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Are Progressives Finking Out on Foreign Policy? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=5494"><span class="small">Steve Weissman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Tuesday, 04 November 2014 07:53

Weissman writes: "For all the endless fund-raising appeals and election hyperbole, few progressive politicians want to talk about our biggest foreign policy challenge, the escalation of American involvement in Syria and Iraq."

As long as we stay bogged down by war, domestic priorities will remain neglected. (photo: Reuters)
As long as we stay bogged down by war, domestic priorities will remain neglected. (photo: Reuters)


Are Progressives Finking Out on Foreign Policy?

By Steve Weissman, Reader Supported News

04 November 14

 

or all the endless fund-raising appeals and election hyperbole, few progressive politicians want to talk about our biggest foreign policy challenge, the escalation of American involvement in Syria and Iraq. Both Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders voted against training and arming the “moderates” in Syria. But neither have wanted to make an issue of Obama’s military intervention, and few on the left have called for them to do so.

This is sad, but not surprising, as I warned over a year ago in “Don’t Let Hillary Housebreak the New, New Left.” It’s wonderful that voters want more populist domestic policies, and it’s marvelously misleading that the multi-millionaire Clinton is verbally attacking Wall Street billionaires. I don’t think this is what my old comrades had in mind when they talked of class struggle.

Just as Cold War liberals should have learned from the futile slaughter they backed in Vietnam, the American economy cannot forever support both guns and butter. This is even truer today than it was under LBJ, and nothing will destroy the dreams of Warren and Sanders faster than endless and ever-escalating war in the Middle East. This is a message they need to hammer home, along with a constant warning that bombs lead to boots on the ground, and that neither will stop an Islamist response to Washington’s imperial foreign policy.

Don’t strain your ears waiting for either one to say anything like this anytime soon. Sanders already knows it to be true, and we can hope that the bright and pugnacious Warren will come to see the handwriting on the wall before the presidential election of 2016.

On a brighter note, the message did come through in part on public radio last month, when WNYC’s prime talk show host Brian Lehrer interviewed the always affable Aaron David Miller, who served as a Middle East adviser and negotiator for every Secretary of State, Republican and Democratic, from 1978 to 2003. Their exchange was precisely the kind of discussion that should be central to our elections, but never seems to get there.

“We’re still stuck in a vicious cycle that we refuse to get out of,” said Lehrer. “The more we bomb and inevitably kill civilians in these preventive wars – and currently it’s to prevent ISIL, ISIS, IS from attacking us here – the more terrorists we create. We now have a domestic energy boom. We don’t need Middle East oil. And we no longer need them to hold off the Soviets.”

Progressives need to dig deeper than Lehrer’s official-sounding slant on American motives in the Middle East, both now and during the Cold War. But no one could doubt his passion as he launched into his major point, one that Sanders and Warren are afraid to make.

“We should have nothing whatsoever to do with the Middle East except normal trade, and promise Israel we’ll defend its existence in the event of an actual existential war,” said Lehrer with unaccustomed eloquence. “But no weapons sales to any country. No getting militarily involved in local disputes like we are doing again now. And in a few years terrorists will be as apathetic about us as they are about other major democracies all over the world – Japan, Brazil, Sweden, South Africa, pick your continent – if they’re not mucking around in the Middle East’s business. What do you think?”

Miller was an interesting person to ask, since he had spent most of his career mucking around in the Middle East’s business, and still sees major American interests in the region.

“No matter how long it takes, there are groups out there who want to do galactic harm to the United States,” he told Lehrer. “If you could follow your policy, basically disengage, no more support to the Saudis, the Israelis, just pack it up, come on home, you know, maybe you could reduce America’s exposure to the point where people would somehow forget about us.”

“But I don’t think that’s true,” he argued. “We can’t do that. We’re the world’s most consequential power. We just have to be smart about when, how, and why we project that power. And therein lies the basic problem. I don’t think we can pursue a foreign policy in this region and protect our interests that doesn’t alienate and piss off somebody so much that they’re going to want to do harm.”

Miller never countered Lehrer’s premise of disengagement, but simply walked around it, making the ultimate circular defense of empire. To defend America’s role as the world’s most consequential power, Washington has to impose its will in ways that will create enemies, who will then justify the exercise of imperial power.

From this perspective, the question of whether Obama goes to war in Syria to overthrow the Shia Alawite regime of Bashir al-Assad or to destroy its Sunni enemies becomes a secondary issue. Washington’s primary goal is to remain the deciding power in the region, and that goal has longstanding bipartisan support.

Even with the fracking-induced oil boom in the United States, Canada, and Mexico, the reason is basic. “We are weaning ourselves off Arab hydrocarbons, and good riddance to them,” Miller went on. “But oil trades, as you know, in a single market, and disruption in country X means potential havoc in economic and financial markets in Europe, Asia, and yes, even here.”

“As long as we’re dependent on hydrocarbons, forget Arab hydrocarbons, … we’re going to have to ensure that 30% of the earth’s known petroleum reserves continues to flow freely.”

Strikingly, neither Miller nor Lehrer ever mentioned the major banks and oil companies, the Big Money actors who have spent over a century structuring the global markets that now exist. Markets are man-made, not forces of nature, and progressives have barely begun to discuss how to restructure them, though Warren would probably know where to start.

Why don’t we talk about it?


A veteran of the Berkeley Free Speech Movement and the New Left monthly Ramparts, Steve Weissman lived for many years in London, working as a magazine writer and television producer. He now lives and works in France, where he is researching a new book, "Big Money and the Corporate State: How Global Banks, Corporations, and Speculators Rule and How to Nonviolently Break Their Hold."

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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The Biggest Bloc of Voters Are the Shameful Ones Who Do Nothing Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=27855"><span class="small">Petula Dvorak, The Washington Post</span></a>   
Tuesday, 04 November 2014 07:47

Dvorak writes: "So all those politicians we hate? The clowns shutting down the government? The partisan dopes fighting like schoolyard kids and not getting the work of the city, state and nation done? Who gave them their jobs? The Americans who don't vote. They are the biggest bloc of voters."

If you don't vote, don't complain. (illustration: Project Vote Smart)
If you don't vote, don't complain. (illustration: Project Vote Smart)


The Biggest Bloc of Voters Are the Shameful Ones Who Do Nothing

By Petula Dvorak, The Washington Post

04 November 14

 

o all those politicians we hate? The clowns shutting down the government? The partisan dopes fighting like schoolyard kids and not getting the work of the city, state and nation done?

Who gave them their jobs? The Americans who don’t vote. They are the biggest bloc of voters, the biggest political party, the ones who sit back and do the wrong thing: nothing.

There’s an important election Tuesday, both locally and nationally. The country’s capital is electing a mayor, Maryland is choosing a governor, and Virginia is deciding on a U.S. senator and a closely contested House race. Many local offices are up for grabs throughout our region. Nationally, control of the Senate is at stake and likely to change.

And still, the majority of voters are probably going to take a pass.

For shame. Think about it for a second. People bled, fought and died so each of us could cast a ballot. For minorities and women, that wasn’t so long ago.

In the 1960s, blacks who tried to register to vote in the Jim Crow South were attacked and harassed. A century ago, Alice Paul led a parade through Washington protesting women’s lack of voting rights. It was so rowdy that about 200 people were sent to hospitals. The women were pushed, tripped, shoved and grabbed. It took seven years of this kind of fighting to get the right to vote.

Then again, not caring about all the sacrifices by those who came before us is pretty common. A bunch of the celebrities who sang, danced and sparkled in a recent Rock The Vote ad to encourage voting in the midterm election didn’t vote in the last midterm election.

Maybe it’s because many of these candidates make it so hard to like them. They’re pontificators or polarizers or hypocrites. Sometimes they’re just dull and uninspiring.

In the most competitive D.C. mayoral general election in years, Democratic nominee Muriel E. Bowser and independents David A. Catania and Carol Schwartz don’t seem to have lots of folks in love with them.

But so what? Voters, you’re not marrying them. You can cast your vote for the candidate you consider the most qualified to run the city. You don’t have to love her or him.

The nonvoters who allow their government to be shaped by a minority of the electorate aren’t America’s happiest people.

According to a recent Pew Research Center study of America’s largest voting bloc, nonvoters are more likely to have a tough time paying bills. They are young and racially diverse, and only about half of them even have a credit card.

How to get these folks to vote?

Not more negative political ads, that’s for sure. Handshakes and meet-and-greets: a personal connection. That’s the tactic that worked best in a recent study of nonvoters. Even if there were no real results that came out of the interactions.

“Personal contacting works to persuade people to vote regularly,” said Melissa Michelson, a political scientist at Menlo College who co-authored a book on nonvoters.

I was reminded of the power of those connections by a recent D.C. transplant.

I was at a brunch Sunday sitting next to Kris Perry, who was one of the plaintiffs in the landmark case in California that went all the way to the Supreme Court to overturn Proposition 8 and begin the nationwide turning of the tide on same-sex marriage.

After a lifetime in California, after raising four boys with her wife, Sandy Stier, and after closing down that whole life to move to Washington, where she is executive director of the First Five Years Fund, Perry wasn’t all that excited to dive into a midterm election. But then she ducked into an art gallery that had some live music the other day. It happened to be a campaign event for the tiniest of political offices in the District: ANC commissioner.

The candidate lasered in on the couple, introduced herself and talked about all the local issues facing the neighborhood.

“I raced to get myself registered to vote,” Perry said. “I was so excited to see politics on such a local, organic level.”

That’s where it all begins. Your street, your block, your town. Because these are the folks, the ANC commissioners, the school board members, the county council members who might someday rise to be congresswomen, governors and senators.

A lot of voters only get excited when we are electing a president. But those humble local elections affect your life every single day.

This year, even if you are uninspired by the choices on the ballot, make it a point to head to the polls. I hope to see you there.

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At the Polls, Remember Who Wrecked the Economy - Republicans' Austerity Has Cost 6 Million Jobs Print
Tuesday, 04 November 2014 07:45

Nutting writes: "Experience shows what a disastrous policy the spending reductions were. Cutting your way to growth didn't work in the eurozone, and it didn't work in the United States."

Paul Ryan and other Republicans' austerity policies cost Americans their jobs. (photo: Justin Merriman/AP)
Paul Ryan and other Republicans' austerity policies cost Americans their jobs. (photo: Justin Merriman/AP)


At the Polls, Remember Who Wrecked the Economy - Republicans' Austerity Has Cost 6 Million Jobs

By Rex Nutting, Market Watch

04 November 14

 

The cost of Republicans’ misguided austerity policies: 6 million jobs

epublicans are heavily favored to take commanding control of Congress in tomorrow’s midterm election, the ultimate vindication of their no-compromise strategy.

Six years ago, the voters were hopeful. Four years ago, they were angry. Two years ago, they were cautious. But now the voters are just tired, fed up with the seeming inability of any institution — public or private — to make a positive difference in their lives.

Six years after the financial crisis devastated us, the economy is still the issue that resonates most with voters. Although in many ways the economy is doing much better than it was six years ago or even a year ago, for too many Americans it hasn’t improved at all in the most fundamental sense: Their incomes aren’t rising. Their standard of living is declining.

Understandably, very few people would say the economy is working for them. Shockingly, a plurality of voters trust the Republicans more than the Democrats on the economy, according to a Pew Research Center poll.

Anyone who trusts the Republicans hasn’t been paying attention to what their economic policies have been. Instead of focusing on full employment and higher wages, the Republicans have doubled down on the trickle-down policies that have failed so miserably over the past 30-plus years.

Instead of pushing for economic growth that would benefit everyone, Republicans insisted that our biggest problem wasn’t jobs but deficits. They’ve insisted that Washington cut back on its spending immediately, even though the economy was (and still is) operating far below its potential. Even though the budget crisis they were trying to avert was decades away.

If you are skeptical that the federal government has actually cut spending, consider the facts: Federal spending totaled $3.504 trillion in fiscal 2014, 2.7% lower than the $3.603 trillion spent in 2011, and 0.4% lower than the $3.518 trillion spent in 2009. The last time federal spending declined over a five-year period was 1947 to 1951.

Excluding the fast-growing Social Security and Medicare programs, federal spending was 11% lower in 2014 than it was in 2009.

In real (inflation-adjusted) terms, total federal spending was 9% lower in 2014 than in 2009, even though the population was 4% larger and the over-65 population was 16% larger.

As a share of gross domestic product, federal spending was lower in 2014 than at any point in Ronald Reagan’s two terms in office.

The spending cuts are real. Let’s recall how they came to be.

In January 2009, the new Obama administration came in with big ambitions to increase federal spending. The immediate need was to pass a stimulus bill to prevent the economy from sinking into a depression. Republicans (with a few exceptions) wouldn’t cooperate, even after Democrats loaded up the stimulus bill with GOP-friendly tax cuts and infrastructure spending in every congressional district.

In the past, Republicans had generally supported temporary stimulus measures, but that changed with the election of Barack Obama. And when the Tea Party swept the Republicans into a majority in the House in the 2010 midterms, the party began to say “no” to federal spending in general.

The Republicans were still the minority party in government, but they put a lot of pressure on Obama and the congressional Democrats, using every procedural and political tool at their disposal. In the summer of 2011, the Republicans took the government to the brink of default on its debt, which led to an agreement with Obama, Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi to cut spending, by automatically sequestering funds if necessary.

A year ago, the Republicans again forced the issue with a 16-day partial shutdown of the federal government, which led to another agreement with the Democrats on spending cuts.

From this history, it’s clear that Republicans should get most of the credit (or blame) for the decline in federal spending over the past five years. Obama and the congressional Democrats were led kicking and screaming to the altar. They didn’t like it, but they agreed. Since then, Obama has pivoted to talking about economic opportunity and inequality, but to little effect.

Experience shows what a disastrous policy the spending reductions were. Cutting your way to growth didn’t work in the eurozone, and it didn’t work in the United States (although thankfully our austerity was mild compared with theirs). The Congressional Budget Office figured earlier this year that economic output was about $622 billion smaller this year than it would have been if we had been at full employment.

For the 10 years between 2008 and 2017, the CBO figured that lost output would total $6.2 trillion, about one-third of annual gross domestic product.

About 6 million more people would be working today if we’d had pro-growth policies instead of the austerity forced upon us by the Republicans. And those of us who do have jobs have seen our wages stagnate because there’s so much slack in the labor market that very few workers have any bargaining power at all with their bosses.

Voters are right to be disgusted. The economy has a lot of problems, cyclical and structural. More federal spending over the past five years would have helped solve some of the cyclical problems.

Republican economic policies have been a disaster.

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McConnell Campaign Rocked by Photo Showing Him With Science Book Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=9160"><span class="small">Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker</span></a>   
Monday, 03 November 2014 14:45

Borowitz writes: "The reëlection campaign of Senator Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) went into a tailspin on Monday with the emergence of a leaked photograph showing the Senator reading what appears to be an advanced science text."

Mitch McConnell (photo: Alex Wong/Getty Images)
Mitch McConnell (photo: Alex Wong/Getty Images)


McConnell Campaign Rocked by Photo Showing Him With Science Book

By Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker

03 November 14

 

The article below is satire. Andy Borowitz is an American comedian and New York Times-bestselling author who satirizes the news for his column, "The Borowitz Report."

he reëlection campaign of Senator Mitch McConnell (R-Kentucky) went into a tailspin on Monday with the emergence of a leaked photograph showing the Senator reading what appears to be an advanced science text.

The picture, which appeared on the gossip site TMZ, shows a visibly absorbed McConnell reading a scholarly volume entitled, “The Man-Made Causes of Global Warming.”

For McConnell, who has repeatedly punctuated his public statements on climate change with the claim that he is “not a scientist,” the scandalous photo threatens to torpedo his reëlection bid.

In the hours since the image was leaked, McConnell has plummeted between five and seven points in statewide polls as voters demanded to know what he was doing with the type of book only a scientist would read.

Swinging into damage-control mode, McConnell appeared at a hastily called press conference in Lexington and offered a terse denial. “It is true that I was holding the book, and that the book was open. But I was not reading the book,” he said.

Unfortunately for the Senator, that statement may be too little, too late for Kentucky voters, many of whom view McConnell’s apparent dabbling in science as a betrayal.

One of those voters, Republican Harland Dorrinson of Lousiville, put it this way, “In Kentucky, the only thing worse than being a scientist is being a scientist and lying about it.”


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The Republicans' Profane Attack on the Sacred Right to Vote Print
Monday, 03 November 2014 14:44

Goodman writes: "There is a database housed in Arkansas with your name in it ... that is, if you live in one of the 28 states participating in the Interstate Voter Registration Crosscheck Program."

Jounalist Amy Goodman. (photo: Mangu TV)
Jounalist Amy Goodman. (photo: Mangu TV)


The Republicans' Profane Attack on the Sacred Right to Vote

By Amy Goodman, Truthdig

03 November 14

 

here is a database housed in Arkansas with your name in it ... that is, if you live in one of the 28 states participating in the Interstate Voter Registration Crosscheck Program. It’s one of the growing components of an aggressive drive across the U.S. by Republicans to stop many Americans from voting.

Early voting has already begun in many states in the 2014 U.S. midterm elections. Control of the U.S. Senate hangs in the balance, as do many crucial governorships, congressional races and ballot initiatives. One question looming over this election is just how significant will be the impact of the wholesale, organized disenfranchisement of eligible voters.

I spoke with Dolores Internicola in Fort Lauderdale, Fla., ground zero for the voter-purge efforts of embattled Republican Gov. Rick Scott. She lost her husband, Bill, recently. He was in the news in 2012, when, at the age of 91, Bill received an official notice in the mail that his citizenship was in question, and he would have to prove it or be kicked off the voter rolls. As a World War II veteran who fought in the Battle of the Bulge, the native New Yorker was upset to hear that he couldn’t participate in the vote that he helped defend against Nazi Germany. “It was terrible,” his widow recalled. Bill did get to vote in the 2012 elections, but millions are now threatened with similar, arbitrary disenfranchisement this year.

READ MORE


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