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Patriots Don't Torture: Why Excusing It Is an American Catastrophe Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=26275"><span class="small">Falguni A. Sheth, Salon</span></a>   
Saturday, 16 August 2014 14:42

Sheth writes: "About a week ago, for the first time ever, the U.S. government, through the comments of its chief executive no less, confirmed that 'folks were tortured.' Simultaneously, he observed that there 'was little need for sanctimony' given the heightened fears of the American public in the wake of the 9/11 attacks and the enormous pressure that law enforcement officials were under to prevent future attacks."

George W. Bush, Barack Obama. (photo: Reuters/Jim Young/Yuri Gripas/AP/Charles Dharapak, photo montage: Salon)
George W. Bush, Barack Obama. (photo: Reuters/Jim Young/Yuri Gripas/AP/Charles Dharapak, photo montage: Salon)


Patriots Don't Torture: Why Excusing It Is an American Catastrophe

By Falguni A. Sheth, Salon

16 August 14

 

Here's why I'll never have mercy on torturers — no matter what any of our presidents might say

bout a week ago, for the first time ever, the U.S. government, through the comments of its chief executive no less, confirmed that “folks were tortured.” Simultaneously, he observed that there ”was little need for sanctimony” given the heightened fears of the American public in the wake of the 9/11 attacks and the enormous pressure that law enforcement officials were under to prevent future attacks.

The president’s official confirmation that “folks” were tortured and not just undergoing “enhanced interrogation techniques” was remarkable. His words were striking not so much because the public learned something new, but because they should have ramifications for those who designed, justified and endorsed torture as part the U.S.’s national security strategy to combat terrorism.

For those who provide the legal cover for torture, including John Yoo and Jay Bybee, there might be some fear that an official U.S. confirmation of torture will have ramifications for them. But they claim not to be afraid of prosecution. Given the soothing, exculpatory tone of the president’s remarks and Attorney General Eric Holder’s lapdoggish compliance, (despite his resolute acknowledgment in 2009 that waterboarding is torture), they have every reason to believe it.

Yet, his remarks are notably deceptive on a number of fronts. The president’s remarks suggest that torture was an accidental practice, one deployed under pressure and randomly, rather than in the way that we understand now, as intentional and systematic. In fact, we have had official confirmation of torture since at least 2004, when pictures revealed the abuses of prisoners in Abu Ghraib. We also know that the plan to engage in torture was not the result of passion and mere patriotism. Rather, it was part of a series of policies that were designed to evade the charge of torture. These plans were carried out systematically by the CIA staff under the instruction and endorsement of high-level Bush administration officials (despite their denials). The CIA had the approval, the endorsement and the “legal” architecture of a policy to conduct intentional, deliberate, systematic torture of enemy combatants.

President Obama’s words suggested that the decision to torture was collectively considered and endorsed by Americans: “We” tortured some folks. “We” did some things that were wrong. “We” did some things that were contrary to our values. It’s important “we” look back to recall how afraid (“we”) people were after the Twin Towers fell.

The president’s use of the collective “we” fails to acknowledge that a deep divide was exploited between Americans and residents who were Middle Eastern, Muslim, or South Asian (MEMSAs) — and all other Americans — in the aftermath of 9/11. While that divide emerged on the occasion of the 19 hijackers on 9/11, it was mercilessly reinforced by President Bush, Dick Cheney, Karl Rove and political and non-Muslim religious leaders across this country. Many others, including Deepa Kumar and Arun Kundnani, have developed astute analyses of these politics elsewhere.

As a matter of accuracy and truth-telling, the president’s “we” needs to be qualified — not in terms of fear and patriotism, but in terms of the state-approved racism and xenophobia that disqualified most MEMSAs — many of them men — from the full protection of the law and respect in the aftermath of 9/11. The president’s “we,” in addition to his generic, unqualified reference to “people” — as in “People were afraid”; “People” did not know whether or more attacks were imminent — seduces the public into mistakenly believing that all Americans (Muslims, non-Muslims, all minorities, all progressives) were part of the “we” that called for or endorsed torture.

There is another deception in the president’s remarks: They indicate that fear is an acceptable motivation to discard principles and laws that are supposed to protect people from state-led violence, precisely during those times when passion, fear and vindictiveness seem like acceptable excuses to do otherwise. The Week’s Ryan Cooper, quoting key aspects of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, has called out POTUS for his genial yet amoral “impartial” stance on torture. That is the point of the 1949 Geneva Conventions: There are no exceptions that are acceptable for torture.

Contrary to POTUS’s statement, in the immediate days following 9/11, not all of us were afraid — at least not of the men who were being targeted, hunted down from the jungles of American suburbia, and scapegoated for the crimes of 19 men. Many of us knew that the actions of 19 hijackers who claimed to kill in the name of Islam were not templates for all Muslims.

We knew, as we have been reminded yet again this week, that the fears of whites — especially of those in power — are convenient excuses for political and economic exploitation, social manipulation and racism. If anything, the fear that many MEMSAs and other minorities have long had is of local and state police officers, FBI agents, CIA agents, most of them white men (and women) with enormous power and authority to make life miserable for MEMSAs — for political gain and career development; for public assurances of security that would inevitably cost many of “our” acquaintances, friends and family members their freedom, their security, their family connections, their peace of mind, their happiness. Needless to say, many of “us”— the “us” that the president is not talking about — knew that Muslims/South Asians/migrants of Middle Eastern descent were innocent. “We” were afraid of the potential ways in which they would wreak havoc on our lives and families.

“We” knew that 9/11 would be an opportunity to ratchet up various hostilities and associated programs of state surveillance and police overreach that had been on the back burner for months, years, even decades: from racial profiling to institutionalizing anti-Muslim hunts not just in the U.S. but internationally, in countries where such hostilities have simmered and flared up for centuries.

But POTUS’s admonition for us not to “be too sanctimonious about torture” is absolutely right: There is absolutely no need to feign indignance about torture — not when there are plenty of good reasons to be sincerely furious, profoundly outraged and loudly calling for accountability for not only the architects of torture but those who will exculpate, protect, and sympathize with the architects, the torturers, and those who complied with the instructions to torture other human beings.

There are plenty of us who are furious. And we should be — especially when “we” were among the crowd who objected to discussions of the “acceptable conditions” under which torture should take place. In short, unlike the ”great civil libertarian” Alan Dershowitz, there are no conditions under which many of “us” would endorse, sanction or condone torture. Many of us, even before the Internet, knew that torture was an ineffective, inefficient method by which to obtain information.

Let’s be clear. Even without the confirmation of experts on torture (enough hiding behind the euphemism of enhanced interrogation techniques), all of “us” know that torture is a highly public signal to indicate that “some of us” in positions of leadership were endorsing violent and heinous actions as a vindication for those whose trauma manifested in bloodlust and revenge.

So when the president tells us to have mercy on the torturers and the torture architects, because “a lot of those folks were working hard under enormous pressure,” I have to wonder why he’s so willing to give these guys a break in the name of pressure or even patriotism. What does patriotism have to do with hurting people? Since when did vindictiveness in the name of patriotism become an acceptable standard for torture?

For the president to officially admit that men were tortured in the name of national security is one thing. For him to justify those actions, and attempt to induce sympathy or even exculpate those who were in charge of designing and implementing a torture program — in the name of all Americans — is reprehensible.

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FOCUS | Fighting for Local Veterans Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=7122"><span class="small">Elizabeth Warren, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Saturday, 16 August 2014 13:02

Warren writes: "Being there for our veterans means ensuring access to good health care and good jobs, and it also means making sure they aren't targeted and cheated."

A World War II veteran marches in a parade. (photo: Anthony Correia/Shutterstock)
A World War II veteran marches in a parade. (photo: Anthony Correia/Shutterstock)


Fighting for Local Veterans

By Elizabeth Warren, Reader Supported News

16 August 14

 

ur men and women in uniform serve our country with honor and courage, putting themselves in harm's way to protect us. All three of my brothers served in the military, and my oldest brother was career military - he flew 288 combat missions in Vietnam. I understand how much service members and their families contribute to our country, and how important it is that we honor their service.

We owe our service members the very best, and that means ensuring they always have access to high-quality services and good benefits.

Two weeks ago, Congress passed the Veterans' Access to Care through Choice, Accountability, and Transparency Act, which I was glad to vote for in the Senate. The legislation will improve the delivery of care and strengthen accountability at the Veterans Administration.

I think of it as a down-payment on our debt to our veterans.

This veterans bill is particularly good news for veterans in Worcester County, because it includes $4,855,000 to support the Worcester Community-Based Outpatient Clinic in the VA Central Western Massachusetts Healthcare System.

This funding, which I worked to include in the bill - along with my colleagues in the Massachusetts congressional delegation, will help make sure veterans in Worcester have access to the critical health care services they need and deserve.

Being there for our veterans means ensuring access to good health care and good jobs, and it also means making sure they aren't targeted and cheated.

When I was working to set up the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), one of my top priorities was setting up the Office of Servicemember Affairs to look out for service members, veterans, and their families who are too often the targets of predatory lenders and financial scams.

Last fall, Holly Petraeus, the Director of the CFPB's Office of Servicemember Affairs, joined me in Massachusetts to meet with military families in Lowell and Charlestown to talk about financial issues affecting veterans, and how they could access resources offered by the CFPB.

As senator, I am focusing on how we can pass additional legislation to ensure Washington works to support our service men and women across the commonwealth.

Last month, I co-sponsored the Servicemembers Civil Relief Act (SCRA) Rights Protection Act (S. 1999), a bipartisan bill introduced by Senators Lindsey Graham (R-SC) and Jack Reed (D-RI) that would help protect service members' rights regarding their contracts for financial products such as credit cards, mortgages and student loans.

Another way Congress can address financial scams targeting veterans is by passing the Veterans Care Financial Protection Act, the bipartisan bill I introduced with Senator Marco Rubio (R-Fla.). This legislation directs the VA to work with other federal agencies and states to crack down on those who target veterans receiving the VA's Aid and Attendance (A&A) benefit, which helps pay for assisted living or in-home personal care for veterans who qualify for a VA pension. Scam artists target these most senior and vulnerable veterans to divert the federal funds intended to support them.

For thousands of our oldest veterans who need help with basic daily activities, the Aid and Attendance program is a critical lifeline. Unfortunately, scams are turning the program into something that can actually undermine the financial security of our older veterans and waste federal funds. Our bill would be a huge step forward in putting an end to these financial scams and would help ensure that we honor our veterans' service to the nation.

In order for Washington to do its part to help Massachusetts veterans, it must also be a good partner for community organizations that play such a key role providing services to former military members here at home.

When I visited Veterans Inc. in Worcester, I heard from local vets and advocates about their efforts to assist homeless veterans and help get them back on their feet. This work is powerfully important, and that's why I was very happy in July that the organization received more than $300,000 in federal grants through the U.S. Department of Labor's Homeless Veterans Reintegration Program. This funding will help Veterans Inc. continue to provide services for veterans across New England.

Our armed service men and women are tough, smart, and courageous. They make incredible sacrifices to keep our families safe, and we owe them all a true debt of gratitude for their service. I'm going to keep fighting in the Senate for our veterans here in Worcester and across Massachusetts to ensure we are doing our part to support those who have put their lives on the line day in and day out for all of us.

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Darren Wilson: Judge, Jury and Executioner Print
Saturday, 16 August 2014 09:17

Levine writes: "The police get to investigate a crime, and, if that works out, apprehend a suspect. The matter of determining guilt and meting out justice belongs to the courts. Even if Michael Brown and the suspect in the surveillance footage are one-and-the-same, it provides zero rationale for the police officer's actions."

Ferguson, Missouri, police chief Thomas Jackson names Darren Wilson as the shooter of Michael Brown. (photo: ABC News)
Ferguson, Missouri, police chief Thomas Jackson names Darren Wilson as the shooter of Michael Brown. (photo: ABC News)


Darren Wilson: Judge, Jury and Executioner

By Gregg Levine, Al Jazeera America

16 August 14

 

ith the change in tactics that accompanied the change in command for law enforcement in Ferguson, Mo., the tone on the street and the tenor of the reporting also changed Thursday night. After four nights of escalating tensions with an aggressive and aggressively armed St. Louis County police patrolling the streets, Thursday’s move by Missouri Gov. Jay Nixon to replace that department, already dogged by allegations of racism and brutality, with the State Highway Patrol, under the command of a Ferguson-born-and-bred captain, turned area streets from something that was described as a “war zone” to something that looked more like a celebration (or if not a celebration, a great collective exhale).

But that was Thursday.

Friday morning, Ferguson police released the name of the officer accused of shooting unarmed, 18-year-old Michael Brown on Saturday afternoon, but they also released the incident report for what is termed a “strong-arm robbery” (which implies a robbery by force, but without use of a weapon, though the description in the report sounds closer to shoplifting) of a cigar store that identifies Brown as one of two suspects. They also released stills from a store surveillance camera that features a figure who resembles Brown in size and dress, and video of a man who also looks like Brown allegedly taking items from a convenience store.

If the Ferguson PD wanted to shift the discussion, or at least muddy the waters, it appeared, at least in the first few hours of coverage, they were somewhat successful.

In social media, and on the traditional outlets predisposed to side with a white cop over a dead, black teen, the week’s narrative was reconstructed to tell the story of bad “urban” kids and police just responding to a crime.

There were, of course, a couple of problems with that story. First, as the intro to the long-running TV series Law & Order used to say, “In the Criminal Justice System, the people are represented by two separate, yet equally important groups. The police who investigate crime, and the District Attorneys who prosecute the offenders.”

The police get to investigate a crime, and, if that works out, apprehend a suspect. The matter of determining guilt and meting out justice belongs to the courts. Even if Michael Brown and the suspect in the surveillance footage are one-and-the-same, it provides zero rationale for the police officer’s actions.

“No one expects an officer to be judge, jury and executioner,” said Missouri State Senator Maria Chappelle-Nadal, D, in a Friday afternoon interview on our TV side. “Why was Michael Brown killed by a police officer [without] due process?”

And there was another problem. The Ferguson’s police chief said that Darren Wilson, the officer named as the man who shot and killed Brown, did not know Brown was a suspect in the earlier shoplifting/robbery incidents. Wilson was not trying to apprehend a perpetrator; he was, as the story goes, just trying to get Brown to walk on the sidewalk.

But while the Ferguson police might want the attention turned to Brown’s alleged crimes, attention should probably, in fact, shift to the man normally charged with prosecuting them.

While most in and outside the area were praising Gov. Nixon for his moves Thursday, St. Louis County prosecutor Robert McCulloch did not. McCulloch, who is right now the man responsible for investigating Brown’s death for the D.A.’s office, called local reporter Paul Hampel to say that what the governor did in shifting oversight of the Ferguson situation from the St. Louis County police to the State Highway Patrol was “illegal” and “disgraceful.”

Hampel quoted McCulloch (via twitter) as saying, “Nixon denigrated the men and women of the County Police Department and what they've done.”

Nixon clearly had come to some opinion about what the County police forces had done; not sure making it so they couldn’t do more would exactly be “denigrating.”

McCulloch’s comments are not only “tone deaf,” as bmaz1 of emptywheel (who happens to be a practicing trial attorney) put it, it squarely allies his office with the police he is now supposedly charged with investigating.

But the problem goes a little deeper than one night’s prejudicial comments. As Reuters noted (again, via bmaz1), protestors have long questioned the impartiality of McCulloch, a 23-year veteran of this job, because the prosecutor’s police officer father was killed in the line of duty when McCulloch was young.

McCulloch has his defenders in the prosecutor’s office, for sure, but community activists can point to other cases — and now there are those Thursday night comments.

So, while what looked like the first crisis moment (that of the harsh policing tactics of the St. Louis County police provoking street clashes in Ferguson) has passed, the iffy strategy by the Ferguson PD of muddying waters and fanning flames with the robbery reports, and the continued presence of McCulloch in the prosecutor’s chair mean this “situation” (a word that comes up in so many accounts of this story … present company included) is far from resolved.

And that is to say nothing of the underlying problems … but that sounds like a whole other post.

Or two.

Or ….

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We Must Demilitarize the Police Print
Friday, 15 August 2014 09:10

Paul writes: "If I had been told to get out of the street as a teenager, there would have been a distinct possibility that I might have smarted off. But, I wouldn't have expected to be shot."

Police or army? (photo: AP)
Police or army? (photo: AP)


We Must Demilitarize the Police

By Sen. Rand Paul, TIME Magazine

15 August 14

 

Anyone who thinks race does not skew the application of criminal justice in this country is just not paying close enough attention, Sen. Rand Paul writes for TIME, amid violence in Ferguson, Mo. over the police shooting death of Michael Brown

he shooting of 18-year-old Michael Brown is an awful tragedy that continues to send shockwaves through the community of Ferguson, Missouri and across the nation.

If I had been told to get out of the street as a teenager, there would have been a distinct possibility that I might have smarted off. But, I wouldn’t have expected to be shot.

The outrage in Ferguson is understandable—though there is never an excuse for rioting or looting. There is a legitimate role for the police to keep the peace, but there should be a difference between a police response and a military response.

The images and scenes we continue to see in Ferguson resemble war more than traditional police action.

Glenn Reynolds, in Popular Mechanics, recognized the increasing militarization of the police five years ago. In 2009 he wrote:

Soldiers and police are supposed to be different. … Police look inward. They’re supposed to protect their fellow citizens from criminals, and to maintain order with a minimum of force.

It’s the difference between Audie Murphy and Andy Griffith. But nowadays, police are looking, and acting, more like soldiers than cops, with bad consequences. And those who suffer the consequences are usually innocent civilians.

The Cato Institute’s Walter Olson observed this week how the rising militarization of law enforcement is currently playing out in Ferguson:

Why armored vehicles in a Midwestern inner suburb? Why would cops wear camouflage gear against a terrain patterned by convenience stores and beauty parlors? Why are the authorities in Ferguson, Mo. so given to quasi-martial crowd control methods (such as bans on walking on the street) and, per the reporting of Riverfront Times, the firing of tear gas at people in their own yards? (“‘This my property!’ he shouted, prompting police to fire a tear gas canister directly at his face.”) Why would someone identifying himself as an 82nd Airborne Army veteran, observing the Ferguson police scene, comment that “We rolled lighter than that in an actual warzone”?

Olson added, “the dominant visual aspect of the story, however, has been the sight of overpowering police forces confronting unarmed protesters who are seen waving signs or just their hands.”

How did this happen?

Most police officers are good cops and good people. It is an unquestionably difficult job, especially in the current circumstances.

There is a systemic problem with today’s law enforcement.

Not surprisingly, big government has been at the heart of the problem. Washington has incentivized the militarization of local police precincts by using federal dollars to help municipal governments build what are essentially small armies—where police departments compete to acquire military gear that goes far beyond what most of Americans think of as law enforcement.

This is usually done in the name of fighting the war on drugs or terrorism. The Heritage Foundation’s Evan Bernick wrote in 2013 that, “the Department of Homeland Security has handed out anti-terrorism grants to cities and towns across the country, enabling them to buy armored vehicles, guns, armor, aircraft, and other equipment.”

Bernick continued, “federal agencies of all stripes, as well as local police departments in towns with populations less than 14,000, come equipped with SWAT teams and heavy artillery.”

Bernick noted the cartoonish imbalance between the equipment some police departments possess and the constituents they serve, “today, Bossier Parish, Louisiana, has a .50 caliber gun mounted on an armored vehicle. The Pentagon gives away millions of pieces of military equipment to police departments across the country—tanks included.”

When you couple this militarization of law enforcement with an erosion of civil liberties and due process that allows the police to become judge and jury—national security letters, no-knock searches, broad general warrants, pre-conviction forfeiture—we begin to have a very serious problem on our hands.

Given these developments, it is almost impossible for many Americans not to feel like their government is targeting them. Given the racial disparities in our criminal justice system, it is impossible for African-Americans not to feel like their government is particularly targeting them.

This is part of the anguish we are seeing in the tragic events outside of St. Louis, Missouri. It is what the citizens of Ferguson feel when there is an unfortunate and heartbreaking shooting like the incident with Michael Brown.

Anyone who thinks that race does not still, even if inadvertently, skew the application of criminal justice in this country is just not paying close enough attention. Our prisons are full of black and brown men and women who are serving inappropriately long and harsh sentences for non-violent mistakes in their youth.

The militarization of our law enforcement is due to an unprecedented expansion of government power in this realm. It is one thing for federal officials to work in conjunction with local authorities to reduce or solve crime. It is quite another for them to subsidize it.

Americans must never sacrifice their liberty for an illusive and dangerous, or false, security. This has been a cause I have championed for years, and one that is at a near-crisis point in our country.

Let us continue to pray for Michael Brown’s family, the people of Ferguson, police, and citizens alike.

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Ignoring Ukraine's Neo-Nazi Storm Troopers Print
Thursday, 14 August 2014 16:00

Parry writes: "You might think a story about modern-day Nazi storm troopers attacking a European city without mercy would merit front-page coverage in the U.S. press."

The Wolfsangel symbol of Adolf Hitler's SS on a banner in Ukraine. (photo: unknown)
The Wolfsangel symbol of Adolf Hitler's SS on a banner in Ukraine. (photo: unknown)


Ignoring Ukraine's Neo-Nazi Storm Troopers

By Robert Parry, Consortium News

14 August 14

 

he U.S.-backed Ukrainian government is knowingly sending neo-Nazi paramilitaries into eastern Ukrainian neighborhoods to attack ethnic Russians who are regarded by some of these storm troopers as “Untermenschen” or subhuman, according to Western press reports.

Recently, one eastern Ukrainian town, Marinka, fell to Ukraine’s Azov battalion as it waved the Wolfsangel flag, a symbol used by Adolf Hitler’s SS divisions in World War II. The Azov paramilitaries also attacked Donetsk, one of the remaining strongholds of ethnic Russians opposed to the Kiev regime that overthrew elected President Viktor Yanukovych last February.

Yet, despite this extraordinary reality – modern-day Nazi storm troopers slaughtering Slavic people in eastern Ukraine – the Obama administration continues to concentrate its criticism on Russia for sending a convoy of humanitarian supplies to the embattled region. Suddenly, the administration’s rhetoric about a “responsibility to protect” civilians has gone silent.

This same hypocrisy has permeated nearly everything said by the U.S. State Department and reported by the mainstream U.S. news media since the Ukraine crisis began last year. There was fawning coverage of the Maidan protesters who sought to overthrow Yanukovych and then an immediate embrace of the “legitimacy” of the regime that followed the Feb. 22 coup. As part of this one-sided U.S. narrative, reports about the key roles played by neo-Nazi activists and militias were dismissed as “Russian propaganda.”

But the ugly reality has occasionally broken through the blinders of the Western press. For instance, on Sunday, in the last three paragraphs of a long article about the Ukraine conflict, the New York Times reported that the Ukrainian military strategy has been to pound rebel-held cities from afar and then turn loose paramilitary forces to carry out “chaotic, violent assaults.”

“Officials in Kiev say the militias and the army coordinate their actions, but the militias, which count about 7,000 fighters, are angry and, at times, uncontrollable. One known as Azov, which took over the village of Marinka, flies a neo-Nazi symbol resembling a Swastika as its flag.” [See Consortiumnews.com’s “NYT Discovers Ukraine’s Neo-Nazis at War.”]

Actually, the Azov fighters do more than wave a Swastika-like flag; they favor the Wolfsangel flag of Hitler’s SS divisions, much as some of Ukraine’s neo-Nazis still honor Hitler’s Ukrainian SS auxiliary, the Galician SS. A Ukrainian hero hailed during the Maidan protests was Nazi collaborator Stepan Bandera whose paramilitary forces helped exterminate Jews and Poles.

Yet, this dark side of the Kiev regime generally gets ignored by the mainstream U.S. media despite the fact that the idea of modern-day Nazi storm troopers wreaking havoc on Slavic “Untermenschen” would seem like a very juicy story.

But it would destroy the white-hat/black-hat narrative that the State Department and the MSM have built around the Ukraine crisis, with the Kiev regime in the white hats and the ethnic Russian rebels and Russian President Vladimir Putin wearing the black hats. It might be hard to sell the American people on the notion that neo-Nazis waving an SS flag and ranting about “Untermenschen” deserve white hats.

Kiev’s Tolerance of Neo-Nazis

More details about the Azov battalion’s role in the fighting were reported in the conservative London Telegraph. In a somewhat sympathetic article, Telegraph correspondent Tom Parfitt wrote that “In Marinka, on the western outskirts, the [Azov] battalion was sent forward ahead of tanks and armoured vehicles of the Ukrainian army’s 51st Mechanised Brigade. …

“[Despite some casualties] Andriy Biletsky, the battalion’s commander, told the Telegraph the operation had been a ‘100% success’. …’Most important of all, we established a bridgehead for the attack on Donetsk. And when that comes we will be leading the way.’”

The Telegraph then added: ”But Kiev’s use of volunteer paramilitaries to stamp out the Russian-backed Donetsk and Luhansk ‘people’s republics’, proclaimed in eastern Ukraine in March, should send a shiver down Europe’s spine. Recently formed battalions such as Donbas, Dnipro and Azov, with several thousand men under their command, are officially under the control of the interior ministry but their financing is murky, their training inadequate and their ideology often alarming. The Azov men use the neo-Nazi Wolfsangel (Wolf’s Hook) symbol on their banner and members of the battalion are openly white supremacists, or anti-Semites.”

In interviews, some of the fighters questioned the Holocaust, expressed admiration for Adolf Hitler and acknowledged that they are indeed Nazis, a fact also known by Kiev authorities.

Biletsky, the Azov commander, “is also head of an extremist Ukrainian group called the Social National Assembly,” according to the Telegraph article which quoted a recent commentary by Biletsky as declaring: “The historic mission of our nation in this critical moment is to lead the White Races of the world in a final crusade for their survival. A crusade against the Semite-led Untermenschen.”

The battalion itself is founded on right-wing views, Biletsky acknowledged, adding that Nazi allegiances are not grounds for exclusion. “The most important thing is being a good fighter and a good brother so that we can trust each other,” he said.

The Ukrainian offensive against the ethnic Russian rebels also has attracted neo-Nazis from around Europe. “Mr Biletsky says he has men from Ireland, Italy, Greece and Scandinavia,” the Telegraph reported.

These foreign recruits include Mikael Skillt, a former sniper with the Swedish Army and National Guard who leads and trains a reconnaissance unit. Skillt identified himself as a National Socialist who has been active in the extreme right-wing Party of the Swedes. “Now I’m fighting for the freedom of Ukraine against Putin’s imperialist front,” he said.

The Kiev government is aware of the Nazi sympathies among the fighters that it has sent into eastern Ukraine to crush the ethnic Russian resistance. “Ukraine’s government is unrepentant about using the neo-Nazis,” the Telegraph reported, quoting Anton Gerashchenko, an adviser to Interior Minister Arsen Avakov, as saying:

“The most important thing is their spirit and their desire to make Ukraine free and independent. …A person who takes a weapon in his hands and goes to defend his motherland is a hero. And his political views are his own affair.”

President Petro Poroshenko even hailed one of the militiamen who died in fighting on Sunday as a hero, the Telegraph reported.

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