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FOCUS | The Nightmare in Gaza Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=7646"><span class="small">Noam Chomsky, AlterNet</span></a>   
Saturday, 09 August 2014 11:25

Chomsky writes: "In January 2006, Palestinians committed a major crime: They voted the wrong way in a carefully monitored free election, handing control of Parliament to Hamas."

Intellectual, political activist, Professor Noam Chomsky. (photo: Russia Today)
Intellectual, political activist, Professor Noam Chomsky. (photo: Russia Today)


The Nightmare in Gaza

By Noam Chomsky, AlterNet

09 August 14

 

"There is no place in the prison of Gaza safe from Israeli sadism."

mid all the horrors unfolding in the latest Israeli offensive in Gaza, Israel’s goal is simple: quiet-for-quiet, a return to the norm.

For the West Bank, the norm is that Israel continues its illegal construction of settlements and infrastructure so that it can integrate into Israel whatever might be of value, meanwhile consigning Palestinians to unviable cantons and subjecting them to repression and violence.

For Gaza, the norm is a miserable existence under a cruel and destructive siege that Israel administers to permit bare survival but nothing more.

The latest Israeli rampage was set off by the brutal murder of three Israeli boys from a settler community in the occupied West Bank. A month before, two Palestinian boys were shot dead in the West Bank city of Ramallah. That elicited little attention, which is understandable, since it is routine.

“The institutionalized disregard for Palestinian life in the West helps explain not only why Palestinians resort to violence,” Middle East analyst Mouin Rabbani reports, “but also Israel’s latest assault on the Gaza Strip.”

In an interview, human rights lawyer Raji Sourani, who has remained in Gaza through years of Israeli brutality and terror, said, “The most common sentence I heard when people began to talk about cease-fire: Everybody says it’s better for all of us to die and not go back to the situation we used to have before this war. We don’t want that again. We have no dignity, no pride; we are just soft targets, and we are very cheap. Either this situation really improves or it is better to just die. I am talking about intellectuals, academics, ordinary people: Everybody is saying that.”

In January 2006, Palestinians committed a major crime: They voted the wrong way in a carefully monitored free election, handing control of Parliament to Hamas.

The media constantly intone that Hamas is dedicated to the destruction of Israel. In reality, Hamas leaders have repeatedly made it clear that Hamas would accept a two-state settlement in accord with the international consensus that has been blocked by the U.S. and Israel for 40 years.

In contrast, Israel is dedicated to the destruction of Palestine, apart from some occasional meaningless words, and is implementing that commitment.

The crime of the Palestinians in January 2006 was punished at once. The U.S. and Israel, with Europe shamefully trailing behind, imposed harsh sanctions on the errant population and Israel stepped up its violence.

The U.S. and Israel quickly initiated plans for a military coup to overthrow the elected government. When Hamas had the effrontery to foil the plans, the Israeli assaults and the siege became far more severe.

There should be no need to review again the dismal record since. The relentless siege and savage attacks are punctuated by episodes of “mowing the lawn,” to borrow Israel’s cheery expression for its periodic exercises in shooting fish in a pond as part of what it calls a “war of defense.”

Once the lawn is mowed and the desperate population seeks to rebuild somehow from the devastation and the murders, there is a cease-fire agreement. The most recent cease-fire was established after Israel’s October 2012 assault, called Operation Pillar of Defense.

Though Israel maintained its siege, Hamas observed the cease-fire, as Israel concedes. Matters changed in April of this year when Fatah and Hamas forged a unity agreement that established a new government of technocrats unaffiliated with either party.

Israel was naturally furious, all the more so when even the Obama administration joined the West in signaling approval. The unity agreement not only undercuts Israel’s claim that it cannot negotiate with a divided Palestine but also threatens the long-term goal of dividing Gaza from the West Bank and pursuing its destructive policies in both regions.

Something had to be done, and an occasion arose on June 12, when the three Israeli boys were murdered in the West Bank. Early on, the Netanyahu government knew that they were dead, but pretended otherwise, which provided the opportunity to launch a rampage in the West Bank, targeting Hamas.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu claimed to have certain knowledge that Hamas was responsible. That too was a lie.

One of Israel’s leading authorities on Hamas, Shlomi Eldar, reported almost at once that the killers very likely came from a dissident clan in Hebron that has long been a thorn in the side of Hamas. Eldar added that “I’m sure they didn’t get any green light from the leadership of Hamas, they just thought it was the right time to act.”

The 18-day rampage after the kidnapping, however, succeeded in undermining the feared unity government, and sharply increasing Israeli repression. Israel also conducted dozens of attacks in Gaza, killing five Hamas members on July 7.

Hamas finally reacted with its first rockets in 19 months, providing Israel with the pretext for Operation Protective Edge on July 8.

By July 31, around 1,400 Palestinians had been killed, mostly civilians, including hundreds of women and children. And three Israeli civilians. Large areas of Gaza had been turned into rubble. Four hospitals had been attacked, each another war crime.

Israeli officials laud the humanity of what it calls “the most moral army in the world,” which informs residents that their homes will be bombed. The practice is “sadism, sanctimoniously disguising itself as mercy,” in the words of Israeli journalist Amira Hass: “A recorded message demanding hundreds of thousands of people leave their already targeted homes, for another place, equally dangerous, 10 kilometers away.”

In fact, there is no place in the prison of Gaza safe from Israeli sadism, which may even exceed the terrible crimes of Operation Cast Lead in 2008-2009.

The hideous revelations elicited the usual reaction from the most moral president in the world, Barack Obama: great sympathy for Israelis, bitter condemnation of Hamas and calls for moderation on both sides.

When the current attacks are called off, Israel hopes to be free to pursue its criminal policies in the occupied territories without interference, and with the U.S. support it has enjoyed in the past.

Gazans will be free to return to the norm in their Israeli-run prison, while in the West Bank, Palestinians can watch in peace as Israel dismantles what remains of their possessions.

That is the likely outcome if the U.S. maintains its decisive and virtually unilateral support for Israeli crimes and its rejection of the long-standing international consensus on diplomatic settlement. But the future will be quite different if the U.S. withdraws that support.

In that case it would be possible to move toward the “enduring solution” in Gaza that U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry called for, eliciting hysterical condemnation in Israel because the phrase could be interpreted as calling for an end to Israel’s siege and regular attacks. And — horror of horrors — the phrase might even be interpreted as calling for implementation of international law in the rest of the occupied territories.

Forty years ago Israel made the fateful decision to choose expansion over security, rejecting a full peace treaty offered by Egypt in return for evacuation from the occupied Egyptian Sinai, where Israel was initiating extensive settlement and development projects. Israel has adhered to that policy ever since.

If the U.S. decided to join the world, the impact would be great. Over and over, Israel has abandoned cherished plans when Washington has so demanded. Such are the relations of power between them.

Furthermore, Israel by now has little recourse, after having adopted policies that turned it from a country that was greatly admired to one that is feared and despised, policies it is pursuing with blind determination today in its march toward moral deterioration and possible ultimate destruction.

Could U.S. policy change? It’s not impossible. Public opinion has shifted considerably in recent years, particularly among the young, and it cannot be completely ignored.

For some years there has been a good basis for public demands that Washington observe its own laws and cut off military aid to Israel. U.S. law requires that “no security assistance may be provided to any country the government of which engages in a consistent pattern of gross violations of internationally recognized human rights.”

Israel most certainly is guilty of this consistent pattern, and has been for many years.

Sen. Patrick Leahy of Vermont, author of this provision of the law, has brought up its potential applicability to Israel in specific cases, and with a well-conducted educational, organizational and activist effort such initiatives could be pursued successively.

That could have a very significant impact in itself, while also providing a springboard for further actions to compel Washington to become part of “the international community” and to observe international law and norms.

Nothing could be more significant for the tragic Palestinian victims of many years of violence and repression.

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How Barack Obama Could End the Argentina Debt Crisis Print
Friday, 08 August 2014 15:35

Palast writes: "The 'vulture' financier now threatening to devour Argentina can be stopped dead by a simple note to the courts from Barack Obama. But the president, while officially supporting Argentina, has not done this one thing that could save Buenos Aires from default."

Paul Singer of Elliott Associates. (photo: Lucas Jackson/Reuters)
Paul Singer of Elliott Associates. (photo: Lucas Jackson/Reuters)


ALSO SEE: Argentina Sues US at Top UN Court Over Debt

How Barack Obama Could End the Argentina Debt Crisis

By Greg Palast, Guardian UK

08 August 14

 

US president need only inform a federal judge that vulture fund billionaire Paul Singer is interfering with the president's sole authority to conduct foreign policy. He hasn't. But why not?

he "vulture" financier now threatening to devour Argentina can be stopped dead by a simple note to the courts from Barack Obama. But the president, while officially supporting Argentina, has not done this one thing that could save Buenos Aires from default.

Obama could prevent vulture hedge-fund billionaire Paul Singer from collecting a single penny from Argentina by invoking the long-established authority granted presidents by the US constitution's "Separation of Powers" clause. Under the principle known as "comity", Obama only need inform US federal judge Thomas Griesa that Singer's suit interferes with the president's sole authority to conduct foreign policy. Case dismissed.

Indeed, President George W Bush invoked this power against the very same hedge fund now threatening Argentina. Bush blocked Singer's seizure of Congo-Brazzaville's US property, despite the fact that the hedge fund chief is one of the largest, and most influential, contributors to Republican candidates.

Notably, an appeals court warned this very judge, 30 years ago, to heed the directive of a president invoking his foreign policy powers. In the Singer case, the US state department did inform Judge Griesa that the Obama administration agreed with Argentina's legal arguments; but the president never invoked the magical, vulture-stopping clause.

Obama's devastating hesitation is no surprise. It repeats the president's capitulation to Singer the last time they went mano a mano. It was 2009. Singer, through a brilliantly complex financial manoeuvre, took control of Delphi Automotive, the sole supplier of most of the auto parts needed by General Motors and Chrysler. Both auto firms were already in bankruptcy.

Singer and co-investors demanded the US Treasury pay them billions, including $350m (£200m) in cash immediately, or – as the Singer consortium threatened – "we'll shut you down". They would cut off GM's parts. Literally.

GM and Chrysler, with no more than a couple of days' worth of parts to hand, would have shut down, permanently;forced into liquidation.

Obama's negotiator, Treasury deputy Steven Rattner, called the vulture funds' demand "extortion" – a characterisation of Singer repeated last week by Argentina President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner.

But while Fernández declared "I cannot as president submit the country to such extortion," Obama submitted within days. Ultimately, the US Treasury quietly paid the Singer consortium a cool $12.9bn in cash and subsidies from the US Treasury's auto bailout fund.

Singer responded to Obama's largesse by quickly shutting down 25 of Delphi's 29 US auto parts plants, shifting 25,000 jobs to Asia. Singer's Elliott Management pocketed $1.29bn of which Singer personally garnered the lion's share.

In the case of Argentina, Obama certainly has reason to act. The US State Department warned the judge that adopting Singer's legal theories would imperil sovereign bailout agreements worldwide. Indeed, it is reported that, in 2012, Singer joined fellow billionaire vulture investor Kenneth Dart in shaking down the Greek government for a huge payout during the euro crisis by threatening to create a mass default of banks across Europe.

The financial press has turned on Singer. Commentators in the Wall Street Journal and FT are enraged at the financier's quixotic re-interpretation of sovereign lending terms in the way that the Taliban interprets a peace agreement. No peace, no agreement.

Singer has certainly earned his vulture feathers. His attack on Congo-Brazzaville in effect snatched the value of the debt relief paid for by US and British taxpayers and, says Oxfam, undermined the nation's ability to fight a cholera epidemic. (Singer's spokesman responded that corruption in the Congo-Brazzaville government, not his lawsuits, have impoverished that nation.)

As if to burnish his tough-guy credentials, Singer has mounted legal attacks on JP Morgan Chase, Citibank, BNY Mellon, and UBS, demanding they pay him the money that Argentina had paid them over the last decade. Furthermore, Singer's lawyers persuaded the judge to stop BNY Mellon, Argentina's agent, from making $500m in payments to Argentinian bondholders.

Surely the president would intervene. He didn't. He hasn't. Why?

I'm not a psychologist. But this we know: since taking on Argentina, Singer has unlocked his billion-dollar bank account, becoming the biggest donor to New York Republican causes. He is a founder of Restore Our Future, a billionaire boys club, channelling the funds of Bill Koch and other Richie Rich-kid Republicans into a fearsome war-chest dedicated to vicious political attack ads.

And Singer recently gave $1m to Karl Rove's Crossroads operation, another political attack machine.

In other words, there's a price for crossing Singer. And, unlike the president of Argentina, Obama appears unwilling to pay it.

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The Uphill Battle to Hold US Corporations Accountable for Abuses Abroad Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=28305"><span class="small">Lauren Carasik, Al Jazeera America</span></a>   
Friday, 08 August 2014 14:56

Carasik reports: "According to a recent study by the International Corporate Accountability Roundtable, victims of transnational corporate abuses face myriad barriers to accessing judicial remedies."

Chiquita bananas. (photo: Jared Lazarus/Miami Herald/KRT)
Chiquita bananas. (photo: Jared Lazarus/Miami Herald/KRT)


The Uphill Battle to Hold US Corporations Accountable for Abuses Abroad

By Lauren Carasik, Al Jazeera America

08 August 14

 

n July 24, the Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit dismissed a lawsuit (PDF) against the U.S.-based banana and produce company Chiquita by 4,000 victims of targeted violence during Colombia’s bloody civil war. The case was filed in 2007 on behalf of the families of union leaders, laborers, activists and ordinary villagers who claimed that Chiquita provided funding and logistical support to the Colombian right-wing paramilitary group United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (known by its Spanish acronym AUC) that killed or disappeared their loved ones. The court found that though Chiquita executives in Ohio did make illegal payments to the AUC, the case did not “touch and concern” the U.S., because the harms occurred abroad.

The court applied a narrow interpretation of the jurisdictional standard set by the Supreme Court’s decision last year in Kiobel v. Royal Dutch Petroleum (PDF). Kiobel made it much more difficult for plaintiffs to file lawsuits under the Alien Tort Statute (ATS), which allows victims of human rights abuses committed abroad, to sue the perpetrators in the U.S.

Judge Beverly Martin, who authored a dissenting opinion in the Chiquita case, derided the court’s unwillingness to enforce the ATS. By doing so, she wrote, “we disarm innocents against American corporations that engage in human rights violations abroad. I understand the ATS to have been deliberately crafted to avoid this regrettable result.”

The plaintiffs’ lawyers are confident that the decision will be reversed on appeal. But the case highlights a glaring gap in the international framework for holding transnational corporations accountable for their conduct and underscores the importance of developing mechanisms to ensure that victims have access to judicial remedies. To that end, the United Nations Human Rights Council passed a resolution on June 26 creating a working group tasked with developing a legally binding instrument on transnational businesses and human rights. The move is an important — though deeply contested — step toward holding corporations accountable for complicity in human rights abuses across borders, as decisions like the one in Chiquita are closing the door to victims.

Weak domestic mechanisms

In 2007, Chiquita pleaded guilty to making more than 100 payments totaling more than $1.7 million to the AUC, a designated terrorist organization, between 1997 and 2004. The U.S. government fined the company $25 million but whitewashed its admission of wrongdoing, claiming it was extorted by the AUC and derived no benefit from the payments. Documents released in 2011, however, revealed that Chiquita did benefit, from the AUC’s violent suppression of labor and social unrest that could have impinged on the profitability of the company’s operations. Chiquita has since moved assets out of Colombia, which, combined with government complicity with the AUC, makes the pursuit of redress in that country futile.

According to a recent study by the International Corporate Accountability Roundtable, victims of transnational corporate abuses face myriad barriers to accessing judicial remedies (PDF), including the prohibitive costs of litigation across borders, statutes of limitations and corporate structures that are built on legally distinct entities and insulate companies from liability. Observers point to the importance of using national accountability mechanisms, though many countries lack the institutions to legislate, adjudicate and enforce protections. But even in countries with robust rule-of-law traditions, victims face daunting challenges.

The Chiquita case occurs amid rising corporate power in the U.S. and waning political and judicial will to rein it in. The Corporate Accountability Coalition, an advocacy alliance, issues a yearly report card (PDF) that measures congressional efforts to protect people by promoting corporate transparency and accountability. The 2013 results were discouraging — though, given the massive corporate investment in evading accountability, not surprising. The report found no progress on eroding corporate power and impunity. Last year, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce spent $75 million on lobbying and the collective lobbying expenditures from the top 10 corporations amounted to $157 million. During its 2012-13 term, the Supreme Court sided with the Chamber of Commerce 82 percent of the time, with the Kiobel case striking a particularly demoralizing blow to human rights victims trying to hold corporations accountable. The Kiobel decision was followed by the decision earlier this year in Daimler AG vs. Bauman (PDF), which made it harder for U.S. courts to exercise general jurisdiction over transnational companies.

International accountability

Efforts to develop enforceable international norms on corporate accountability are not new, though globalization has made the need for a new framework all the more urgent.

The first initiative to develop standards started in 1970s with the Code of Conduct on Transnational Corporations, followed by the Norms on the Responsibilities of Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with Regard to Human Rights, neither of which won U.N. approval. In 2011, the U.N. unanimously adopted the Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (PDF), which imposes soft law — i.e., nonbinding — standards and derives its legitimacy from a consensus-based approach. But many civil society organizations opposed (PDF) the Guiding Principles, in part because the standards were unenforceable and distracted from demands for real accountability. A coalition of governments continued pushing for a more robust framework, joined by more than 600 civil society organizations that signed a statement calling for a legally binding international instrument on business and human rights.

Although it passed, the resolution did not represent a consensus, failing to garner a majority vote: Twenty members of the Human Rights Council supported the resolution, 14 members voted against it and 13 members abstained. Perhaps predictably, developing countries in Latin America, Asia and Africa generally voted in favor, while the U.S. and the European Union, where most transnational companies are incorporated, were opposed. According to its statement on the resolution, Washington fears that a move toward such a treaty would divert attention from state initiatives and encompass too broad a mandate to be meaningful. The U.S. has vowed to boycott the process and is encouraging other governments to follow suit.

Some critics warn that “corporate capture” at the U.N. — the disproportionate and opaque influence of transnational companies in setting the organization’s agenda and standards — will derail the treaty effort. It also faces formidable opposition beyond the powerful transnational corporations and the governments that protect them. Some human rights advocates and civil society organizations oppose the initiative as well, fearful that the focus on transnational companies will obscure the misconduct of national companies or that contentious treaty negotiations will thwart efforts to solidify the consensus about voluntary international norms that does exist.

Central to the issue is a marked power imbalance: Big companies employ their considerable resources to shield themselves and impose double standards that serve their interests. They invoke the protections of international law when it suits them, taking advantage of international tribunals that protect investors and free trade agreements that grant corporations the right to sue governments. Yet they aggressively resist efforts to impose accountability across borders.

Meanwhile, the victims of the Chiquita-funded AUC paramilitary and other egregious human rights abuses are left without a remedy. While the international community may not possess the institutional capacity or legitimacy to enforce obligations against private actors, developing a framework that requires states to regulate the conduct of their corporate citizens on foreign soil would give victims a fighting chance to pursue justice.

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Why the White Americans Got the 'Secret' Ebola Serum Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=28850"><span class="small">Michael Daly, The Daily Beast</span></a>   
Friday, 08 August 2014 14:54

Daly writes: "If nationality and race did influence the organization's decision to seek an untested serum for Brantly and Writebol, it was likely only because any Western organization that administers an untested serum to the African population runs the risk of being accused of using blacks as guinea pigs."

(photo: USAMRIID)
(photo: USAMRIID)


ALSO SEE: FDA Lifts Hold on Experimental Ebola Drug

Why the White Americans Got the 'Secret' Ebola Serum

By Michael Daly, The Daily Beast

08 August 14

 

After two missionaries were given an experimental treatment for Ebola, questions have swirled about why the hundreds of Africans infected aren’t getting it. For good reasons, it turns out.

Washington Post blog asks: “Why do two white Americans get the Ebola serum while hundreds of Africans die?”

The New Republic demands: “Why did two U.S. missionaries get an Ebola serum while Africans are left to die?”

That was just media yammering, but it was echoed on streets and in subways by otherwise reasonable people.

Never mind that there seem to have been no more than eight doses of the serum in existence.

Never mind that the white people in question—Dr. Kent Brantly and Nancy Writebol—who received three of those doses before they were flown home to the U.S. got perilously ill in the first place because they risked their lives helping Ebola victims in Liberia who happened to be black.

And never mind that Samaritan’s Purse would not have established the Ebola clinic in Monrovia and asked Brantly serve as medical director had it thought the life of a white American was worth more than the life of a black African.

If nationality and race did influence the organization’s decision to seek an untested serum for Brantly and Writebol, it was likely only because any Western organization that administers an untested serum to the African population runs the risk of being accused of using blacks as guinea pigs in the way of the long-ago Tuskegee syphilis tests and the 1996 meningitis tests in Nigeria.

That was not a worry with the two white Americans.

Of course, Samantha’s Purse may not have been immune from the sense of urgency that can seize even the most altruistic organizations when one of its own is in mortal danger. The same is true with a fire department when a firefighter is critically injured.

Watch what happens at the scene of a blaze when a radio call of “Mayday!” signals that a firefighter who went in to save others suddenly needs saving himself.

This does not mean firefighters care any less about the people they are trying to save any more than it means Samaritan’s Purse was leaving Africans to die when it began asking U.S. scientists and health workers in the hot zone about experimental treatments described in various scientific papers in recent years.

Samaritan’s Purse ended up in contact with Mapp Biopharmaceutical in San Diego, the lead developer of a drug called ZMapp.

ZMapp is an enhanced version of MB-003, which was developed in conjunction with the U.S. Army Medical Research Institute of Infectious Diseases (USAMRIID). MB-003 consists of three monoclonal—artificially produced—antibodies that proved capable of both deactivating the Ebola virus and tagging it for attack by the victim’s immune system.

A year ago this month, USAMRIID and Mapp announced the results of a study involving Rhesus monkeys that would have caused a sensation had we not been in a long lull between Ebola outbreaks. MB-003 protected 100 percent of the monkeys when administered an hour after exposure and two-thirds of those given the drug 48 hours after exposure.

“We were able to use MB-003 as a true therapeutic countermeasure,” USAMIID virologist Gene Olinger said when the results were announced.

James Pettitt, the study’s lead author, said he and his colleagues would be working with Canadian researchers who had devised a different antibody cocktail. The immediate aim would be to devise the most effective mixture of MB-003 and the Canadian compound and test it in additional monkeys, along with the best dose.

The combination was called ZMAPP. The ultimate results are said to have been even more promising than with MB-003 alone. But Ebola did not seem an imminent threat, and there was no scramble to produce more of the stuff than would be needed for animal toxicity testing and eventually the first human trials, which USAMIID expected to take between five to 10 years.

The federal Centers for Disease Control estimates that there were no more than eight doses of ZMapp in existence when Samaritan's Purse sought some. Three doses were flown to Liberia. Two were given to Writebol and one to Brantly, who was repeatedly also given a transfusion of blood from a 14-year-old survivor he had treated.

The two stricken Americans were flown to Atlanta, and Brantly in particular seemed to be on the mend. Governments of the affected countries in West African began inquiring about Zmapp. U.S. scientists cautioned that the drug had not yet proven to be as beneficial to humans as it apparently was to monkeys.

“We don’t know if it is effective,” Dr. Heinz Feldmann of the U.S. National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Disease told The Daily Beast. “We don’t have enough even if it was effective.”

ZMapp is made by inserting modified genes into the cells of tobacco plants whose cells then become mini-factories of the antibodies. The facility where this happens is owned by R.J. Reynolds, which also makes cigarettes that kill by the hundreds of thousands.

Reynolds is now said to be accelerating its effort to do good as well as evil, but tobacco plants grow only so fast, and extracting and purifying antibodies is considerably more complicated than producing cancer sticks. Any significant quantity of ZMapp appears to be months away even if another company with a larger facility joins in the effort.

The question of the serum came up at the press conference President Obama held at the end of this week’s Africa Summit at the White House. He said it would be premature to rush ZMapp to the hot zone.

“Let the science guide us,” he went on to say. “I don't think all the information is in on whether this drug is helpful.”

He observed that previous epidemics had been brought under control by effective public health programs.

“We’re focusing on the public health approach right now, but I will continue to seek information about what we’re learning about these drugs going forward,” he said.

Obama did authorize sending kits for a diagnostic Ebola test called the EZ1 Real-Time RT-PCR Assay. His view that the primary focus should be on containment was echoed by the head of the Centers for Disease Control at an emergency congressional hearing held on Thursday even though lawmakers are in recess.

“In terms of the promising drugs, I can assure you that the U.S. government is looking into this very carefully,” Dr. Thomas Frieden said. “But I don’t want there to be false hope out there. Right now, we don’t know if they work.”

The CDC is moving to assist the fight by going to a Level 1 alert and “surging” 50 experts to West Africa. Frieden emphasized that containment will require great care.

“It’s like fighting a forest fire: Leave behind one burning ember, one case undetected, and the epidemic could reignite,” he said.

When it came his turn to testify, Ken Isaacs of Samaritan’s Purse wondered why the forest fire had been allowed to rage for months with little notice beyond those who were being consumed by it. The scandal is not that two white people got an untested serum, but that the deaths of so many black people were ignored until two white people got sick.

“It took two Americans getting the disease in order for the international community and the United States to take serious notice of the largest outbreak of the disease in history,” he said. “The disease is uncontained and out of control in West Africa.”

Isaacs, who is a vice president of the organization, spoke as someone who has been watching the fire rage for months and believes it will be harder to contain than many anticipate. He said that too many people in Western Africa remain suspicious of Western medicine and tied to traditional practices that spread the virus, notably the washing and kissing of the dead. He noted that even now university students in Liberia “continue to mock and deny the existence of Ebola.”

“I think we are going to see the death toll in numbers we cannot imagine,” Ken Isaacs said.

He noted that the disease can travel anywhere “at the speed of an airplane.” He said the ultimate goal should be an effective vaccine.

“In the meantime it is a nasty, bloody disease that we must fight now,” he said.

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Government Fails to Protect Americans From Superbug Epidemic Print
Friday, 08 August 2014 09:20

Hartmann reports: "Each year, Big Agriculture feeds millions and millions of pounds of antibiotics to factory farm animals, all to slightly increase their profits by plumping up their meat."

In 2011 alone, nearly 30 million pounds of antibiotics were purchased by Big Agriculture to promote growth in the animals and to reduce the spread of disease in the horrific factory ­farm conditions. (photo: Shutterstock)
In 2011 alone, nearly 30 million pounds of antibiotics were purchased by Big Agriculture to promote growth in the animals and to reduce the spread of disease in the horrific factory ­farm conditions. (photo: Shutterstock)


Government Fails to Protect Americans From Superbug Epidemic

By Thom Hartmann, EcoWatch

08 August 14

 

et’s talk about America’s farm­grown terrorism epidemic. Back on Sept. 11, nearly 3,000 people lost their lives in the attacks on the World Trade Center, Pentagon, and in Shanksville, Pennsylvania. Since 9/11, our government has spent more than $7.6 trillion on military and homeland security operations in response to the deaths of those roughly 3,000 souls. Now, compare that to the fact that each year, 23,000 Americans die from antibiotic-resistant infections, and another 2 million get sick. That’s the equivalent of nearly eight 9/11?s per year. But our government isn’t doing a thing about it.

Each year, Big Agriculture feeds millions and millions of pounds of antibiotics to factory farm animals, all to slightly increase their profits by plumping up their meat. In 2011 alone, nearly 30 million pounds of antibiotics were purchased by Big Agriculture, to promote growth in the animals, and to reduce the spread of disease in the horrific factory ­farm conditions. That 30 million pounds is a staggering four times the amount of antibiotics that were prescribed to humans that year.

These are otherwise healthy animals, but they’re getting dosed daily with low­ levels of antibiotics anyway. As a result, this widespread and unnecessary use of antibiotics in factory­farm animals is creating a major public health crisis here in the U.S by breeding antibiotic resistant infections caused by bacteria referred to in the media as superbugs.

But rather then enforcing regulations already in place to control the use of antibiotics in factory­ farm animals, our federal government is bowing to the interests of Big Agriculture, and is continuing to let the abuse go on.

Just last week, the U.S. Second Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that the Food and Drug Administration could leave an antibiotic that’s used in animal feed on the market, even though the dangers associated with that antibiotic are widely known, including the increased risk of antibiotic resistance infections jumping to human beings. Basically, the court gave Big Agriculture the go­ahead to continue pumping millions and millions of pounds of antibiotics into poultry and livestock, with no concern for public safety.

So, why should Americans care about this? Well, for starters, Americans eat a lot of meat. And the superbugs and antibiotic­resistant bacteria that are bred on factory farms very easily make their way into our food system.

For example, last year, a drug­resistant salmonella outbreak tied to chicken from Foster Farms sickened more than 600 Americans, and that outbreak is still getting worse today. And if that wasn’t bad enough, these antibiotic­resistant superbugs also get into our water supply, and into soil for crops. The situation is so dire that, speaking about antibiotic resistance, Dr. Thomas Freidman, director of the Centers for Disease Control, said that, “If we don’t act now, our medicine cabinet will be empty and we won’t have the antibiotics we need to save lives.”

If 23,000 Americans are already dying from superbugs and antibiotic­resistant infections each year, just imagine how much worse it could get as this antibiotic abuse continues. We could soon have a full­blown pandemic on our hands. But it doesn’t have to get worse. We can stop this farm­grown terrorism right now, andsave millions of lives.

Big Agriculture says that slashing its use of antibiotics will hurt all of us in the form of higher prices at the supermarket, but that’s simply not the case. As Ruth Reichl points out over at The New York Times, “Although many industrial farmers claim that cleaning up their act will cost the rest of us at the cash register, responsible producers from Missouri to Denmark are already raising healthy livestock and poultry at competitive prices without the use of unnecessary drugs.”

Reichl highlights the story of Russ Kremer, a fifth­generation pork farm in Missouri, who, after nearly being killed by an antibiotic­resistant infection on his own farm, decided to do things the all natural way. He lets his pigs roam free, and doesn’t have to stuff them full of antibiotics, because they’re not living in squalor. And, thanks to competitive prices, his meat is bought by companies like Chipotle and Costco.

So Big Agriculture’s “higher meat prices” argument is complete bologna. Pun intended. The use of antibiotics on factory farms is all about profits for Big Agriculture, But, with 23,000 Americans dying each year as a result, it’s time to start putting the American people ahead of profits.

Meat producers and sellers across the country need to say “no” to more superbugs. No animals on factory farms should ever be given antibiotics, unless diagnosed as sick by a veterinarian. And while we’re at it, we need to work harder to close down Washington’s revolving door, which encourages employees in government agencies like the FDA to get bought off by corporate interests and then turn a blind eye to corporate abuse.

We have a right to eat food that’s not going to kill us.

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