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Biden Wins. Then What? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=54251"><span class="small">Andrew Bacevich, TomDispatch</span></a>   
Friday, 14 August 2020 12:55

Bacevich writes: "If he seriously intends to be more than a relic of pre-Trump liberal centrism, how exactly should President Biden go about making his mark?"

Joe Biden. (photo: Getty) Joe Biden. (photo: Getty)
Joe Biden. (photo: Getty)


Biden Wins. Then What?

By Andrew Bacevich, TomDispatch

14 August 20

 


Give the president, his administration, and his party credit. They’re doing their damnedest to undermine this election and elections to come: from voter suppression to selling doubt about the most basic aspects of American democracy (including voting by mail), from undermining the postal service that will deliver vast numbers of mail-in ballots during a pandemic moment to claiming ahead of time that the vote is rigged (and not by Republicans). And don’t forget the way they’re screwing up the census count (key to future elections). Admittedly it’s already quite a record, but I’ll tell you what worries me right now: a story that got only the most modest coverage when, in my opinion, it should have been front-page screaming headlines followed by much outrage.

Here’s its essence: Donald Trump recently appointed a retired brigadier general named Anthony Tata as deputy undersecretary of defense for policy, the number three position at the Pentagon. Tata had, of course, praised the president fulsomely (and attacked his enemies) on Fox News and, in recent years, had also managed to make various strikingly racist and wildly Islamophobic comments, including calling former president Barack Obama a “terrorist leader” and his wife Michelle “borderline treasonous.” The president got Tata a “temporary” appointment after even Senate Republicans refused to hold confirmation hearings for him. That means the retired brigadier general should still be in place at the Pentagon after the election.

Why should any of this matter if Joe Biden wins? Because if Donald Trump (predictably) declares that election a fraud (which he even did in the 2016 election when he won) and refuses to leave the White House, who’s going to get him out of there? Not, certainly, the U.S. military if the Pentagon is staffed by and stuffed with Trump favorites and flacks. With that grim thought in mind, it’s also worth imagining a future in which Joe Biden does find himself in the Oval Office on January 20th in a moment guaranteed to be one of pandemic (and other kinds of) chaos in the wake of the singularly worst administration in American history. That, as it happens, is the subject TomDispatch regular Andrew Bacevich, author most recently of The Age of Illusions: How America Squandered Its Cold War Victory, takes up today. Tom

-Tom Engelhardt, TomDispatch


Biden Wins
Then What?

ssume Joe Biden wins the presidency. Assume as well that he genuinely intends to repair the damage our country has sustained since we declared ourselves history’s “Indispensable Nation,” compounded by the traumatic events of 2020 that demolished whatever remnants of that claim survived. Assume, that is, that this aging career politician and creature of the Washington establishment really intends to salvage something of value from all that has been lost.

If he seriously intends to be more than a relic of pre-Trump liberal centrism, how exactly should President Biden go about making his mark?

Here, free of charge, Joe, is an action plan that will get you from Election Night through your first two weeks in office. Follow this plan and by your 100th day in the White House observers will be comparing you to at least one President Roosevelt, if not both.

On Election Night (or whatever date you are declared the winner): Close down your Twitter account. Part of your job, Joe, is to restore some semblance of dignity to the office of the presidency. Twitter and similar social media platforms are a principal source of the coarseness and malice that today permeate American politics. Remove yourself from that ugliness. Your predecessor transformed a presidency that had acquired imperial pretensions into an office best described as a cesspool of grotesque demagoguery. One of your central tasks will be to model a genuine alternative: a presidency appropriate for a constitutional republic, where reason, candor, and a commitment to the common good really do prevail over partisan name-calling. That’s a lot to ask for, but returning to a more traditional conception of the Bully Pulpit would certainly be a place to start.

During the transition: Direct your press secretary to announce that on January 20th there will be no ritzy Inaugural balls. Take your cues from Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s inauguration for his fourth term in office, a distinctly low-key event. After all, in January 1945, the nation was still at war; victory had not yet arrived; celebration could wait. Our present-day multifaceted crisis bears at least some comparison to that World War II moment. So, as you plan your own inauguration, ditch the glitz. A secondary benefit: you won’t have to hit up wealthy donors for the dough to pay for the party. And with no party, you won’t have to worry about inaugural festivities triggering another spike in Covid-19 infections.

In addition to selecting a cabinet and ignoring your predecessor’s bleating, the main focus of your transition period has to be policy planning. When you take office, the coronavirus pandemic will still be with us: that’s a given. Even if optimistic predictions of an effective vaccine becoming available by early 2021 were to pan out, we won’t be out of the woods. Not faintly. So your number-one priority during the transition must be to do what Trump never came close to doing: devise a concrete national strategy for limiting the spread of the virus along with a blueprint for prompt and comprehensive vaccine distribution when one is ready.

That said, it would also be prudent to engage in quiet contingency planning to lay out possible courses of action should your predecessor refuse to acknowledge his defeat (“rigged election!”) or leave the White House.

On January 20th, the big day arrives.

Noon, Eastern Standard Time: With the chief justice of the Supreme Court presiding, take the oath of office in the East Room of the White House in the presence of Vice President Kamala Harris and your immediate family. No inaugural address, no parade, no festivities whatsoever. Make like you’re George Washington: he wasn’t into making a fuss. When the ceremony ends, have lunch and get down to work.

That afternoon: Issue an executive order directing the formation of a National Commission on Reconciliation and Reparations, or NCRR. Recruit Harvard professor Henry Louis Gates or another scholar of comparable stature to head the effort. While likely to be a lengthy and contentious endeavor, the NCRR will provide a point of departure for addressing the persistence of American racism by taking on this overarching question: What does justice require?

That evening: Speak to the nation from the Oval Office. Make it brief. Your address will set the tone for your administration. The nation has its hands full with concurrent crises. The moment calls for humility and hard work, not triumphalism. Don’t overpromise. Consider Abraham Lincoln’s second inaugural address as a model. Curb your inclination to blather. Abe only needed 701 words. See if you can better that.

Day 2: In a letter to House and Senate leaders, unveil the details of your coronavirus strategy, which must include: 1) a national plan to curb the existing Covid-19 outbreak and prevent future ones; 2) a nationwide approach to vaccine distribution; 3) a strategy for averting and, if needed, curbing the outbreak of comparable diseases; 4) adequate funding of key government pandemic relief and prevention facilities and activities. In the process, identify near-term and longer-term funding requirements that will require congressional action.

Day 3: Issue an executive order reversing the announced withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Climate Accords. Describe this as just an initial down payment on the $2 trillion Green New Deal you promised Americans during the election campaign. Joe, if you can make meaningful progress toward curbing climate change, future generations will put you on Mount Rushmore in place of one of those slaveholders.

Day 4: Send a personal message to the German chancellor, the British prime minister, and the presidents of China, France, and Russia, declaring your intention to recommit the United States to the Iran nuclear deal that Donald Trump ditched in 2018. Quietly initiate the process of opening a back channel to the Iranian leadership. (I’ve got colleagues who might be able to lend a hand in laying the groundwork. Let me know if the Quincy Institute can be of help.) That same day, on your first visit as president to the White House press room, casually mention that the United States will henceforth adhere to a policy of no-first-use regarding its nuclear weapons. Simultaneously, tell the Pentagon to stop work on “modernizing” the U.S. nuclear arsenal. That’s $2 trillion that can be better spent elsewhere. No first use will flush “fire and fury like the world has never seen” down the toilet. Generals, weapons contractors, and aging Cold Warriors will tell you that you’re taking a great risk. Ignore them and you will substantially reduce the possibility of nuclear war.

Day 5: Issue an executive order suspending any further work on your predecessor’s border “wall.” At the same time, announce your intention to form a non-partisan task force to recommend policies related to border security and immigration, whether legal or otherwise. Ask former Secretary of Housing and Urban Development Julián Castro to chair that task force, with a report due prior to the 100th day of your presidency.

Day 6: Accompanied by Secretary of State Elizabeth Warren, visit the State Department for an all-hands-on-deck meeting. Let it be known that your administration will reserve all senior diplomatic appointments for seasoned Foreign Service officers. No more selling of ambassadorships to campaign contributors or old friends hoping to acquire an honorific title. Make clear your intention to revitalize American diplomacy, recognizing that the principal threats to our wellbeing are transnational and not susceptible to military solutions. The Pentagon can’t do much to alleviate pandemics, environmental degradation, and climate change. Those true national security crises will require collaborative action. Also use this occasion to announce the formation of a non-partisan task force that will recommend ways to reform and re-professionalize the Foreign Service. Top-flight diplomacy requires top-drawer diplomats. Ask former Ambassadors Chas Freeman and Thomas Pickering, both savvy global thinkers and seasoned diplomats, to co-chair that effort, with instructions to report back by July 11th, the birthday of John Quincy Adams, our greatest secretary of state.

Day 7: Begin your morning by inviting General Mark Milley to the Oval Office for a one-on-one meeting. Ask him to tender his immediate resignation as chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Milley’s participation in the infamous Lafayette Square stunt, even if unwitting, renders him unfit for further employment. Later that same day, visit the remaining chiefs in the Pentagon. Explain your intention to commence a wholesale reevaluation of the U.S. military’s global posture -- command structure, bases, budgets, priorities, and above all emerging threats. Ask for their forthright assistance in this endeavor, making it clear that anyone obstructing the process will be gone.

Day 8: Call on Ruth Bader Ginsberg in her chambers at the Supreme Court. Invite her to retire now that the Senate is in Democratic hands. Offer private assurances that her successor will be a) liberal; b) a woman; c) a person of color; and d) a distinguished jurist.

Day 9: Do what your predecessor vowed to do, but didn’t: end America’s endless wars. At your first full-fledged cabinet meeting, charge your new Defense Secretary James Webb with providing a detailed schedule for a deliberate, but comprehensive withdrawal (no ifs, ands, or buts) of U.S. forces from Afghanistan and the Persian Gulf, with a completion date by the end of your first year in office.

Day 10: Visit Mexico City. Engage in a trilateral discussion with President Andrés Manuel López Obrador and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. At day’s end, sign the Declaration of Tenochtitlan affirming a common commitment to democracy, the rule of law, human rights, economic growth, and continental security. Your predecessors have taken Mexico and Canada for granted. You will correct that oversight. In fact, no two countries on the planet are of greater importance to the wellbeing of the American people.

Day 11: Invite China’s president Xi Jinping for an informal meeting at Camp David at a date of his choosing. As you know, Joe, the United States and China are hurtling toward a new Cold War. Reversing the momentum of events will prove difficult indeed. This will require considerable personal diplomacy on your part. Given the need for the planet’s two major economic powers to cooperate on lowering greenhouse gasses globally, nothing is more important than this. Start now.

Day 12: Announce plans to visit NATO headquarters in the near future. Begin quiet consultations with European members of the alliance to nudge them toward taking responsibility for their own security. Let them know that before the year is out you intend to make public a 10-year timetable for withdrawing all U.S. forces from Europe. That will concentrate minds in London, Paris, Berlin, and elsewhere in the alliance.

Day 13: Convene a meeting of the best minds in tech (which, by the way, does not necessarily mean the wealthiest tech tycoons). Pick their brains on the issue of privacy. This challenge will extend beyond your presidency. You can at least highlight the problem.

Day 14: You’re 78, the oldest man ever to walk into the Oval Office as president. Be smart. Take a day totally off to recharge your batteries. You have a long way to go.

Joe, you’re a bit long in the tooth for the duties you’re about to assume. Keep in mind the adage that applies to all us old folks: time is fleeting. We never know how much we have left, so seize the moment. No offense, but your days (like mine) are numbered.

Good luck. I’ll be pulling for you.

Andrew Bacevich, a TomDispatch regular, is president of the Quincy Institute for Responsible Statecraft. His new book is The Age of Illusions: How America Squandered Its Cold War Victory.

Follow TomDispatch on Twitter and join us on Facebook. Check out the newest Dispatch Books, John Feffer’s new dystopian novel (the second in the Splinterlands series) Frostlands, Beverly Gologorsky's novel Every Body Has a Story, and Tom Engelhardt's A Nation Unmade by War, as well as Alfred McCoy's In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of U.S. Global Power and John Dower's The Violent American Century: War and Terror Since World War II.



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US Sanctions Are Strangling a Lebanon in Crisis Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=55681"><span class="small">Bilal El-Amine, In These Times</span></a>   
Friday, 14 August 2020 12:53

Excerpt: "As Lebanon faces multiple, overlapping catastrophes, U.S. policies are making them worse."

This picture, taken on August 4, 2020, shows a general view of the scene of an explosion at the port of Lebanon's capital Beirut. (photo: Getty)
This picture, taken on August 4, 2020, shows a general view of the scene of an explosion at the port of Lebanon's capital Beirut. (photo: Getty)


US Sanctions Are Strangling a Lebanon in Crisis

By Bilal El-Amine, In These Times

14 August 20


As Lebanon faces multiple, overlapping catastrophes, U.S. policies are making them worse.

he Lebanese econ­o­my crashed into the equiv­a­lent of a brick wall some­time in the last few months of 2019. The Lebanese pound (or lira), which was pegged to the dol­lar and appeared to be sta­ble for well over two decades, start­ed to decline at a rate that threat­ened the com­plete col­lapse of the econ­o­my. In the mean­time, the Trump admin­is­tra­tion had been busy build­ing a “Great Wall” of sanc­tions around Lebanon, even as the coun­try as a whole was drown­ing in a moun­tain of debt.

The first to be impact­ed was the pow­er­ful finan­cial sec­tor?—?the crown jew­el of the Lebanese econ­o­my?—?which effec­tive­ly shut down, fear­ing a run on the banks by pan­icked depos­i­tors seek­ing to with­draw their life sav­ings, a large bulk of which was in U.S. dol­lars. Thou­sands of busi­ness­es closed down, lay­ing off hun­dreds of thou­sands of work­ers. Short­ages of essen­tial items like fuel and wheat led to long lines at bak­eries and gas sta­tions, as the major­i­ty of house­holds (around 60%, by some esti­mates) fell below the pover­ty line. 

The dys­func­tion­al and cri­sis-rid­den Lebanese state was com­plete­ly inca­pable of cop­ing with the cri­sis. By that time, Lebanon was deeply indebt­ed to inter­na­tion­al lenders and local banks to the tune of $80-plus bil­lion (one of the high­est debt-to-GDP ratios in the world), most of which was sup­pos­ed­ly spent on recon­struc­tion after a 15-year civ­il war that com­plete­ly dev­as­tat­ed the country’s infra­struc­ture and econ­o­my. In fact, much of that mon­ey was either out­right stolen by politi­cians or ter­ri­bly mismanaged.

Lebanon’s elec­tri­cal pow­er sec­tor is per­haps the most obvi­ous exam­ple of the lev­el of cor­rup­tion and neg­li­gence that marked the post-war recon­struc­tion peri­od. A full 30 years after the civ­il war end­ed in 1990, Lebanon still suf­fers from dai­ly black­outs of up to 16 hours in most areas. Even with this extreme rationing of elec­tric­i­ty, it still costs the gov­ern­ment near­ly $2 bil­lion every year to cov­er a short­fall in the pow­er bill.

The most imme­di­ate caus­es of the cur­rent cri­sis began to appear around 2016, when peren­ni­al head of the Lebanese cen­tral bank, Riad Salameh, a pow­er­ful fig­ure backed by Wash­ing­ton, began what he called “finan­cial engi­neer­ing” mea­sures to increase the cen­tral bank’s hard cur­ren­cy reserves. Since his appoint­ment in 1993, after hav­ing worked for Mer­rill Lynch, Salameh’s prime direc­tive has been to main­tain the lira peg to the dol­lar at all costs.

But by the late 2010s, Lebanon was already a coun­try of run­away con­sump­tion, import­ing rough­ly $20 bil­lion and export­ing approx­i­mate­ly $3 bil­lion. To cov­er such a huge trade deficit and pay off the bal­loon­ing for­eign debt, while also main­tain­ing a sta­ble lira, Salameh offered high inter­est rates to attract bil­lions of dol­lars to Lebanon’s banks.

Already, Lebanon enjoyed sev­er­al sig­nif­i­cant streams of hard cur­ren­cy that helped Salameh in his her­culean task. The largest of these was remit­tances from Lebanese work­ing abroad, main­ly in the Gulf and West Africa, who sent home around $8 bil­lion annu­al­ly (not count­ing what is esti­mat­ed to be an equiv­a­lent amount that came into the coun­try by oth­er means). Bil­lions more came from exports, tourism, inter­na­tion­al aid and loans, and Arab?—?par­tic­u­lar­ly Syr­i­an?—?cap­i­tal deposit­ed in Lebanese banks.

In 2016, due to a vari­ety of rea­sons, the flow of hard cur­ren­cy start­ed to dry up at a fright­en­ing pace, prompt­ing the cen­tral bank’s “finan­cial engi­neer­ing” mea­sures. This only had the effect of kick­ing the prob­lem down the road in the hope that the com­ing years will bring about some sort of reprieve. Instead, the country’s econ­o­my con­tin­ued to dete­ri­o­rate, and pres­sure on the lira inten­si­fied, until the inevitable reck­on­ing arrived in the final months of 2019.

U.S. pres­sure, in the form of a wide array of sanc­tions and increased scruti­ny of Lebanon’s finan­cial sys­tem, was one deci­sive fac­tor that made many Lebanese abroad?—?and any for­eign investor, for that mat­ter?—?think twice about send­ing mon­ey home or deposit­ing it in Lebanese banks. Wash­ing­ton claimed that the Lebanese resis­tance par­ty Hezbol­lah and the Syr­i­an régime, both under U.S. sanc­tions, were using Lebanese banks to laun­der mon­ey or fun­nel dol­lars from abroad to fund their activities.

Giv­en that Lebanon’s finan­cial sys­tem is heav­i­ly dol­lar­ized (75% of bank deposits are in U.S. dol­lars), Washington’s influ­ence over the sec­tor is near total. In just one exam­ple, two well-estab­lished finan­cial insti­tu­tions sanc­tioned by the U.S. Trea­sury Depart­ment?—?the Lebanese Cana­di­an Bank (accused of laun­der­ing drug mon­ey for Hezbol­lah in 2011) and Jam­mal Trust Bank (alleged to have facil­i­tat­ed the financ­ing of Hezbol­lah in 2019)?—?were liq­ui­dat­ed with­out hes­i­ta­tion by the cen­tral bank, and with­out the slight­est protest from Lebanese officials.

Sanc­tions against Hezbol­lah and Syr­ia have been around in one form or anoth­er for decades, but the Trump admin­is­tra­tion has tak­en them to new heights. Since launch­ing its “max­i­mum pres­sure” cam­paign against Iran in 2018, the admin­is­tra­tion has unleashed a relent­less bar­rage of wide-rang­ing and crip­pling sanc­tions against Tehran’s allies in Iraq, Syr­ia and Lebanon. Iran and Syr­ia, with their rel­a­tive­ly closed and large­ly state-run economies, are bet­ter able to cope with sanc­tions than a lais­sez-faire coun­try like Lebanon that is inte­gral­ly tied to West­ern capital.

When Salameh’s sacred peg final­ly fell and the lira began its descent, pop­u­lar protests against cor­rup­tion and mis­man­age­ment broke out across the coun­try on Octo­ber 17 of last year. Wash­ing­ton and its local allies could smell blood in the water, and imme­di­ate­ly set about to direct people’s anger against Hezbol­lah by por­tray­ing the group as being respon­si­ble for the dis­mal state of the economy.

Along­side this strat­e­gy, the Trump admin­is­tra­tion sought to tight­en the eco­nom­ic noose fur­ther by mak­ing nego­ti­a­tions with the Inter­na­tion­al Mon­e­tary Fund (IMF) the only option for the gov­ern­ment to receive any kind of relief, on the con­di­tion of course that “reforms” must first be imple­ment­ed. No one ques­tions the need for deep and struc­tur­al change in the Lebanese econ­o­my, but the IMF’s usu­al fare of aus­ter­i­ty and pri­va­ti­za­tion has often result­ed in coun­tries falling deep­er into a cycle of debt and depen­den­cy, while increas­ing the risk of fur­ther social discontent.

Iron­i­cal­ly, it took the “nuclear” explo­sion in Beirut’s port on August 4 to open up some cracks in the siege that Wash­ing­ton has been busy weav­ing over the last few years. The blast explod­ed over 2,000 tons of ammo­ni­um nitrate stored in Beirut’s busy port for sev­er­al years, killing and injur­ing thou­sands and lay­ing waste to sev­er­al near­by neigh­bor­hoods. The sanc­tions régime was already begin­ning to bite, not in bring­ing Hezbol­lah or the Syr­i­an régime to their knees, nor in incit­ing revolts against them, but in dri­ving ordi­nary Lebanese to eco­nom­ic destitution.

U.S. eco­nom­ic sanc­tions, no mat­ter how “smart” Wash­ing­ton claims them to be, have rarely?—?if ever?—?brought down the tar­get­ed régime or group. In most recent cas­es, they have had the oppo­site effect of strength­en­ing the hand of the state by impov­er­ish­ing the pop­u­la­tion and mak­ing it more depen­dent on gov­ern­ment sup­port and assistance.

One only has to look at the 13-year inter­na­tion­al eco­nom­ic block­ade against Iraq after Sad­dam Hus­sein invad­ed Kuwait in 1990. All stud­ies of its impact on the Iraqi pop­u­la­tion show a dete­ri­o­ra­tion in just about every qual­i­ty-of-life indi­ca­tor, includ­ing increas­ing rates of mal­nu­tri­tion. In the end, it took a cost­ly and dev­as­tat­ing U.S. mil­i­tary inva­sion and occu­pa­tion of Iraq to final­ly top­ple Sad­dam Hussein.

The U.S. stands at a cross­roads on how it wants to deal with Lebanon. The com­ing days will reveal how far Wash­ing­ton wants to take the con­fronta­tion with Hezbol­lah, and at what cost to the rest of Lebanese soci­ety. To date, the sanc­tions have done lit­tle to weak­en the Lebanese resis­tance?—?polit­i­cal­ly as well as mil­i­tar­i­ly. The ques­tion is, espe­cial­ly after the near-apoc­a­lyp­tic scene around Beirut’s port: Can the rest of the coun­try with­stand America’s siege?

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FOCUS: Trump's Attack on the Postal Service Is a Threat to Democracy and Rural America Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=35861"><span class="small">Bill McKibben, The New Yorker</span></a>   
Friday, 14 August 2020 11:43

McKibben writes: "I've lived most of my life in small towns in pretty remote rural areas. Some were in red regions, some were purplish-blue - but every last one of them centered on the local post office."

If Republicans succeed in their long-sought goal of privatizing the postal service, they will suck what life remains from many of the communities they theoretically represent. (photo: John Gress/Reuters)
If Republicans succeed in their long-sought goal of privatizing the postal service, they will suck what life remains from many of the communities they theoretically represent. (photo: John Gress/Reuters)


Trump's Attack on the Postal Service Is a Threat to Democracy and Rural America

By Bill McKibben, The New Yorker

14 August 20

 

ve lived most of my life in small towns in pretty remote rural areas. Some were in red regions, some were purplish-blue—but every last one of them centered on the local post office. I remember years of picking up the mail from a little window in the postmaster’s living room. (If you called her the postmistress, she would tartly reply, “Uncle Sam can’t afford mistresses.”) Eventually, she needed her parlor back, to have room to work on her genealogy projects, so the community built a small freestanding building. Where I live now, the local post office takes up a third of the space in the only business in our town, a country store complete with potbellied stove and rocking chairs. It’s probably why we still have a store: if you’re there to pick up mail, you might as well get some eggs, too.

All of which is to say that I really hate what the Republicans are trying to do to the post office. It’s by now pretty obvious that the Trump Administration is attempting to sabotage mail delivery in order to cast some kind of shadow over the November election. Donald Trump’s newly installed Postmaster General, Louis DeJoy, who earned the position with more than two million dollars in donations to the Trump campaign and other Republican causes since 2016, has eliminated all overtime; a memo to employees declares that, as a result, “if we cannot deliver all the mail due to call offs or shortage of people and you have no other help, the mail will not go out.” Last week, as the Washington Post reports, in what’s being called the Friday Night Massacre, DeJoy obliterated decades of institutional knowledge, by reassigning or displacing twenty-three highly ranked officials in the Postal Service. Not only that but the Postal Service almost tripled the postage for mailing ballots to voters.

Behind that assault on a right guaranteed in our democracy, however, lurks something less immediate but almost as ugly: the long-standing G.O.P. effort to gut the Postal Service and replace it with a privatized entity—an effort that, if it succeeds, will suck out what life remains from too many of the rural communities that many of those Republicans theoretically represent. It’s hard to imagine New York City without a post office; it would be devastating to lose the postal workers and an utter shame to no longer wait in line in the Art Deco gem at 90 Church Street, among other historic buildings. But, at least in the wealthy parts of the city, some mix of the Internet and bike messengers and double-parked courier-service trucks could probably get the job done. For Americans who live in sparsely populated and poorer areas far from big cities, though, postal workers perform an irreplaceable role.

“Post offices are the center of any rural town, and it connects us to friends and family as well as markets for small businesses,” Jane Kleeb, who lives in Hastings, Nebraska, told me. I got to know her because she was, and is, a remarkable leader in the fight against the Keystone XL oil pipeline. She’s also the chair of Nebraska’s Democratic Party, and—with her recent book “Harvest the Vote”—an outspoken advocate for getting progressives to take rural America seriously. So she understands about the mail. “When we go into the post office in our small town, we know the staff behind the counter, and we catch up on each other’s lives,” she said. “I can’t tell you the number of times also in our post office here in Hastings where a new immigrant is making our town their home, and they go into the post office for help on cashier checks for rent, or questions on the census, or how to get the utilities turned on. The staff always help, even if that is not part of their ‘job,’ because they also know post offices are seen as a hub for our government.”

In 2012, when the Postal Service planned on closing 3,830 branches, an analysis by Reuters showed that eighty per cent of those branches were in rural areas where the poverty rate topped the national average. You know who delivers the Amazon package the final mile to rural Americans? The U.S.P.S. You know how people get medicine, when the pharmacy is an hour’s drive away? In their mailbox. You know why many people can’t pay their bills electronically? Because too much of rural America has impossibly slow Internet, or none at all. These are the places where, during the pandemic, teachers and students all sit in cars in the school parking lot to Zoom with one another, because that’s the only spot with high-speed Wi-Fi. You want the ultimate example? Visit one of the sprawling Native American lands in the West and you’ll see how, as a member of the Mandan-Hidatsa tribe in North Dakota told Vox, the Postal Service helps keep those communities “connected to the world.” Should the government destroy the service, she said, “It would just be kind of a continuation of these structures in the U.S. that already dispossessed people of color, black and indigenous people of color, and people below the poverty line.” The mail, Kleeb said, “is a universal service that literally levels the playing field for all Americans. It is how we order goods, send gifts to our family, and keep small businesses alive. In the era of the coronavirus, mail is now our lifeline to have our voices heard for our ballots in the election. In fact, in eleven counties in our state, they have only mail-in ballots, because of how massive the county is land-wise.”

You’d think that the Republican Party, which depends on the undue weight given to rural voters for its continued political life, would be particularly solicitous of the post office. But, at the higher reaches, its ideological preoccupations are stronger: the post office is a government service, and therefore bad; it should be run instead by people who can make money from it. The Postal Service, though, is the most popular government agency in the country, with a ninety-one-per-cent favorability rating, and it’s equally popular among Democrats and Republicans. So, the Party has generally had to proceed by stealth. Most notably, in 2006, President George W. Bush signed a law that makes the U.S.P.S. fund the health-care benefits of its retirees seventy-five years into the future. No one else does that; it’s why, even though the Postal Service ekes out an operating profit most years, it is saddled with a huge deficit.

But Donald Trump specializes in saying the quiet part out loud. In April, he told reporters that the post office was “a joke” and that he’d oppose any bailout unless it quadrupled the rate for mailing packages. (Along with the Postal Service’s role in our democracy, the President seems upset about its contracts with Amazon, because it is owned by the same man who owns the Washington Post, which Trump thinks is mean to him, which is just daily life in a tinpot wannabe-dictatorship.) “Trump and the Republican Party use rural communities and give speeches about how connected they are to our rural way of life in order to get elected, and then turn around and abandon everything we care about, from our schools, to the post office, to our family farmers, and to our rural hospitals,” Kleeb told me.

The situation has grown so alarming that even some Republican legislators are objecting: last week, Representative Greg Gianforte and Senator Steve Daines, both of Montana, each sent letters to DeJoy, asking him to get the Postal Service back to work. “Do not continue down this road,” Gianforte wrote. But, for the most part, it’s the usual partisan battle. Last week, eighty-four members of the House signed a letter demanding that the Postal Service do its job; eighty of them were Democrats. “All of the bills Democrats are writing, and the policy papers Joe Biden has focussed on rural communities, are strong,” Kleeb said. But “now we need to see them in our towns. … Showing up is critical to us in order to know you see our faces and you understand the struggles we are facing.” In fact, a visit—even a virtual one—might inspire politicians to see how much could easily be done. Senator Bernie Sanders—the rare progressive who represents a mostly rural constituency—has long advocated offering banking services at post offices, something that’s routine in most of the world, and which would put a crimp in the payday-lending operations that ring the small towns of this country. (Senator Elizabeth Warren supports the idea, too.) It wouldn’t even be without precedent here: in 1910, President William H. Taft inaugurated a postal savings system for immigrants and poor Americans that lasted until 1967. Today, though, the banking lobby firmly opposes the measure.

As the economic damage of the pandemic wears on, city dwellers are coming to terms with loss: favorite restaurants or stores are closing. People in rural America know how this feels—they lived through decade after decade of school consolidation, of dioceses deciding that they can’t support a church in town anymore. The post office was among the first public buildings in most American communities, and now it’s often among the last. A decade ago, the Postal Service tried to close our local branch office. That would have forced everyone to make a twelve-mile round trip to a town at the bottom of the mountain to pick up the mail, so together we fought the service, and it finally relented. Robert Frost once lived in our town, and he maintained that good fences made good neighbors. But he was wrong: it’s the post office that does the trick.

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RSN | How to Save 2020: The Grassroots Emergency Election Protection "Trifecta" Action Guide Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=6004"><span class="small">Harvey Wasserman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Friday, 14 August 2020 10:55

Wasserman writes: "The 2020 election is not likely to be cancelled or postponed. But it CAN be sabotaged or stolen."

Voters cast their ballots. (photo: AP)
Voters cast their ballots. (photo: AP)


How to Save 2020: The Grassroots Emergency Election Protection "Trifecta" Action Guide

By Harvey Wasserman, Reader Supported News

14 August 20


In cooperation with the Grassroots Emergency Election Protection Coalition (grassrootsep.org)


he 2020 election is not likely to be cancelled or postponed. 

But it CAN be sabotaged or stolen. 

It will not be enough this year merely to register and vote. Nowhere near.

Those hoping for a fair outcome in the fall must NOW join election boards, become poll workers and poll watchers, and more. Wherever possible, all citizens committed to American democracy must be present for every aspect of the 2020 election process, including the post-election ballot counting and recounting. 

This Guide is meant to lay out 2020’s vital details as simply as possible so YOU can ACT to make things right:  

This fall’s outcome turns on the Election Protection Trifecta: 

  1. Voter registration rolls
  2. Vote by mail
  3. Tabulation/recount of the ballots

All are under serious attack. 

Losing just one can undermine all else.

THE SIX, TWELVE OR EIGHTEEN SWING STATES

The “EP Trifecta” of registration rolls, vote by mail, and ballot counting will play out differently in a series of state (plus DC) and county contests. 

The Electoral College will likely decide the presidency based on Wisconsin, Michigan, Pennsylvania, North Carolina, Florida, and Arizona, followed by Ohio, New Hampshire, Georgia, New Mexico, Nevada, and Iowa, and then Maine, Texas, Kansas, Montana, Kentucky, and South Carolina. Many of the above have key US Senate races. 

Less than 40 counties could determine the presidency. Less than 50 gerrymandered state legislative races could call the Congress.

The trifecta of protecting registration rolls, mailing ballots back and forth, and how they’re received and counted will decide the human future. 

Only an informed, dedicated, grassroots groundswell can protect this election. 

Less than three months remain to make that happen. 

PRESSURE POINTS

Among the key challenges demanding grassroots election protection:

  • Stop stripping the voter rolls
  • Restore those wrongly removed
  • Register new voters
  • Proofread paper ballots before they’re printed
  • Make sure they’re printed on time
  • Make sure enough are printed for all registered voters
  • Win reasonable official deadlines for ballot returns
  • Get the ballots sent out early enough to return on time
  • Provide secure neighborhood ballot drop boxes
  • Provide safe places for any citizen to vote in person
  • Support early voting
  • Protect submitted ballots from arbitrary, partisan disqualification
  • Get provisional ballots rightly counted 
  • Protect digital images
  • Use the digital images to quickly provide the initial tally 
  • Preserve paper ballots for recounting 
  • Make sure deadlines for counting and recounting are met
  • Protect the vote counts

ACTION PLAN / EXECUTIVE SUMMARY:

Anti-democracy forces have pledged $20 million to deploy 50,000 “volunteers” to the polls. 

At least as many Election Protectionists must embed with state/county election boards, as soon as possible, for as long as necessary…. 

The millions who’ve marched for civil rights and police reform must now join local election operations through November 3 and beyond to guarantee a sustainable outcome.

After protecting the voter rolls, implementing Vote by Mail, and monitoring the vote count, we can deal with gerrymandering. 

Groups listed at www.grassrootsep.org need your help to protect the election in key states and counties that will determine our future. 

THE GRASSROOTS STATE & COUNTY ACTIVIST CORE

DC, the states, and the territories all vote differently, as do the 3141 counties within them. A single local board could flip an entire US presidential election. 

A Koch-financed 2010 “Redmap Coup” embedded far-right legislatures in most of this year’s key swing states.

Nearly all have decimated election protection, promoting sabotaged, stolen vote counts. The key right-wing “pincer strategy” is to limit voting places while decimating vote by mail, vastly reducing turnout.

The COVID pandemic has reduced the 116,990 polling places in 2018 to a tiny fraction in 2020. Franklin County (Columbus) Ohio’s 2020 primaries had a single, shabby voting center in an abandoned, hard-to-find Kohl’s. Voters in Wisconsin and Georgia were exposed to COVID and armed Trump terrorists, who will certainly return November 3.

In response, the NBA Atlanta Hawks have volunteered their 21,000-seat arena. Voters can take a number, sit socially distanced, and see their turn on the scoreboard. Most stadia offer central, secure locations, with ample parking, restrooms, and food services.

In every state and county, true election protection demands an informed, committed coalition of grassroots activists, experts, and attorneys embedded in the local election boards, rooted in multi-racial/cross-generational coalitions. Among others, Joel Segal has helped organize just such a coalition in North Carolina, serving as a template for what needs to happen nationwide (contact: This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it ). 

Voters and vote counters alike have been physically assaulted throughout US history. Clearly 2020 will be no exception

At the choke points of certifying incoming ballots and then facilitating the recounts, and at two dozen other key junctures along the way, this grassroots EP force could decide the American future.

2020’s primary vortex – its EP “trifecta” – goes like this:

PILLAR ONE: THE VOTER REGISTRATION ROLLS

The first “leg” of the election protection trifecta is to register new voters, protect those now on the rolls, and restore those who’ve been purged.

The federal Election Assistance Commission and the Brennan Center say some 17 million Americans have been stripped from the 2020 voter rolls. 

Legitimate reasons for stripping can include death, change of residence, convictions for treason, etc. But John Roberts’s US Supreme Court has allowed local and state election boards to strip voter rolls based on race, class, ageist, ID, and other partisan pretexts

Millions who assume they’re securely registered may not be. Everyone must check registration lists online or call the election board.

Among other groups, Andrea Miller’s People Demanding Action works to restore voters to the rolls and to add new ones.

PILLAR TWO: VOTE BY MAIL

In 2020 we expect the percentage of absentee or VBM ballots in many states to jump from 5% to as much as 80%. 

At its best, VBM can represent a historic transition from hackable electronic machines to universal paper ballots. It’s long been the core system in Oregon, Washington, Colorado, Utah, and Hawaii. 

But it’s now under serious attack. States like Texas, Georgia, and Ohio are making ballots hard to get. The assault on the US Postal Service throws their delivery into doubt. In states using VBM for the first time to this extent, logistical vulnerabilities are significant.

How effectively the grassroots EP movement protects VBM could define 2020’s outcome: 

1. Printing and Publishing

Paper ballots must first be designed, printed, and published. Simple typos and deliberate manipulations can destroy elections. 

“Butterfly ballots” in Florida 2000 induced elderly voters to mistakenly choose Pat Buchanan. Absentee ballots in Ohio 2004 omitted John Kerry

EP activists must proofread all draft ballots BEFORE they go to the printer, guarantee enough are printed for all registered voters, and make sure they get back to the election boards on time. 

Ink specifications must be verified so ballots will be readable in electronic imaging machines.

2. The ballots must be carefully protected during initial delivery. 

Once back at the election boards, the printed ballots must be protected before they go out to the voters. 

Enough paper ballots must also be available at the polling stations to supply all registered voters who need one. 

3. Who gets a ballot, when & how?

State and county election boards should simply send ballots to all registered voters, as early as possible. 

Early in-person voting must also be made easy in all states and counties. “Souls to the Polls” begins now. 

The earlier ballots are available, the less likely there will be problems on November 3. Voters who get them early should be encouraged to walk (rather than mail) them into election boards as early as possible. 

But some partisan legislators, secretaries of state, governors, etc. have contrived to first send a voters postcard ... then (maybe) an application ... then (maybe) a ballot. All must meet firm deadlines.

Such flimsy, complex, time-consuming procedures add (deliberately) to the risk of documents being lost in the mail, ignored at home, trashed at the election board, etc. 

Election protectors in all states and counties need a thorough knowledge of what’s going on with these procedures and how voters can be protected. 

4. The military, diplomats, and other overseas Americans

The US military votes by mail, or electronically, often with reports that some officers may illegally intimidate soldiers into voting a certain way. 

Deadlines and counting procedures can be problematic.

Jennifer Roberts, former mayor of Charlotte, North Carolina, and a former diplomat, says others voting from afar include overseas workers with the US Commercial Service, USDA, USIA, AID, and more; corporate executives and contractors working overseas with international companies; students studying abroad; teachers. Hundreds of thousands of ballots can be involved. 

Unless protected, these votes can be lost, stolen, or manipulated.

5. Will return applications & ballots be pre-stamped, put in drop boxes, mass harvested, or what?

Election protectionists must work to guarantee that pre-paid return envelopes go out with VBM ballots, as required by law. 

They should also encourage voters to walk their ballots into the election boards or put them in neighborhood drop boxes (which some election boards don’t want to provide). But care is needed: some election boards may require that walked-in VBM ballots be delivered before November 3. 

“Ballot-harvesting” (i.e. the mass gathering of paper ballots) has already been linked to criminal fraud in North Carolina and elsewhere.

“Ballot parties” in elder/nursing homes conducted by partisan activists, where witnessing and/or notarizing can be accomplished, are a gray area.

6. Will there be a US Postal Service?

A sabotaged USPS will pose huge challenges to a fair 2020 election. This hallowed, unionized institution demands protection. The White House is already gutting the USPS, making clear its intent to subvert the fall balloting. Making Vote by Mail work in the face of official subversion will be among the greatest challenges ever faced by this nation. 

Key in 2020 is getting ballot applications and then ballots out from the election boards to the voters and then back within a legal time frame. Deadlines vary, as do postmark requirements.

Ohio now requires that returning ballots be postmarked a week before November 3. In Wisconsin’s fall primary, many returning ballots were not postmarked at all; some counties accepted them, some did not.

So EP activists advocate all citizens vote in person as early as possible. Many are getting ballot applications from election boards and distributing them as widely as possible. Where allowed, some are printing them independently.

We encourage citizens to take ballots they receive in the mail and as quickly as possible fill them out and walk them into the election board (make sure you bring your envelope). We want neighborhood drop boxes and voting in arenas as well.

Above all, we want the functioning, protected and respected US Postal Service the nation deserves. 

7. Early voting & where?

In 2020, election protection demands as many voting stations and drop boxes as possible, with as much early voting as can be made available. 

Early in-person voting shrinks dependence on the USPS and uncertainty about whether ballots will actually arrive on time to be counted. It also helps avoid overcrowding and long lines on November 3.

Team Trump opposes neighborhood voting centers, drop boxes, and vote by mail, aiming to pinch voter turnout. (Voter ID requirements are also used to prevent non-millionaires of youth and color from voting.)

Ohio’s 2020 primary featured a single election center for each of the state’s 88 counties. In Franklin County (Columbus; pop. 1.3 million) it was in an abandoned Kohl’s department store in a remote, hard-to-find corner of Columbus. There were no drop boxes. Long lines (mostly in cars) built up through election day with voters trying to drop off their ballot or to obtain one. (Rural counties in Ohio had no such problems). On August 12, Ohio’s secretary of state ruled each Ohio county, no matter how big, would have just one ballot dropbox (he’s being sued). 

Numerous safe, accessible election centers with ample parking must begin to operate well before November 3. Downtown sports arenas could be ideal.

8. Chain of custody

Tens of millions of paper VBM ballots will arrive at election boards, voting centers, and drop boxes this fall. There are always those who’d steal, destroy, corrupt them. 

So they can’t be thrown around. Drop boxes demand cameras. Voting centers demand 24/7 security. Official results cannot be entrusted to laptops or thumb drives. Tally tapes must be posted in public as quickly as possible. Digital images must be preserved. 

All votes cast, mailed, dropped must be protected, preserved, and properly prepared for precise, reliable counting and re-counting. 

Above all, we don’t want them trashed, burned, pitched in rivers, or confiscated by armed troops deployed by the White House, all of which may take an EP army to prevent

9. Voting centers, perhaps in sports arenas

Even with VBM, we still need well-advertised and convenient voting centers, with big parking lots for drive-by drop-offs to deal with special needs, registration issues, not having received a ballot, etc.

Well before election day, at universally known voting centers, citizens should be able to pick up and/or drop off ballots, register, consult with poll workers to straighten out registration issues, etc. 

Centers should be open and staffed with long hours of access to avoid long lines and to provide timely, accurate, friendly service. 

If Trump does mobilize thousands of armed thugs, election protection activists must be at the voting centers to embrace them.

In response, the NBA Atlanta Hawks have volunteered their 21,000-seat arena. Voters can take a number, sit socially distanced, and see their turn on the scoreboard. Most stadia offer central, secure locations, with ample parking, restrooms, and food services.

10. The Surrender Rule

With the attack on the Postal Service comes the need for voters to walk their ballots into voting centers and “surrender” them. To avoid long lines and mass confusion, it’s better to do that as early as possible.

Rules vary. But voters should always bring their envelopes as well as ballots. It can be possible to vote without them. But that could mean getting a provisional ballot, which may not be counted. 

Before leaving, voters must confirm with poll workers that everything is properly filled out. 

11. Election protection at the voting centers

Trump has promised $20 million for 50,000 paid, armed “volunteers” to threaten intimidation and violence at the voting centers. Nonviolent election protection activists – lots of them – will be needed to neutralize the assault. 

Violent organized attacks, especially along racial lines, have been part of the American electoral reality since at least the end of the Civil War. Everyone who marched for George Floyd and police reform should now march to the polls to protect the vote. 

12. Will Vote by Mail Mean Universal Paper Ballots?

Yes, VBM should mean a major transition to paper ballots, representing a huge leap away from the hackable electronic machines that have been used to steal so many of our elections in the past two decades.

True election protection also requires that all voting centers provide paper ballots to citizens who’ve not received them in the mail. 

Appropriate electronic machines should be available for those with special needs. 

But a hand-markable paper ballot must be available to all who want one, as the bulwark of this and all future elections. 

Especially during this pandemic, electronic touch-screens can spread infection, and are even less acceptable than ever.

If the 2020 transition to paper ballots is successful, it can mark a major leap forward in all US elections to come. But getting there will require every ounce of our EP effort and energy. 

13. Deadlines

Deadlines for ballot mail-out, postmarking, receipt, counting, recounting, and final reporting of the official tally must be clear and transparent to the public, the media, lawmakers, the courts …and the world. 

In Florida 2000 and 2018, tens of thousands of votes were simply trashed because arbitrary counting and recounting deadlines weren’t met. Upheld by the Supreme and other courts, such deadlines have had decisive impacts on races for the presidency, governorships, US Senate seats, and more.

EP activists embedded at the precincts must work to make sure all deadlines are appropriate, reasonable, and completely public.

14. The Ballot Acceptance Choke Point

2020’s most critical and least discussed pressure point may be the moment of decision on whether to accept or reject mailed-in ballots. 

Procedures will vary widely between states, counties, and precincts. In all or nearly all cases, a poll worker will examine the incoming ballots one-by-one. 

They will accept or reject based on a wide range of inconsistent criteria, ranging from signature verification to the tiniest omission of the least significant details. Such would include the omission of middle names or initials, a misstated address, the lack of a date, putting information above or below an arbitrary line, missing a box, etc.

In many precincts “independent observers” are allowed to sit next to poll workers and lobby (or strong-arm) for the acceptance or rejection of individual ballots. In 2016, many of these critical decisions were turned by right-wing enforcers seated at the sorting table.

In 2020, grassroots election protectionists must be embedded at the critical juncture of this decision-making process. In a massive VBM deployment, literally millions of ballots will arrive with small glitches, errors, inconsistencies that are entirely irrelevant to the validity of the voter’s intent. Here EP activists must be personally present to make sure nonpartisan balance is at the core of the acceptance/rejection process. 

In many places, the law allows election boards to telephone voters and let them return to correct obvious inadvertent errors. EP activists everywhere must guarantee that this happens as often as appropriate. 

They must also work to avoid unnecessary, contrived delays that could clog the system and push vote-counting beyond critical deadlines. 

15. Voter ID, signature verification, witness & notarization requirements

In reality, decisions made on who can and can’t vote turn in many states on details meant to eliminate voters by race, class, age, likely party leanings, etc. These include arbitrary photo ID requirements that in some states are being imposed even on mail-in ballots. 

Texas accepts a gun or hunting license, but not a student ID. Some states require that a mailed-in ballot include a document signed by one or two witnesses, plus notarization. The COVID and other restrictions can make it impossible for elders and others to do that. Some nursing home employees are banned from serving as witnesses. 

Registering the homeless, and thousands of the Indigenous who have only post office boxes, represents a huge challenge with no easy answer beyond hard EP work at the real grassroots. 

Ultimately, there’s no easy or consistent way around these often arbitrary and always confusing barriers to voting except at the nitty-gritty precinct level, with on-the-spot activists standing their ground. 

16. Internet Registration & Voting, Vote by Phone, the Digital Divide

Some states now accept ballot applications via the internet. 

This unjustly favors the urban educated. But it’s reliable, and it avoids the delays and dangers that come with registering by mail or in person. EP activists can use laptops or digital phones to register citizens who don’t have their own internet access. 

Such is NOT the case with submitting and counting actual ballots, or transmitting outcomes from precincts to voting centers. Any actual voting or vote counting entrusted to the internet at any point in the process is hackable, vulnerable, and unacceptable.

PILLAR THREE: COUNTING & RECOUNTING THE BALLOTS

In addition to the challenges of safely storing them, early VBM ballots that arrive before November 3 could tempt locals officials to do early counting, and then to leak results (real or concocted). 

This can’t happen. Ballots that come in early must remain secured and unopened until 7 p.m. local time on November 3. There’s no legitimate reason to open or count them beforehand. 

Electronic ballot imaging machines are in place at 80% or more of our US precincts. The paper ballots that are mailed in to – or filled out at – the election centers can, starting at 7 p.m. November 3, be inserted into these machines.

The machines in turn produce an electronic ballot image. The paper ballots go into clear plastic bins on the backside, preserved for recounting.

These ballot imaging machines can deliver an accurate tally of even very large numbers of votes within a few minutes.

But some election officials insist on erasing the electronic images, which is illegal under federal law. A Florida lawsuit (which should not be necessary) now aims to stop this.

Even if the ballot images are computer-read for a fast initial vote count, recounts using the preserved paper ballots are inevitable. And reporting deadlines that must be met to validate the (re)counts vary widely.

In south Florida, 2000, when a “Brooks Brothers mob” assaulted poll workers, the US Supreme Court made G.W. Bush president. 

In Ohio 2004, a federally mandated recount failed when official records from 56 of Ohio’s 88 counties “disappeared.” US Senate and governor’s races in Florida 2018 were decided when dense Southern counties couldn’t meet critical deadlines, effectively trashing thousands of legitimate votes.

In 2020, all key swing states will likely be forced into recounts. EP activists must be present to guarantee they’re done securely, reliably, and quickly enough to meet legal deadlines. 

The real test will come in the precincts, as deadlines loom and those tabulating the ballots may be assaulted by hired thugs. If election protectionists aren’t there to guarantee all ballots are admitted and counted fairly, 2020 could be decided by armed terrorists.

ACT NOW!!! BECOME AN ELECTION PROTECTIONIST

What can I do to save 2020?

Contact your state coordinator (see listings @ www.grassrootsep.org).

  • Pick a critical county/precinct.
  • Hook up with an EP organization already in place. 
  • Learn everything about how your chosen county will conduct its election.
  • Apply to get on the election board.
  • Learn everything you can about who’s already on it. 
  • Apply to be a poll worker.
  • Learn how to become a ballot acceptance worker/observer.
  • Inspect the voter rolls.
  • Find those who’ve been wrongly stripped & get them re-registered. 
  • Register new voters (maybe using your cell phone or laptop).
  • Spread ballot applications far & wide.
  • Encourage early mail-outs of ballot applications.
  • Watch how the actual ballots are drafted.
  • Follow the trail of how they’re printed.
  • Make sure enough are printed for all potential voters. 
  • Encourage their rapid return from the printer.
  • Watch to see that the ballots go out as early as possible.
  • Watch to see the ballots go to everyone who is due one. 
  • Make sure envelopes have return postage on them. 
  • Be available to help those who are confused or restricted in voting. 
  • Protect the acceptance of rightfully submitted ballots.
  • Encourage early voting.
  • Get sports arenas accepted as voting centers.
  • Encourage neighborhood drop boxes. 
  • Prepare to non-violently confront anti-vote terrorists. 
  • Monitor the chains of custody.
  • Prepare to protect ballots from troops deployed by the White House.
  • Protect digital scanners from being hacked. 
  • Help feed ballots into the digital scanners.
  • Make sure digital ballot images are preserved.
  • Work to guarantee recounts meet legal deadlines. 

Listings of allied organizations, state coordinators, critical documents, Trifecta articles, and more appear at www.grassrootsep.org

Join our weekly (usually Monday) Zoom meetings as linked at 

https://grassrootsep.org/zoom-meeting-schedule/.

Next Zoom gathering is Monday, August 24, at 5 p.m. Eastern Time. 

Write to me at This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it

No More Stolen Elections!!!!


Harvey Wasserman co-convenes (with Joel Segal) the Grassroots Emergency Election Protection Coalition at www.grassrootsep.org. His People’s Spiral of US History awaits Donald Trump’s departure at www.solartopia.org. His radio shows are at prn.fm and KPFK/Pacifica-90.7 fm Los Angeles. 

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Betsy DeVos's Deadly Plan to Reopen Schools Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=51635"><span class="small">Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Blog</span></a>   
Friday, 14 August 2020 08:40

Reich writes: "Trump education secretary Betsy DeVos is heading the administration's effort to force schools to reopen in the fall for in-person instruction. What's her plan to reopen safely? She doesn't have one."

Robert Reich. (photo: Getty)
Robert Reich. (photo: Getty)


Betsy DeVos's Deadly Plan to Reopen Schools

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Blog

14 August 20

 

rump education secretary Betsy DeVos is heading the administration’s effort to force schools to reopen in the fall for in-person instruction. What’s her plan to reopen safely? She doesn’t have one. 

Rather than seeking additional federal funds, she’s using this pandemic to further her ploy to privatize education — threatening to withhold federal funds from public schools that don’t reopen.

Repeatedly pressed by journalists during TV appearances, DeVos can’t come up with a single mechanism or guideline for reopening schools safely. She can’t even articulate what authority the federal government has to unilaterally withhold funds from school districts — a decision that’s made at the state and local level, or by Congress. But when has the Constitution stopped the Trump administration from trying to do whatever it wants? 

DeVos is following Trump’s lead — prematurely reopening the economy, which he sees as key to his re-election but is causing a resurgence of the virus.

Let’s get something straight: Every single parent, teacher, and student wants to be able to return to in-person instruction in the fall — but only if no one’s life is put at risk. 

Districts need more funding, not less, to implement the CDC’s guidelines. Given that state and local governments are already cash-strapped, it’s estimated that K-12 schools need at least $245 billion in additional funding to put safety precautions in place — funding that Republicans in Congress and the Trump administration refuse to give.

One might think an education secretary would be studying what kind of safety precautions would work best, and seeking emergency funding for those safeguards. Not DeVos. Just like her boss in the Oval Office, she’s been hard at work shafting working families to advance her personal agenda.

In late April, she issued rules for how states should use the $13 billion allocated in the CARES Act for schools. Her rules would divert millions of dollars away from low-income schools into the coffers of wealthy private schools. It’s such a blatant violation of federal law that several states are suing her and her department.

DeVos’ entire tenure has centered on shafting low-income students and their families — the very people she’s supposed to protect.

She has repeatedly empowered the predatory for-profit college industry at the expense of the students they prey upon. Why? She has considerable financial stakes that are rife with conflicts of interest. Her financial investments are a web of holdings in for-profit colleges and student loan collectors.

When DeVos took office, she repealed an Obama-era rule imposing stricter regulations and higher standards on for-profit colleges. She also stopped canceling the debts of students defrauded by these institutions — a move that has prompted 23 states to bring a lawsuit against her. In the process, she was even held in contempt of court for violating a federal court order.

Now, in the middle of the worst public health crisis in more than a century, she’s jeopardizing the safety of our students, teachers, parents, bus drivers, and custodians, while rerouting desperately needed public school funds towards the private schools she’s always championed.

Remember, when you vote against Trump this November — you’re voting against her, too. It’s a win-win.

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