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Disastrous Republican Plans |
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Saturday, 28 May 2011 18:00 |
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Michael Moore talks with Lawrence O'Donnell about the fight for Medicare for all, the hope that Democrats will find some backbone, ending the war in Afghanistan, and the death of bin Laden.
Portrait, Michael Moore, 04/03/09. (photo: Ann-Christine Poujoulat/Getty)

Disastrous Republican Plans
By Michael Moore, The Last Word With Lawrence O'Donnell
28 May 11
Michael Moore talks with Lawrence O'Donnell about the fight for Medicare for all, the hope that Democrats will find some backbone, ending the war in Afghanistan, and the death of bin Laden. -- CW/RSN
Part I
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=KTtk2cLiakE
Part II
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jxwyTmGx3Ow
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The Republican Death Wish |
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Friday, 27 May 2011 18:05 |
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Excerpt: "So now it's official. The 2012 campaign will be about the future of Medicare. (Yes, it will also be about jobs, but the Republicans haven't come up with any credible ideas on that front, and the Democrats seem incapable of doing what needs to be done.) This spells trouble for the GOP. Polls show an overwhelming majority of Americans - even a majority of Republican voters - want to preserve Medicare."
Portrait, Robert Reich, 08/16/09. (photo: Perian Flaherty)

The Republican Death Wish
By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Blog
27 May 11
orty Senate Republicans have now joined their colleagues in the House to support Paul Ryan's plan that would turn Medicare into vouchers that funnel money to private health insurers. They thumbed their nose at the special election in upstate New York earlier this week that delivered a victory to Democrat Kathy Hochul, who made the plan the focus of her upset victory.
So now it's official. The 2012 campaign will be about the future of Medicare. (Yes, it will also be about jobs, but the Republicans haven't come up with any credible ideas on that front, and the Democrats seem incapable of doing what needs to be done.)
This spells trouble for the GOP. Polls show an overwhelming majority of Americans - even a majority of Republican voters - want to preserve Medicare. They don't want to turn it over to private insurers.
It would be one thing if Republicans had consistency on their side. At least then they could take the high road and claim their plan is a principled way to achieve the aims of Medicare through market-based mechanisms. (It isn't, of course. It would end up squeezing seniors because it takes no account of the rising costs of health care.)
But they can't even claim consistency. Remember, this was the same GOP that attacked the President's health-reform plan in 2010 by warning it would lead to Medicare cuts.
Former President Bill Clinton counsels Democrats not to say Medicare is fine the way it is. He's right. But instead of talking about Medicare as a problem to be fixed, Democrats should start talking about it as a potential solution to the challenge of rising health-care costs - as well as to our long-term budget problem.
Can we be clear about that budget problem? It's not driven by Medicare. It's driven by the same relentlessly soaring health-care costs that are pushing premiums through the roof and causing middle-class families to shell out more and more money for deductibles and co-payments.
Some features of Obama's new healthcare law will slow the rise - insurance exchanges, for example, could give consumers clearer comparative information about what they're getting for their insurance payments - but the law doesn't go nearly far enough.
That's why Democrats should be proposing that anyone be allowed to sign up for Medicare. Medicare is cheaper than private insurance because its administrative costs are so much lower, and it has vast economies of scale.
If Medicare were allowed to use its potential bargaining leverage over America's hospitals, doctors, drug companies, and medical providers, it could drive down costs even further.
And it could force the nation's broken health-care system to do something it must do but has resisted with a vengeance: Focus on healthy outcomes rather on costly inputs. If Medicare paid for results - not tests, procedures, drugs, and hospital stays, but results - it could give Americans better health at lower cost.
Let the GOP go after Medicare. That will do more to elect Democrats in 2012 than anything else. But it would be wise and politically astute for Democrats to go beyond just defending Medicare. Strengthen and build upon it. Use it to reform American health care and, not incidentally, rescue the federal budget.
Robert Reich is Chancellor's Professor of Public Policy at the University of California at Berkeley. He has served in three national administrations, most recently as secretary of labor under President Bill Clinton. He has written thirteen books, including "The Work of Nations," "Locked in the Cabinet," "Supercapitalism" and his latest book, "AFTERSHOCK: The Next Economy and America's Future." His 'Marketplace' commentaries can be found on publicradio.com and iTunes.

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Paul Ryan Still Doesn't Get It |
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Wednesday, 25 May 2011 19:38 |
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Excerpt: "Ryan calls it 'demagoguery,' accusing Hochul and her fellow Democrats of trying to 'scare seniors into thinking that their current benefits are being affected.'"
Portrait, Robert Reich, 08/16/09. (photo: Perian Flaherty)

Paul Ryan Still Doesn't Get It
By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Blog
25 May 11
epublican House Budget chief Paul Ryan still doesn't get it. He blames Tuesday's upset victory of Democrat Kathy Hochul over Republican Jane Corwin to represent New York's 26th congressional district on Democratic scare tactics.
Hochul had focused like a laser on the Republican plan to turn Medicare into vouchers that would funnel the money to private health insurers. Republicans didn't exactly take it lying down. The National Republican Congressional Committee poured over $400,000 into the race, and Karl Rove's American Crossroads provided Corwin an additional $700,000 of support. But the money didn't work. Even in this traditionally Republican district - represented in the past by such GOP notables as Jack Kemp and William Miller, both of whom would become vice presidential candidates - Hochul's message hit home.
Ryan calls it "demagoguery," accusing Hochul and her fellow Democrats of trying to "scare seniors into thinking that their current benefits are being affected."
Scare tactics? Seniors have every right to be scared. His plan would eviscerate Medicare by privatizing it with vouchers that would fall further and further behind the rising cost of health insurance. And Ryan and the Republicans offer no means of slowing rising health-care costs. To the contrary, they want to repeal every cost-containment measure enacted in last year's health-reform legislation. The inevitable result: More and more seniors would be priced out of the market for health care.
The Ryan plan has put Republicans in a corner. Some, like Massachusetts Senator Scott Brown and, briefly, presidential hopeful Newt Gingrich, are rejecting the plan altogether. Most, though, are holding on and holding their breath. After all, House Republicans approved it - and voters don't especially like flip-floppers.
Senate Democrats will bring the Ryan plan for a vote Thursday in order to force Senate Republicans on the record. Watch closely.
Some GOP stalwarts say the Party must clarify its message - a sure sign of panic. Former Republican congressman Rick Lazio says the GOP "must do [a] better job explaining entitlements."
It's just possible the public knows exactly what entitlements are - and is getting a clear message about what Republicans are up to.
All this should give the White House and Democratic budget negotiators more confidence - and more bargaining leverage - to put tax cuts on the rich squarely on the table.
And, while they're at it, turn Medicare into a "Medicare-for-all" system that forces doctors and hospitals to shift from costly tests, drugs, and procedures having little effect, to healthy outcomes.
Robert Reich is Chancellor's Professor of Public Policy at the University of California at Berkeley. He has served in three national administrations, most recently as secretary of labor under President Bill Clinton. He has written thirteen books, including "The Work of Nations," "Locked in the Cabinet," "Supercapitalism" and his latest book, "AFTERSHOCK: The Next Economy and America's Future." His 'Marketplace' commentaries can be found on publicradio.com and iTunes.

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Republican Party Now Hostage to the Cranks on Its Fringe |
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Sunday, 22 May 2011 17:18 |
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Cynthia Tucker begins: "For the crime of attempted compromise, Sen. Saxby Chambliss, R-Gaorgia, is being hounded by a furious Republican right wing that considers civil conversation with Democrats a suggestion of weakness, if not a sign of outright capitulation."
Scenes from a Tea Party rally, Capitol Hill, 03/16/10. (photo: Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images)

Republican Party Now Hostage to the Cranks on Its Fringe
By Cynthia Tucker, Atlanta Journal-Constitution
22 May 11
or the crime of attempted compromise, Sen. Saxby Chambliss, R-Georgia, is being hounded by a furious Republican right wing that considers civil conversation with Democrats a suggestion of weakness, if not a sign of outright capitulation. Though Chambliss has spent years in service to conservative causes, his membership in the now-fracturing Gang of Six - a bipartisan group of senators who have attempted to hammer out a deal on the federal deficit - has subjected him to harsh criticism among ultraconservative purists.
For his work on deficit reduction and for other alleged heresies, Chambliss has earned the ire of Erick Erickson, a hyper-conservative Georgia blogger and talk-radio host who wants to defeat the senator in 2014. "Tea party activists in Georgia who want to make a big impact have two years to organize, mobilize, and lay the groundwork to get rid of Saxby Chambliss ... Now, why Saxby? ... Saxby has consistently stabbed conservatives in the back and it is time to take him out," Erickson wrote earlier this month.
Chambliss is not a man you'd mistake for a moderate. He opposes allowing gays to serve openly in the military, opposes reproductive rights and dutifully serves the National Rifle Association. Still, he has been openly rebuked for daring to enter discussions that might lead to a deal with Democrats. (Let me emphasize "might." Now that Oklahoma Sen. Tom Coburn, another conservative Republican, has dropped out of the Gang of Six, the odds of a deal have plummeted.)
This is what it has come to: A fundamental principle of democratic governance - negotiating with political opponents in good faith - has come under attack from an irrational ultraconservative base that demands its own way while claiming to champion the US Constitution. That base dismisses the democratic process if it produces a result they oppose. They denounce tyranny - unless it is in the service of their own ideals.
Let Rush Limbaugh say what he will, there is simply no similar force on the political left. Liberals have their fringe lunatics, of course. Recently, the usually respectable, if always ultra-liberal, Princeton professor Cornel West fired several crazed volleys at President Barack Obama - condescendingly dismissing him as a "centrist" and labeling him, more or less, an Uncle Tom.
But Obama gives his party's radical elements a subtle third-finger salute. He's a pragmatist dedicated to cutting the best deal he can get, even if it means setting aside a campaign pledge or two. And it's unlikely he will get so much as a primary challenge for it, given his broad appeal among Democrats.
The climate is a lot more hostile to the ideals of cooperation and compromise on the other side of the aisle. Not even the sainted Ronald Reagan would have come up to the take-no-prisoners, brook-no-compromise standards of tea partiers, Limbaugh, and the anti-tax radical Grover Norquist. Though conservatives try to airbrush these facts from history, they are, indeed, stubborn things: Reagan cut deals with Democrats to raise taxes - several times. During his presidency, business taxes were raised, the gas tax was increased, Social Security taxes were hiked.
Chambliss has refused to use the phrase "tax increase," referring, instead, to "revenue increases." Since taxes constitute, by far, the biggest source of revenue for the federal treasury, that means somebody's taxes will go up. For Norquist, that's a violation of conservative dogma.
The Republican Party is now held hostage to its fringe elements, a development that endangers us all. With a GOP-controlled House and a Senate barely in Democratic hands, Congress is whipsawed by the demands of an angry minority of tea partiers, paranoid conspiracy theorists, leftover John Birchers and anti-government cranks.
That's why House Speaker John Boehner has moved from reasonable to rigid in his statements on raising the debt ceiling: He is afraid of alienating the tea party forces in his caucus, who don't seem at all concerned about the prospect of pushing a fragile economy over the edge into the abyss. Wall Street's entreaties haven't brought them around.
(Reagan would have run afoul of GOP radicals here, too. In 1983, he sent a letter to Howard Baker, then Senate majority leader, urging the Senate to raise the debt ceiling and warning of "incalculable damage" if the US defaulted on its debts for the first time in its history.)
Eventually, I'd guess, the Republican Party will come to its senses, relegate its fringe to Siberia and return to a platform that embraces reason, logic and cooperation. Unfortunately, the nation's economy could be in ruins by then.

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