT equipment, Long Range Acoustic Device (LRAD) sound equipment, drones, ballistic helmets, and a surveillance network of over 12,000 cameras, among other war weaponry.
Police departments have entered into an alliance with asset manager BlackRock, Goldman Sachs, Facebook, Google, Microsoft, and most troubling of all given its interest in facial recognition technology, Amazon. Those ties, argue Armstrong and Seidman, “provide a key space where the relationship between the corporate elite and police forces are solidified.” BlackRock’s CEO Larry Fink cochaired the NYC Police Foundation’s annual gala from 2017 to 2019, for which in 2019 alone, he raised $5.5 million.
Since Michael Bloomberg declared his intention to transform NYC into a “luxury product” and “to attract more very fortunate people,” because “they are the ones that pay the bills,” the neoliberal transformation of New York City went into overdrive with more than 120 neighborhoods rezoned and rents increasing by 75 percent — all while wages only grew 31 percent in the same period.
Bloomberg did introduce “inclusionary housing” to New York, but the word inclusionary was stretched beyond meaning. As the geographer Samuel Stein wrote in this magazine, “most of the inclusionary housing was targeted to households making 80 percent of AMI [Area Median Income], or roughly $61,920” — more than the city’s average income, let alone a given neighborhood’s standard. Some new apartments were built for what were termed “middle-income households;” with rents around $3,380 a month, these were targeted at those making 175 percent of the AMI, or $135,293.
Paloma Lara, an organizer at Northern Manhattan is Not for Sale/Alto Manhattan No Se Vende, got her start in tenant organizing as a sixteen-year-old through GOLES (Good Old Lower East Side) when her criminally negligent landlord tried to get her non–English speaking immigrant parents to foot the bill for a major capital improvement after the boiler exploded in the building where she and her parents lived.
“People are not just being displaced from their homes by money-hungry landlords, they’re being evicted from their neighborhoods by the state,” she told Jacobin. “In order to bring in more real estate moguls, wealth, and tax revenue, NYC has completely destroyed neighborhoods through vicious rezonings that have led to gentrification and massive displacement.” She takes particular aim at “Mayor de Blasio’s destructive Mandatory Inclusionary Housing policy” that facilitates luxury development in exchange for an inadequate amount of ‘affordable’ housing.”
Despite de Bill de Blasio’s talk of “a tale of two cities” in his campaign, New York City under his mayoralty has continued to kowtow to developers’ interests. As Stein argues in his book Capital City: Gentrification and the Real Estate State, both Bloomberg and de Blasio “believed in a bigger and stronger police force, and encouraged crackdowns on homeless people and other ‘quality of life’ offenders. They both subscribed to the same planning paradigm, whatever the problem, the solution is luxury development.”
Municipal Socialism & Neoliberalism
Under Bloomberg, NYC reached the apotheosis of a long, simmering conflict between the working class and elite business interests whose main priorities were to boost property values and their own profits. In her latest book, Fear City: New York’s Fiscal Crisis and the Rise of Austerity Politics, historian Kim Phillips-Fein’s provides a comprehensive look at this struggle leading up to and during 1975 fiscal crisis.
In the decades leading up to the 1970s, the working class in New York City held significant — though by no means dominating —power, with private and public sector unions strong enough to create a form of municipal socialism. From the 1930s to the 1960s, they pushed the city to invest in a wide range of public services, like the subway system, housing, hospitals, libraries, museums, parks, and swimming pools.
Perhaps most emblematic of this era was the creation of the City University of New York, which offered high-quality education free of charge. Its flagship campus was widely known as the “Harvard of the Proletariat” — although like many of the era’s programs, largely excluded New Yorkers of color. The city’s social spending and union wages were also underwritten by state and federal support. From 1964–65 to 1970–71, federal grants rose from 6 to 17 percent of New York City’s municipal budget, while state grants increased from 19 to 26 percent, according to Phillips-Fein.
But as deindustrialization shifted manufacturing first to the suburbs, then to southern states and finally overseas, and as the Latino and black population increased when whites fled the city, a growing racial resentment set in, which often claimed that unworthy people of color were the beneficiaries of white tax dollars.
This backlash coincided with the curtailment of federal and state funding that supported an expansive social sector. Thus, the era of the Great Society came to an end — and when Richard Nixon was elected in 1968, he did so with a mandate to end the “era of permissiveness.” By then, elite business interests were well-positioned to claim a monopoly on the city’s future.
As Phillips-Fein argues, unlike the industrialists of the postwar years who saw a clear rationale both to invest in public goods and keep rents — and therefore wages — low, the financial industry managers and real estate developers of the 1970s had a different set of priorities. This rising class of bankers and developers blamed high social spending and ballooning debt for causing the fiscal crisis. They wanted lower taxes for themselves and pushed for tax incentives to attract and retain businesses.
If the city government was to reverse the decline in its tax base, it would have to cater more to investors and wealthy residents. Indeed, “the major lesson that a generation of New Yorkers took from the fiscal crisis of the 1970s was that appealing to the private sector was the only way to build the city,” writes Phillips-Fein. Instead of municipal socialism, New York transitioned to a model geared toward gentrification and “stop-and-frisk” policing.
It is a strategy that has succeeded in boosting the real estate sector in the long term. Landlords and wealthy homeowners have been the major beneficiaries as property values in the city have exploded, tripling between 2000 and 2017 from $382 billion to $1.47 trillion.
Local governments have an incentive to raise property values since property taxes are typically their largest source of tax revenue at about 30 percent. For NYC, it’s even higher at 44 percent.
In this context, the NYPD has been rewarded for its role in raising property values for landlords and developers, with police funding increasing despite record-low crime rates. The NYPD’s budget has grown steadily since the early 1980s to $11 billion in 2020. Only the departments of education and social services receive more public money.
From #DefundthePolice to #CancelRent
In the wake of George Floyd’s killing, renters are pushing back and connecting the dots between insecure housing and police violence. Even before the coronavirus outbreak, hundreds of thousands of New Yorkers were teetering on the brink of eviction or sleeping on the street, while segregated in neighborhoods without support systems or living-wage jobs.
According to Michael Velarde, a Chicano labor and community organizer, the crisis facing New Yorkers today “has unfolded over generations of capital withdrawal, landlord neglect, and government abandonment that set the stage for the gentrification and displacement. When whites, capital, and the state withdrew from urban centers, they installed the police to oversee Black and Brown workers.”
He explains the interplay between police violence and the concentrated need in public housing. “The New York Police Department’s budget is dramatically outsized when compared to NYCHA, Velarde, told The New Republic, and ‘decades of investment in the police, as well as neoliberal cuts to social spending more broadly, have resulted in over $45 billion in essential repairs owed to NYCHA residents.’”
Michael Higgins, member of the Brooklyn Anti-Gentrification Network, finds that “there is unwarranted trust in landlords who are often breaking the law and a distrust in tenants who are fighting to live in dignity by law enforcement that is becoming more clear in this moment than ever before.”
No better site of struggle throws into sharper relief these contradictions than housing where the criminal neglect by landlords and city officials plays out in lurid displays of asymmetrical power. Juan Cano, a 32BJ Service Employees International Union maintenance worker in the commercial division, and his neighbors formed a tenant association at their 386 East 139 Street building in the Mott Haven section of the Bronx. In 2018, the tenant association sued their landlord due to a long history of violations, including rat infestations, water leaks, and lack of heat and hot water. Today, according to Emmanuel Pardilla, founder of the South Bronx Tenant Movement, the landlord Saul Piller continues to harass tenants, threatening to call immigration or offering buyouts of up to five thousand dollars.
Piller’s father is the notorious slumlord Moshe Piller who has a history replete with abuses and neglect, including the death of two babies, one-year-old Scylee Vayoh Ambrose and two-year-old Ibanez Ambrose, at 720 Hunts Point Ave., who suffered second- and third-degree burns after a steam valve came off a radiator, filling the girls’ room with scalding hot steam. After the incident, de Blasio went on WNYC’s The Brian Lehrer Show and said, “Look, I own it.” Yet still, the Piller family continues to enjoy the benefit of city contracts through the cluster site program.
Instead of enforcing housing code violations, the city government focuses on policing black bodies including in their own homes. The NYPD murders of Akai Gurley in a Brooklyn public housing stairwell and Amadou Diallo in his lobby in the Bronx are two cases in point.
Renewed tenant organizing is challenging these landlord abuses, and the call to cancel rent is amplifying across the city, with powerful ramifications for the whole capitalist system. In the words of Bronx tenant organizer, Jay Espy: “When you say cancel rent, you are really saying cancel the landlord as an entity to make them obsolete and reverse the extraction of wealth. These landlords have looted us, literally drained us. Now workers want to take back what is ours.”
Socialists have long argued that police exist to protect property, and in recent decades police have focused on urban real estate. Elites understand these links well. Mayor Bloomberg, during the Occupy Wall Street protests, smugly boasted: “I have my own army in the NYPD, which is the seventh largest army in the world.”
Around that time, Emmanuel Pardilla, organizer with the South Bronx Tenant Movement, was a high school student and frequent target of stop-and-frisk. Activists like him are increasingly drawing the links between rising rents, gentrification, and policing in New York, with campaigns to defund the police merging with those to cancel rents. To build a city where we can all live with dignity requires breaking the power of the landlords and their enforcers, the police.

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Love You to Death: How We Hurt Animals We Cherish, and Earth in Turn |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=55643"><span class="small">Esther Woolfson, Guardian UK</span></a>
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Wednesday, 12 August 2020 13:14 |
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Excerpt: "Something has gone badly wrong with the way we keep pets. Our casual cruelties are a symptom of our unhealthy relationship with other species."
'Something has gone badly wrong with the way we keep pets.' (image: Guardian UK)

Love You to Death: How We Hurt Animals We Cherish, and Earth in Turn
By Esther Woolfson, Guardian UK
12 August 20
Something has gone badly wrong with the way we keep pets. Our casual cruelties are a symptom of our unhealthy relationship with other species.
must have been about four when we drove to buy a dog. The day is now only a haze of Sunday afternoon impressions of rain and green, of the muddy track somewhere in the Stirlingshire countryside, a room, a log fire, and the two chosen puppies who would be the confidants of my growing up. The black dog died when I was in my early teens, and the brown one, the last dog I knew well, shortly before I left school. Our buying them must have been part of the growing tendency for post-second world war pet-keeping, which had been increasing since Victorian times, and was about to expand into the vast pet trade of today.
But what makes us choose one creature over another? Many studies have evaluated the importance of a species’ appearance in determining its popularity, commercial potential or conservation status. The conclusions are dismaying: “An animal’s attractiveness substantially increases support for its protection,” one study says, while another concludes: “A few charismatic and cute species … tend to receive most of the conservation funds and policy attention.” Creatures are ranked – “the 20 most charismatic species” – or described as “powerful commercial icons” or “the world’s cutest animals”. Even the birds in our gardens are subject to our caprices. The results of a study on the “likeability” of garden birds show that we like songbirds (even though we may not be able to define correctly what a songbird is), preferring robins and blackbirds to corvids, gulls, pigeons and starlings. We consider the former attractive but the latter argumentative, competitive and noisy – all necessary, natural behaviours of wild birds. “Charismatic”, “iconic”, “cute” – in a time of devastating and irreversible species loss, can these really be the measures of our love?
What about invertebrates? In any measure of love, we do not include thoughts of ecological niches, of trophic cascades, of the unseen, unknown benefits that we gain from other species in ways we might not understand. Species we regard as malign – the ubiquitous Highland midge, or winter moths – may be problematic simply because they are inimical to the interests of humans. Parasitoid wasps are efficient controllers of common garden pests. Parasitiformes and acariformes, the mites and ticks, more than a million species of them – most as yet undescribed – have important and complex roles in ecology, but fall very far outside the boundaries of our interest or concern.
Earthworms, who we tolerate because we know of their benefits to our gardens, are never likely to be regarded as “charismatic” species, but Charles Darwin himself, in his monograph The Formation of Vegetable Mould Through the Action of Worms, With Observations on Their Habits, writes with enthusiasm and even warmth of his discoveries of their likes and dislikes, of their intelligence and their unexpected abilities. That the vast majority of the world’s species, 95% of them invertebrate, will fail all the common tests and judgments we construct, belies their overwhelming importance and significance. The organisation Buglife suggests that for life to continue on a healthy planet, invertebrates play a more important role than we do.
In an astute and moving essay, Praise Song for the Unloved Animals, the American writer Margaret Renki pays tribute to the role played in the complex systems of life and renewal by some of the reviled creatures of the Earth, among them opossum, vulture, spider, wasp, bat and snake, and their place in the cardinal cycles of consumption and continuity. She writes beautifully of the red bat’s “canny wings”, of mosquitos providing food for the “chittering chimney swifts” and of the “glossy vulture” – often mistaken in flight for eagles, ospreys or hawks, “creatures we thoughtlessly love much more” – whose eating of the bodies of dead creatures is a vital stage in the process of returning flesh to life. She reminds us that perhaps, had our love been different, the world might have been, too.
If an emphasis on appearance has had vastly damaging effects on all species, it has exercised a cruelly malign influence over those we keep as pets. Once bred for their qualities as working or hunting animals, for speed and strength, the “selective” breeding of dogs over centuries created diverse breeds from the single canine line, but in more recent years criteria for selection have changed in response to the demand for “pedigree” animals who conform to particular standards of behaviour and appearance. Not just for dogs, the way a creature looks seems a major determinant of their fate. Beginning with an already narrow gene pool, selective breeding has greatly increased the incidence of disease in these animals, many of whom, as a result of our choices, suffer from life-limiting or chronic, painful conditions.
I stand at the traffic lights waiting to cross. A young man beside me holds a lead – at the end of it is a puppy standing patiently between us. In the moments before the crossing signal, I listen to the dog breathe. The sound is old and bronchitic, a dissonant issuing from this neat little body, the laboured wheezing of a young dog’s breath. The man is fashionably dressed, and the dog most probably loved and precious. I’m not sure if the dog is a French bulldog or a pug, but he’s one of those that now form a widespread, snuffling, breathless band of canine respiratory distress. The lights change, and man and dog walk off, the dog carrying his possibly malign genetic destiny, his future skin-fold pyoderma, the corneal ulceration that may affect his protruding eyes, the upper airway obstruction that is probably already causing him to wheeze. It’s not the first time I’ve wondered – what made this man and others seek out and pay for creatures who may live shortened, suffering lives?
Deliberate selection for short limbs and long backs has caused dachshunds, shih-tzus, basset hounds and other breeds to suffer from a painful bone condition called chondrodystrophy. Larger dogs such as rottweilers, St Bernards and retrievers experience hip dysplasia, arthritis, osteosarcomas and degeneration of the joints. Eye problems are common in many breeds, as is deafness. Skin diseases and inflammation are caused by breeding for wrinkled skin in basset hounds, bloodhounds and shar peis. Blood, kidney, gastrointestinal and neurological ailments are common – many King Charles spaniels, griffons and chihuahuas suffer from the spinal-cord destroying syringomyelia, caused by having skulls too small to accommodate their brains. It is a condition that has increased greatly over the past 20 years, and continues to do so. Cavalier King Charles spaniels also suffer from mitral valve disease, while other heart conditions afflict boxers, rottweilers and dobermanns. Very small “teacup” dogs suffer from increased bone fragility while “flat-faced” or brachycephalic dogs – such as pugs, bulldogs and Pekingese – frequently suffer from brachycephalic obstructive airway syndrome (Boas), which causes breathing difficulties and shortens their lives. Many dogs are artificially inseminated, and as a result of selection for large heads and narrow pelvises, are unable to give birth without a caesarean section.
Cats, too, suffer the results of breeding for “desirable” traits, most often those associated with colour and appearance. Pedigree cats suffer disproportionately from dystocia – difficulty in giving birth, and subsequent high death rates for pedigree kittens. Manx cats may suffer from a number of ailments related to selection for short or no tails including spinal deformities, spina bifida and digestive problems.
Scottish fold cats are subject to cartilage problems, leading to arthritic conditions, while Burmese cats are prone to diabetes mellitus, cranial deformities, glaucoma and kidney stones. Both Burmese and Siamese cats may also suffer from Boas, diabetes, asthma, lymphomas, strabismus, hip dysplasia and small intestinal adenocarcinomas. Rabbits such as the English “lop” have significant health problems caused by their overlong ears. Selectively bred rats are subject to a number of health problems, including greatly increased risk of tumours.
The small dog at the traffic lights is just one of many. Their popularity has increased to the point where, despite widespread publicity about their health problems, demand for them greatly exceeds supply, which has brought about not only the irresponsible breeding that produces unhealthy animals, but has also led to a huge increase in the hazardous and cruel “farming” of dogs, and their illegal trade and importation across borders. At least one danger of this trade is the possibility of the reintroduction of rabies, as a result of faked certificates and the importation of affected creatures. Images from puppy farms look remarkably similar to those from fur farms, showing the dirty, caged, abused and suffering creatures we still continue to buy.
What makes us do it? Why do we encourage a trade that exploits the sufferings of others? One suggestion is that the “childlike” appearance of dogs such as pugs and bulldogs attracts us – according to a theory in evolutionary psychology, Kindchenschema, also known as neoteny, a positive response to the appeal of babylike or cute faces is an evolutionary way of ensuring the survival and nurturing of offspring. The theory may be correct (if you really think that bulldogs look like babies), but it does not prevent us from making an ethical decision about who and what we buy. I watch at the traffic lights as the man leads the dog away, a lifelong victim of our desire for “cute”.
No longer simply a matter of small, personal decisions, our animal owning has implications far wider than the privacy of our homes. It is increasingly subject to the moral, financial and political questions raised by our knowledge of animal cognition, and urgent considerations of consumption and resource. Feeding our pets involves similar questions to the ones we ask about feeding ourselves – what is healthy, affordable, necessary, ethical and environmentally sustainable?
A 2017 study assessed the environmental impact of companion animals in the US. The findings were that dogs and cats were responsible for 25-30% of the environmental impact of all meat consumption, that they created 64m tonnes of carbon dioxide and methane, and produced 5.1m tonnes of faeces annually, the same as 90 million humans. The study suggested that, in the light of these figures, increasing pet-keeping worldwide will make a hugely significant contribution to our current ecological crisis. (The suggestion that the food fed to animals is a byproduct of human food production is refuted by the same study that points out that, increasingly, pets are being fed higher-quality meat and much of what is regarded as unfit for human consumption is deemed so more on aesthetic than other grounds.)
As pet numbers increase, so do our purchases. Browsing pet product websites is like entering an anthropomorphised nightmare of overextended consumerism. One site offers 698 varieties of dog “treats”. Another sells pet beer, wine and herbal tonics for pet anxiety. There are the luxurious beds, the electronic toys, the whimsical clothing. There are socks and shoes, hats, bowties and dresses. There are shampoos, conditioners, dog-nail polish, fur dyes and whirlpool tubs. There are extensive ranges of veterinary psycho-pharmaceuticals to treat anxiety and behavioural problems, aromatherapy candles, colognes and fragranced sprays to mask the creature’s natural odours. There are the fancy-dress costumes – sharks, spiders, sumo wrestlers, light-up Halloween pumpkins and hundreds more.
Looking after the health of our pets may once have been simpler, when treatments were limited and they had fewer complex problems. Now, in an endless cycle of concern and responsibility, we have to decide on the treatments and insurance, which may be too expensive for many pet owners, creating yet another division of privilege, an irreconcilable dilemma for those who cannot pay for treatments they know to be available for their beloved animals.
Another decision is whether or not to have a newly acquired pet neutered. It may be a responsible action in limiting the future numbers of free-roaming animals such as cats, but while it may be convenient for owners, there may be future health consequences for the animal, such as obesity, cancers or joint disease. We are embarrassed by the manifestations of our pet animal’s sexuality, the subject usually being referred to through jokes or awkwardness – reflections of our reluctance to accept that, however sensible the decision may seem, in terms of our own or their benefit, neutering is a denial of the natural right of another being. It is just another aspect of the total power we exercise over the lives of the animals we choose as companions. Writing in the poem Another Dog’s Death of the early spaying of his dog, John Updike describes her as knowing “no nonhuman word for love”.
We expect so much from other species. For our purposes, they must be sufficiently like us for us to want to understand their behaviour and believe it very much like our own, but sufficiently unlike ourselves for us to be free of our concerns. They have to be easily sent to kennels when we wish to go on holiday, and content to be left on their own all day, often confined in places much too small, or in conditions utterly unlike their natural habitats.
In 1943, the Nobel prize winning author Elias Canetti wrote: “It is not good that animals are so cheap.” He might have been writing about the hamsters, mice, rats, guinea pigs and gerbils frequently bought as suitable pets for children, some of whom will be loved, tended and eventually mourned, others of whom will be neglected or worse. Solitary creatures will be kept in pairs or groups, or social ones alone. Crepuscular or nocturnal creatures, as many of them are, will be expected to provide entertainment for diurnal children. Reluctantly, I remember school-gate conversations about unfortunate fates: the school rabbit forgotten over a summer when the parent who was to look after him went on holiday, the escaped mice, the hamsters who fell, disappeared, were drowned or squashed or found burned at the back of a gas fire. The incidents were invariably presented as amusing, told in a tone of mocking self-exculpation. I see a succession of online adverts selling unwanted hamsters and guinea pigs. The child for whom they were bought “lost interest”, the family is moving house, there was an accidental mating. (“Oops!”) What they are being sold for, the cost of a cup of coffee, is the cost of another creature’s life. What is the Umwelt of a puppy-farmed dog, a lone rat, a desert gerbil, a Syrian hamster in a small plastic box?
What do we really know of the animals we buy? Our perceptions of their behaviour tell us that often they experience things in a similar way to ourselves, and that we may describe their behaviour as love, anger, jealousy, delight, embarrassment, joy or grief, because we have no other way to explain it. We all know what another creature’s happiness or distress looks like, because they look very much like our own.
When we force explanations of their behaviour on them – “She likes it!”, when possibly she does not, or “He doesn’t mind”, when clearly he does – we skew the relationship by manipulating an animal into being what we want. Other species possess “intelligence”, but too often we want it to be a mirror of our own. Assessing intelligence in our own species is hard enough, and the attempt to understand cognitive ability in other species is an unfinished and never-ending quest.
Potential danger in other creatures is difficult to assess. We’ve all heard the dazed excuse “I thought he wouldn’t hurt a fly” expressed by the owner of the dog who kills or maims, the person who seems tragically unaware that a dog should not be expected not to hurt a fly, or anything else, and that dog and victim should both have been prevented from either suffering or causing harm. In Jonathan Safran Foer’s book Eating Animals, he writes of his relationship with his own dog, and her “foreignness”, which includes being sufficiently unknown for him to feel uncertain that the dog wouldn’t maul his baby. He is wary and sensible, unlike the advice I find on a website promoting the qualities of a particular breed of dog, which suggests they are entirely suitable be left alone with children. Would anyone leave a creature of any sort, or indeed some humans, in a room alone with a small child?
When we are considering the potential risk an animal may pose, appearance affects our judgment. Some dogs may be more belligerent than others, made so by training or treatment, but for those who do not know a dog personally, it may be difficult to tell. We bring our prejudices to the perception – some dogs are subject to the discrimination that afflicts us in our views of the other, and often it is the owner who is judged. Staffordshire bull terriers, or Staffies, are particularly subject to negative views, often because of associations with cross-bred “fighting” dogs. If people keep dogs who have an air of menace, it may be because they feel more protected in a particular dangerous world when they do.
Considering the total dependency of domesticated and pet animals on humans, the law professor and ethicist Gary Francione talks of the “netherworld of vulnerability” to which they are subject. It is a vulnerability manifest in every facet of our dealings with them. The cruelties of every day spin out, major and minor, our national claims of love often sounding hollowly over the cold ring of statistics – the 74,000 or so animals abandoned annually in Britain, the shameful list of prosecutions for hideous acts perpetrated daily against other species, the estimated 1.5 million abandoned “shelter” animals killed annually in the US, the 3,500 or so stray dogs killed in Britain. These are just the ones we know about. Once, while driving down a suburban street one quiet Saturday afternoon, I saw see a woman with a dog stop and look around briefly before raising her foot and savagely kicking the dog’s side.
In an essay, the American writer Alison Hawthorne Deming remembers her cat, one of a feral litter found under the poetry centre where she works. The mother cat was fierce, disdainful of humans, “like a war correspondent who has seen too much ever to believe in human kindness”. One of the staff tames the kittens and gives them away on the understanding that they’ll be given literary names. Deming calls her cat after one owned by the 18th-century poet Christopher Smart. A vocal lover of life, her cat lives as if “each moment were his first on Earth”. When one day the cat shows signs of neurological damage and tests positive for antifreeze, an agent commonly used for poisoning, Deming does not know if the act was deliberate or not, writing that she can imagine a neighbour doing it in irritation over some minor matter, but cannot be sure. The vet puts the cat to sleep, and Deming reflects on the initial bitterness that encouraged her to believe the mother cat wise in staying away from humans – a feeling she overcomes by remembering the happiness of the cat’s life, and her appreciation of his quality of innocent simplicity.
The vulnerability that Francione writes about extends beyond the boundaries of species. Our love for others – human or not – makes us vulnerable, open to pain and loss, and to the use and abuse of power and domination.

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FOCUS: Americans Pay the Price as Trump Fails to Lead |
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Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=54090"><span class="small">Jesse Jackson, The Chicago Sun Times</span></a>
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Wednesday, 12 August 2020 12:14 |
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Jackson writes: "Donald Trump's ignorance and incompetence have cost American lives in the pandemic. Now his failure of leadership will add to the misery of millions of Americans force onto unemployment, the hunger of children at risk, the homelessness of families facing eviction."
Rev. Jesse Jackson. (photo: Getty)

Americans Pay the Price as Trump Fails to Lead
By Jesse Jackson, The Chicago Sun Times
12 August 20
At a time when bold action is imperative, the president offers posturing and gestures.
onald Trump’s ignorance and incompetence have cost American lives in the pandemic. Now his failure of leadership will add to the misery of millions of Americans force onto unemployment, the hunger of children at risk, the homelessness of families facing eviction. At a time when bold action is imperative, the president offers posturing and gestures. Having failed to produce a deal on a much needed rescue program, he issues a showtime executive order and series of memoranda that will do more to foster confusion than to aid those in distress.
“The Lord and the Founding Fathers created executive orders because of partisan bickering and divided government,” White House economic adviser Peter Navarro said on NBC News on Sunday. But don’t blame the Lord for the absence of leadership.
A forceful leader would have convened the leaders of the House and Senate in his office and forced an agreement before letting them go home.
By all accounts, they were close enough to get a deal. Democratic leaders Pelosi and Schumer had offered a compromise in the middle between the bill the House passed that would cost about $3.4 trillion and the bill Senate Republican leader Mitch McConnell cobbled together that would cost $1 trillion and that he couldn’t get his own caucus to support. No bill could pass without Democratic votes in the House and the Senate, yet Trump’s representatives wouldn’t even go halfway.
By all accounts the sticking points were that the administration wasn’t prepared to sign off on continued enhanced unemployment benefits of $600 a week, was inalterably opposed to helping the post office and states prepare for the November elections, and refused to support aid to states and localities. The latter is truly perverse since the pandemic shutdown collapsed revenues and increased costs creating deficits that states are mandated to eliminate. That has already forced 1.5 million layoffs with more to come. At the very time that Trump is demanding the states take responsibility for managing the pandemic, when opening schools safely requires large investments in facilities, protective equipment and staffing, the administration wants to force states to layoff teachers, police and fire fighters, and more.
Instead of forcing agreement, Trump absented himself from the negotiations. When they collapsed, he offered little but political posturing. He claimed that his executive order and memoes would “take care of, pretty much, this entire situation,” but they were in fact more show than go.
He said he’d order payment of $400 a week in enhanced unemployment benefits through Dec. 6, but the resources he drew on — with questionable legality — will support them only for little more than a month. And that includes requiring the very states he just stiffed to ante up a quarter of the cost, which few will be able to afford.
He claimed he’d sustain the federal moratorium on foreclosures and evictions, but his executive order didn’t do that. It simply called on the Department of Health and Human Services to “consider” whether it is necessary to temporarily halt evictions. More than 20 million families are now at risk of eviction and homelessness in the midst of the pandemic. He promised to defer student loan and interest payments, but that won’t leave students any less in debt.
His final political pander was the most dangerous. He announced he would defer — not forgive — payroll taxes — the contributions to Social Security and Medicare — for Americans with jobs from Sept. 1 to the end of the year. Workers would still owe the taxes, but Trump said he would try to “terminate” the taxes if “I win in November.”
That cynical promise adds only insult to injury. The deferral offers no help to the unemployed. It leaves the workers on the hook for taxes that are put off. It undermines the financing of Social Security and Medicare, at a time when the elderly are particularly at risk. And it offers a campaign promise that Republicans in the Senate have already rejected.
This isn’t a reality TV show. We can’t afford a vaudeville president. We need leadership in the face of a real and present danger. Many voters have been willing to overlook Trump’s divisive racial posturing, his lies and insults, his mismanagement and corruption on the theory that he at least would shake things up.
Now, the human casualties caused by the absence of real leadership are mounting. Mismanagement of the pandemic costs lives. Failure to lead in addressing the economic calamity will cost more job loss, homelessness, and spreading misery.
Trump announced his showtime executive orders at his private golf club in Bedminster before an adoring audience of cleated golf shoe clad, white members straight from the 19th hole. Although not immune from the virus, for the most part they can afford the amusement. It is the front line workers, those who have lost their jobs through no fault of their own, the elderly and the vulnerable, the African Americans and Latinx who are disproportionate victims of the virus who will suffer most from this folly. They were not in attendance at the president’s show.

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