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America: Divided, Conquered Print
Thursday, 28 April 2011 17:41

Intro: "Someone very smart once said, 'Your labels are your handles.' And we've got handles. Left and Right. Liberal and Conservative. Democrat and Republican. In these war-weary years of our financial discontent, we are clinging harder than ever to those labels. Or, perhaps, the labels are clinging harder than ever to us. Either way, this increasingly embattled form of identity politics only makes our handles easier to grab. And the country easier to steer."

(art: Nate Beeler/The Washington Examiner)
(art: Nate Beeler/The Washington Examiner)



America: Divided, Conquered

By JP Sottile, Reader Supported News

28 April 11

 

omeone very smart once said, "Your labels are your handles."

And we've got handles. Left and Right. Liberal and Conservative. Democrat and Republican. In these war-weary years of our financial discontent, we are clinging harder than ever to those labels. Or, perhaps, the labels are clinging harder than ever to us. Either way, this increasingly embattled form of identity politics only makes our handles easier to grab.

And the country easier to steer.

Like the shiny handlebar of a child's bike, our political culture is adorned with two tassels ... red on one side and blue on the other. For the moneyed elites who run this country, getting what they want is as easy as riding a bike. They make sharp turns to the right and veer a little to the left. But, all the while, they keep peddling exactly where they want to go - directly to the bank.

It is no coincidence that the gaping gap between the super-rich and everyone else has widened at the same time the rift between Red States and Blue States has grown. Instead of the ever-more relevant distinction between "rich" and "poor," the political-media complex profits from emphasizing the woefully binary, two-party paradigm that serves them so well. Political salespeople feed us a steady diet of re-heated arguments, each advocating that you buy their brand. And you are what you buy. You are either Red or Blue. A one or a zero. With us or against us.

The more we identify with this binary system of ones and zeroes, the more the financial class is able to play their zero-sum game. They get the sums, and we get the zeroes.

The greedy hands of the top 1% grab us by those Red and Blue handles and turn us against each other in order to keep us from turning against them. It's all just public relations to the power people who shuttle to the nation's capital on private jets, eager to grease the palms that pull our strings ... and tug on our tassels.

Forget Red and Blue ... their true allegiance is to green. And each successive election cycle sucks more and more money into the coffers of their vibrant, growth-oriented political industry. This coming year, the President plans on raising a billion dollars [1] for his re-election. The GOP will try to match it. Where does that money go? To advertising-hungry TV stations, well-heeled consulting firms, pandering pollsters and the manipulative lobbyists who live in the recession-proof economy of Washington, DC.

When you get down to the bottom line, it's all about the bottom line. The two parties, the media and the wealthy people who own them both, all profit greatly from perpetuating this epic dog and pony show that distracts us from the real "us vs. them" - the brutal class war that has raged for three decades.

It's ironic that, in this land of labels, we have such a hard time with economic class. Despite the facts and figures, many of the poor and working poor still call themselves "Middle Class." Oddly, so do many of the wealthy. Yet, the actual Middle Class shrinks every year. It doesn't seem to matter who is in control, whether Republican or Democrat. They organize us around fiery "hot-button" issues, but, from Reagan to Clinton and from Bush to Obama, they've held the line on key economic policies: tax gifts for the rich and subsidies for corporations; outsourcing and globalization; deregulation and bailouts for Wall Street; and Alan Greenspan's maddening method of using the Fed to enrich the rich.

Meanwhile, the more we hate the stance of the other side, the more likely we are to accept less from our own party. Even as we find it harder to vote for someone, they know, at the very least, we will readily vote against someone. Despite President Obama's broken promises and concessions to the power of Wall Street, his team knows that the Blue People have no choice ... they will vote to keep the Red People from winning. The same goes for the other side, where the Red People reliably vote against their own economic self-interest due to a variety of social fears and moral judgments ... anything to keep the Blue People from winning.

You see, they have us ... handled.

And it's only getting worse. We increasingly mimic the babbling heads by actively slapping labels on each other. Patriots and traitors. Fascists and Socialists. Pro and Anti. The Tea Baggers sling ill-informed epithets like "socialist." So, the Left uses "idiot" as the go-to response to the loud ignorance of their fellow Americans. It's an angry reaction to the long-manipulated Right's seething, self-satisfied claims of moral superiority.

Calling each other names offers a visceral satisfaction. But saying "they started it" does nothing to bridge the growing gap between us. Rather, these identifications keep the body politic marching to the two-party tune of the moneyed elite. So long as we obey the orders - "left, right ... left, right ... left, right" - we present little threat to their rarified position or to their unique power to spill the blood and hoard the treasure of both this country and of the empire they've built around it.

The more we are divided, the more they can conquer.

Rejection is our last resort. When we look at the bottom line, at the empire that is draining our treasury and the sacrosanct economic policies both parties refuse to transgress, we see that we must stop playing into their hands. We have to stop letting fear of Red or Blue line the pockets of the rich with green. It's hard. It's hard to stop fighting.

Another smart person once said, "A house divided against itself cannot stand." We know what that led to, right?

Don't wait for the civil war or for other side to change. Make a start by ending your part of the cycle. Give your money to a "third" party. Money talks, so speak up. Give your vote to a "message candidate" outside of the zero-sum game of the two parties. Start looking for alternatives and support them. Don't expect different results from pulling the same lever ... over and over again. And stop playing the media's predictable game of "I'm rubber, you're glue."

Why? Because the two-party system wants to keep its grip on our handles. If we reject their labels, perhaps they'll lose their grip and, eventually, lose their power.

America must give up the empire abroad and end the class war at home. To get there, we must first reject the two-party system and the language of political division that is doing little more than making us all either red or blue in the face.



[1]

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vFuPVIK3cFU



JP Sottile is a newsroom veteran. His credits include a stint on the Newshour news desk, C-SPAN, Executive Producer for ABC affiliate WJLA in Washington, and a two-time Washington Regional Emmy Award Winner. In addition, JP is a documentary filmmaker.

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A Sad Day for America Print
Thursday, 28 April 2011 10:48

John Cory writes: "It is a sorry and sad day for America. Yesterday, Obama released his long-form birth certificate to cheers and applause and 'about time' comments across the great media landscape and inter-tubes. The Villagers are busy pontificating and examining and thumping their own chests in victory. Everyone is smiling and clapping and proud. Not me. What does it say about our 'media' that they have spent so much time and so much effort promoting crazy over reality? That our 'media' relishes circus clowns jumping out of their clown-cars and spraying clown-seltzer everywhere and then giddily covers the wet and stained audience reaction while ignoring the burning of fact?"

A young Barack Obama plays in the Hawaiian surf, circa 1960s. (photo: Reuters)
A young Barack Obama plays in the Hawaiian surf, circa 1960s. (photo: Reuters)



A Sad Day for America

By John Cory, Reader Supported News

28 April 11


Reader Supported News | Perspective

 

t is a sorry and sad day for America.

Yesterday, Obama released his long-form birth certificate to cheers and applause and "about time" comments across the great media landscape and inter-tubes.

The Villagers are busy pontificating and examining and thumping their own chests in victory. Everyone is smiling and clapping and proud.

Not me.

What does it say about our "media" that they have spent so much time and so much effort promoting crazy over reality? That our "media" relishes circus clowns jumping out of their clown-cars and spraying clown-seltzer everywhere and then giddily covers the wet and stained audience reaction while ignoring the burning of fact?

And what is the result of today's release by President Obama?

Donald Trump nearly lost his hair-pet as he jumped up and down, shouting: "I'm Superman! I'm Superman! I did what no one else has been able to do. I AM the great black Kryptonite!" NBC must be Soooooooo Verrrrrry Proud!

This should never have been an issue worthy of discussion, let alone news coverage.

The mainstream media has a long history of making the incredible seem credible. If enough crazy people shout loud enough to be overheard at the Villager's cocktail parties - and especially if there is money, ratings and celebrity status to be gained - then the media will make it "news."

Remember the Clinton run for office? The great NY Times witch-hunt for Whitewater? Vince Foster? Jerry Falwell videos of murder and drug-dealing lies? The birth of Fox News, where no slander was too offensive to air?

How about Chris Matthews' constant attacks on Al Gore for being a "serial exaggerator" and a boring wonk? The NY Times and Washington Post constantly questioning Gore's manliness? Remember? Maureen Dowd and Tim Russert, pointing out he wasn't like the macho W. who had nicknames for the press on the airplane and a beer for all.

In 2004 there were outrageous and despicable attacks on John Kerry and Max Cleland's Vietnam service, challenges to combat medals and wounds and smears against the very nature of their service to their country.

Where was the media?

Parroting and promoting the vile and vicious likes of Ann Coulter and John Corsi, and others. No lie too evil or malicious not to be printed or smeared across the airwaves. ABC's Nightline undertook an "investigation" of Kerry's war record by traveling to Vietnam to find someone - anyone - who could verify or confirm his "story," because the government records of the US Navy had become "suspect."

Why, the media had such a grand time questioning those troublesome war medals that at the GOP Convention, real American patriots sported band-aids with little Purple Hearts as they cheered their Vietnam-era AWOL candidate. Wasn't that funny?

President Obama finally put all this birth nonsense to rest. Right?

Do you think there will be questions about the font used on that document? Or the mysterious curls meant to infer an aging document? Or maybe, if we listen carefully, we'll hear the whispers about how it took this long because they had to forge that document, to make it look real when really - it is not. And what about the registration date? Four days after birth?

And what is the effect?

The next presidential candidate who is Black or Latino will have to provide all of his citizenship papers up front and have them certified by holier-than-thou real Americans.

If it is a woman, she will need to show medical records proving she is a natural female with a medical certificate of virginity at marriage. Or, if she is not married, god-forbid, she will require an Evangelical certification of non-Lesbian orientation.

If the candidate is Asian, well, let's just say they are too smart with computers to get caught forging birth certificates so we'll have to figure out a different test for them.

Obama gave in to insanity so the country could move on to important matters, but the truth is, there will be no movement. As Stuart Chase said: "For those who believe, no proof is necessary. For those who don't believe, no proof is possible."

There is a stain now, a stain that will permeate future candidates who might be one of them. An outsider. A different one. In trying to satisfy the poisonous present, Mr. Obama ignored his duty to the future.

No, this is a sad day.

Yesterday morning, the media flexed its great star power and forced a president to jump through a flaming hoop to prove he was American. Viewership through venom is so much more profitable than truth or fact.

By the afternoon, they will weigh in on who the winners and losers are.

Last night, some families packed up their belongings because their home had been foreclosed on, or faced medical bankruptcy because their insurance carrier had denied treatment payments, or struggled with whether to pay their utility bill or buy a tank of gas to go looking for a job in the morning.

We know who lost.

And we didn't have to watch TV to know it.

Maybe it is time to turn off, tune out, and drop the news media altogether.


Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Obama Revealed: A Moderate Republican Print
Tuesday, 26 April 2011 10:33

Ezra Klein writes: "Perhaps this is just the logical endpoint of two years spent arguing over what Barack Obama is - or isn't. Muslim. Socialist. Marxist. Anti-colonialist. Racial healer. We've obsessed over every answer except the right one: President Obama, if you look closely at his positions, is a moderate Republican of the early 1990s. And the Republican Party he's facing has abandoned many of its best ideas in its effort to oppose him."

President Obama speaks about the economy at the White House. (photo: AP)
President Obama speaks about the economy at the White House. (photo: AP)



Obama Revealed: A Moderate Republican

By Ezra Klein, The Washington Post

26 April 11

 

merica is mired in three wars. The past decade was the hottest on record. Unemployment remains stuck near 9 percent, and there's a small, albeit real, possibility that the US government will default on its debt. So what's dominating the news? A reality-television star who can't persuade anyone that his hair is real is alleging that the president of the United States was born in Kenya.

Perhaps this is just the logical endpoint of two years spent arguing over what Barack Obama is - or isn't. Muslim. Socialist. Marxist. Anti-colonialist. Racial healer. We've obsessed over every answer except the right one: President Obama, if you look closely at his positions, is a moderate Republican of the early 1990s. And the Republican Party he's facing has abandoned many of its best ideas in its effort to oppose him.

If you put aside the emergency measures required by the financial crisis, three major policy ideas have dominated American politics in recent years: a plan that uses an individual mandate and tax subsidies to achieve near-universal health care; a cap-and-trade plan that attempts to raise the prices of environmental pollutants to better account for their costs; and bringing tax rates up from their Bush-era lows as part of a bid to reduce the deficit. In each case, the position that Obama and the Democrats have staked out is the very position that moderate Republicans have staked out before.

Take health-care reform. The individual mandate was developed by a group of conservative economists in the early '90s. Mark Pauly, an economist at the Wharton School of the University of Pennsylvania, was one of them. "We were concerned about the specter of single-payer insurance," he told me recently. The conservative Heritage Foundation soon had an individual-mandate plan of its own, and when President Bill Clinton endorsed an employer mandate in his health-care proposal, both major Republican alternatives centered on an individual mandate. By 1995, more than 20 Senate Republicans - including Chuck Grassley, Orrin Hatch, Dick Lugar and a few others still in office - had signed one individual mandate bill or another.

The story on cap and trade - which conservatives now like to call "cap and tax" - is much the same. Back then, the concern was sulfur dioxide, the culprit behind acid rain. President George H.W. Bush wanted a solution that relied on the market rather than on government regulation. So in the Clean Air Act of 1990, he proposed a plan that would cap sulfur-dioxide emissions but let the market decide how to allocate the permits. That was "more compatible with economic growth than using only the command and control approaches of the past," he said. The plan passed easily, with "aye" votes from Sen. Mitch McConnell and then-Rep. Newt Gingrich, among others. In fact, as recently as 2007, Gingrich said that "if you have mandatory carbon caps combined with a trading system, much like we did with sulfur ... it's something I would strongly support."

As for the 1990 budget deal, Bush initially resisted tax increases, but eventually realized they were necessary to get the job done. "It is clear to me that both the size of the deficit problem and the need for a package that can be enacted require all of the following: entitlement and mandatory program reform, tax revenue increases, growth incentives, discretionary spending reductions, orderly reductions in defense expenditures, and budget process reform," he said. That deal, incidentally, was roughly half tax increases and half spending cuts. Obama's budget has far fewer tax increases. And compared with what would happen if the Bush tax cuts were allowed to expire in 2012, it actually includes a large tax cut.

The normal reason a party abandons its policy ideas is that those ideas fail in practice. But that's not the case here. These initiatives were wildly successful. Gov. Mitt Romney passed an individual mandate in Massachusetts and drove its number of uninsured below 5 percent. The Clean Air Act of 1990 solved the sulfur-dioxide problem. The 1990 budget deal helped cut the deficit and set the stage for a remarkable run of growth.

Rather, it appears that as Democrats moved to the right to pick up Republican votes, Republicans moved to the right to oppose Democratic proposals. As Gingrich's quote suggests, cap and trade didn't just have Republican support in the 1990s. John McCain included a cap-and-trade plan in his 2008 platform. The same goes for an individual mandate, which Grassley endorsed in June 2009 - mere months before he began calling the policy "unconstitutional."

This White House has shown a strong preference for policies with demonstrated Republican support, but that's been obscured by the Republican Party adopting a stance of unified, and occasionally hysterical, opposition (remember "death panels"?) - not to mention a flood of paranoia about the president's "true" agenda and background. But as entertaining as the reality-TV version of politics might be, it can't be permitted to, ahem, trump reality itself. If you want to obsess over origins in American politics, look at the president's policies, not his birth certificate.

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The Birthers' Constitutional Illiteracy Print
Monday, 25 April 2011 19:38

Intro: "Even if Barack Obama had not been born in the US, the birther version of the constitution would've excluded John McCain too."

Sen. John McCain campaigning for the US Presidency in Sarasota, Florida, in 2008. (photo: Carolyn Kaster/AP)
Sen. John McCain campaigning for the US Presidency in Sarasota, Florida, in 2008. (photo: Carolyn Kaster/AP)



The Birthers' Constitutional Illiteracy

By Tom Rogan, Guardian UK

25 April 11

 

Even if Barack Obama had not been born in the US, the birther version of the constitution would've excluded John McCain too.

arack Obama was born in the United States. But even if he had not been (as the birthers believe), he would still be the legitimate President of the United States. The birther movement (apparently, now led by Donald Trump) argues that article 2, section 1 of the US constitution ("No person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States, at the time of the Adoption of this constitution, shall be eligible to the Office of President") requires that the Barack Obama of their universe (that is, born "abroad") cannot be the legitimate president.

For the birthers, the translation of "natural born citizen'" is simply "those born inside the United States". To them, anyone born outside the United States is ineligible for the presidency. They are wrong.

First, a little disclaimer: the birther attacks are personal to me. I was born in London to an American father and British mother. While I have a great and abiding respect for the UK (my British grandfather was an RAF officer of whom I am incredibly proud), my ultimate allegiance has always belonged to the United States. My father is a former US diplomat and his father was a career US military officer, whose second world war service included Guadalcanal and Okinawa. I believe that my family heritage has earned my right to be a "natural born citizen" of the United States. And I believe any cogent reading of the constitution supports me in this belief.

While the thinking behind the founding fathers' adoption of the natural born citizenship clause is not clear, most legal scholars assume that the motivating intention was to prevent (English) royalist infiltration of the US government - an understandable concern at the time. Regardless of that, though, in determining the meaning of the clause, we must consider the developed law.

The Naturalisation Act of 1790 provided that "the children of citizens of the United States that may be born beyond Sea, or out of the limits of the United States, shall be considered as natural born Citizens." Just three years after the constitution's adoption, this would seem to give an early and powerful repudiation of the birther reading of the clause. But it cannot, on its own, clarify the constitution.

In United States v Wong Kim Ark, the US supreme court ruled that a child born in the United States to two US domiciled foreign parents not serving with a foreign government was a natural born citizen. This set the precedent that natural born citizenship could be granted by the principle of "jus soli", or citizenship from birth in the United States. However, as illustrated by the Naturalisation Act, jus soli cannot account for all Americans. To fill the space of absent court clarification on American citizens born abroad, Congress has provided statutory definition for natural born citizenship.

Title 8, section 1401 of the US Title Code provides these definitions to include (among other qualifying citizens) those born abroad to one American parent and one foreign parent, provided the American parent spent five years in the US prior to the child's birth. The strength of section 1401 is in its clarification of the clause in a logical manner, compatible with the constitution and in a way that can account for American citizens not physically born in the United States. Because the law grants citizenship even to the Obama of the birther universe, the birthers reject section 1401 as unconstitutional.

In contrast to the logic of section 1401, the birther reading of the natural born citizenship clause is highly problematic. Put simply, if the only natural born citizens are those born inside the United States, then many "natural" Americans are left out in the cold. The state department foreign affairs manual (pdf) notes that under the constitution's 14th amendment, US government installations abroad are not part of the United States. Therefore, according to the birther approach, this would mean, for example, that while a child born inside the United States to foreign tourists or to illegal immigrants is a natural born citizen, John McCain - born on a military base in Panama - is not.

The absurdity of such a reading of the constitution is profound. Under the birther approach, foreign service and experience are acts to be punished by deprivation of citizenship rights for the children of servicemen and women and public officials posted overseas. How can we honestly believe that the founding fathers would regard the citizenship of children of those who have served their country abroad as less than that of those residing in the United States? To make this argument as the birthers do is illogical and reflective their distorted and deficient understanding of the US constitution.

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The Tea Party and Ayn Rand Print
Sunday, 24 April 2011 12:06

Intro: "Ayn Rand is a cult figure for Tea Party types, but if a bad movie gets them reading, they may be surprised by her ideas."

Author and Objectivist philosopher Ayn Rand. (photo: Hulton Archive/NYT/Getty Images)
Author and Objectivist philosopher Ayn Rand. (photo: Hulton Archive/NYT/Getty Images)



The Tea Party and Ayn Rand

By Megan Gibson, The Guardian UK

24 April 11

 

The Tea Party and Ayn Rand's Atlas Shrugged

Ayn Rand is a cult figure for Tea Party types, but if a bad movie gets them reading, they may be surprised by her ideas.

f Ayn Rand were alive today, would she be a member of the Tea Party?

The controversial writer - whose philosophy, Objectivism, advocates the "virtue of selfishness" - has long been something of a literary hero to American conservatives and the rise of the rightwing populist movement has only worked to increase Rand's popularity.

Tea Party members can't get enough: references to the writer's works appear on their protest signs; political favourites such as Rand Paul namedrop her; and they seem staunchly devoted to promoting the first instalment of the three-part film adaptation of her epic tome, Atlas Shrugged, which opened modestly, if not quietly, last weekend in around 300 theatres across the US. The conservative grassroots group Freedomworks took the helm in promoting the film, sharing the online trailer with its mailing list and hyping the movie's opening day - 15 April, America's tax day.

The low-budget movie with its cast of nobodies received resolutely scathing reviews - it garnered a dismal 7% from critics on Rotten Tomatoes - yet, through conservative support, it still managed to pull in enough revenue to justify expanding the film to more screens. By the end of April, Atlas Shrugged: Part 1 could be on as many as 1,000 screens.

Despite the buzz, rigorous devotees of Objectivism aren't likely to appreciate Atlas's big screen treatment. For the uninitiated, Atlas Shrugged depicts a dystopian US where irrational government officials work with greedy socialist corporate heads to impose draconian regulations and taxes on those who have achieved success through hard work and natural talent. The novel's heroine is Dagny Taggart, an ambitious railroad executive, who teams up with Henry Rearden, an innovative metal manufacturer, to set out to save the country from being crushed by the collectivist government. Along the way, they partake in rambling diatribes about the glory of achievement and the nobility of pursuing greatness. It's rousing stuff - the first time, anyway - until it's belabored again and again throughout the novel. Sound familiar?

The sections of the book that made it into Part 1 certainly seem written directly for current conservative interests, namely that a small section of the population must fight against the oppressive restrictions and heavy taxation of a socialist government. Yet, probe beyond the triteness of Rand's plot and the fragmented rendering of her philosophy, and striking discrepancies between her Objectivism and conservative sentiment become apparent.

Yes, Rand was a staunch advocate of capitalism and limited government. She was also a staunch advocate of abortion rights and sexual hedonism, and an atheist to boot, which her conservative admirers have largely ignored. Rand and her characters maintained that morality wasn't something that could be imposed by outside institutions, rather should be a consequence from individuals acting in their own rational self-interest. Which, obviously, steps way out of line with the thinking of the Tea Party, which encompasses the religious right .

As Jennifer Burns, the author of Goddess of the Market: Ayn Rand and the American Right, has said, today's conservative pundits have found that they "can use the parts of Rand they want to use and not engage the rest". Which is where one of the most glaring incongruities between Tea Partiers and Rand's philosophy appears: Rand, almost above all else, championed the individual over the collective. The notion that a populist movement is using her name and economic philosophies to mobilise their broader political goal is laughable. During her life, Rand was outspoken in her disgust for Republicans, feeling that they were soft on individuals' rights. Today, it is only Randians who can argue that her philosophy is being inadequately promoted.

However, there is a silver lining for Rand purists: while the movie's publicity has managed to stir up paltry interest among cinema-goers, it has succeeded in awakening a larger interest in the literary work. Rand's novel has sold around 100,000 copies a year in the US since its publication, and since the financial crisis and the rise of the Tea Party, that number has increased five-fold. The movie's publicity has only propelled sales yet higher - the opening weekend saw the book version of Atlas Shrugged shoot to the No 4 spot on Amazon's bestseller list.

So, while the Tea Party's promotion of Rand has made a splash, Objectivists can take comfort knowing that the impact has largely been on book sales. If one has to delve into Randian territory, it's better to go straight to the master's words rather than a choice interpretation of them or convenient soundbites.

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