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FOCUS: Carly Fiorina and the GOP Outsider Boom Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=6853"><span class="small">Frank Rich, New York Magazine</span></a>   
Monday, 28 September 2015 10:27

Rich writes: "Carly Fiorina has risen faster than anyone in the Republican field since the last debate, while making a series of statements that have some commentators describing her 'willful disregard...or ignorance of reality.' How do you explain her rise?"

Carly Fiorina. (photo: Getty Images)
Carly Fiorina. (photo: Getty Images)


Carly Fiorina and the GOP Outsider Boom

By Frank Rich, New York Magazine

28 September 15

 

Most weeks, New York Magazine writer-at-large Frank Rich speaks with contributor Alex Carp about the biggest stories in politics and culture. This week: Carly Fiorina's rise, Scott Walker's fall, and Donald Trump being Donald Trump.

arly Fiorina has risen faster than anyone in the Republican field since the last debate, while making a series of statements that have some commentators describing her "willful disregard ... or ignorance of reality." How do you explain her rise?

A willful disregard or ignorance of reality is hardly disqualifying in the GOP presidential sweepstakes! If nothing else, Fiorina’s fictional Planned Parenthood video suggests she might have more success cooking up gory B-movie scenarios in the San Fernando Valley than she had running Hewlett-Packard in Silicon Valley. In that real-life business horror story, Fiorina slashed 30,000 employees, not to mention shareholder value, while mismanaging what had been one of the most fabled corporations in American business.

Fiorina’s rise after the last debate is coming at the expense of the previous “skyrocketing” Republican contender, the retired pediatric neurosurgeon Ben Carson. The theory had been that Carson was the kinder, gentler “outsider” who would finally usurp Donald Trump. But, as it happened, the good doctor proved to have all the pep on-camera that one of his patients might exhibit shortly after being given anesthesia. Worse, despite his ostensible prowess as a man of medicine, Carson waffled when confronted with Trump’s debate fiction about a link between vaccines and autism. That both Fiorina and Carson have enjoyed booms, however transitory they may prove to be, makes one thing clear. The base would prefer almost anyone, and so far Trump most of all, to Jeb Bush or any of the other choices that the GOP Establishment has put its big bets on. In new polls out over the past couple of days, from Fox News and Quinnipiac, the results are markedly similar in the spreads separating Trump from Carson and Fiorina, and show that a majority of Republicans favor one of these three outsiders over the rest of the field combined.

Fiorina may be impaled by the Washington shutdown, should it happen; she endorsed what Karl Rove has called the “suicide” strategy of holding the government hostage to the defunding of Planned Parenthood. Should she crater, be assured that she has a strong understudy waiting in the wings: Meg Whitman, the current CEO at HP, who just announced her plan to lay off another 30,000 workers. The similarities don’t end there: Like Fiorina, who ran for Senate against Barbara Boxer, Whitman ran as a Republican for statewide office in California in 2010 (for governor, against Jerry Brown) and lost by double digits. Should she, too, get fired by HP, she’ll have the perfect résumé for entering the Republican presidential race.

Scott Walker, who started his run for the GOP nomination as the reported favorite of the Koch brothers, now says he's been "called to lead by helping clear the field" of candidates — starting with himself. Does his campaign's failure show the limits of super-pac politics?

Not necessarily. Walker was a ridiculous candidate and would remain so no matter how much money any billionaires poured into his super-pac. Back in early July, a few days before Walker announced his run, I was at a small gathering in Washington where a prominent Republican political operative (not affiliated with any of the 2016 campaigns, and not speaking for attribution) gave a rollicking tour of the field. Of Walker, he said, “There are two reasons he can’t win. First, he has a bald spot. Second, he’s stupid.”

Suffice it to say that Walker’s presidential run was farce from start to finish, from his three different positions on the issue of “birthright citizenship” to his calling Reagan’s busting of the air-traffic controllers’ strike of 1981 “the most significant foreign policy decision of my lifetime.” At the CNN debate, he had all the charisma of a department-store mannequin. Yet not long ago he was a rock star. He’s “the one guy in the race who has shown how to defeat the media and Democrat coordinated attacks on conservatives,” said Rush Limbaugh as Walker entered the race. He's “a truly impressive individual,” effused the right-wing Washington Post pundit Marc Thiessen. Fox News hosts fell over themselves to boost him as a union-busting “hero.” At FiveThirtyEight in March, Nate Silver used what he called “totally subjective odds” to rate the first-tier Republican candidates on the likelihood of their getting the nomination and deduced that Walker was on top (at 26 percent), ahead of Bush (24 percent) and Marco Rubio (16 percent). 

This week, after Walker dropped out, The Wall Street Journal ran a news story explaining that Rubio would benefit by inheriting much of Walker’s fund-raising apparatus and donors, since he, too, is a “fresh face ready to shake up Washington.” Never mind that Rubio, unlike Walker, is already in Washington (where his strategy for shaking things up seems to have been to miss more Senatorial votes than anyone else in the race). Or that the voters Rubio might inherit from Walker do not even amount to a rounding error; Walker was polling at less than 0.5 percent at the end. In any case, Rubio’s candidacy is almost uniformly described by the press and Republican pols as more substantive than most (especially on foreign policy), and he’s been widely judged as one of the strongest contenders — if not the strongest — at both debates. But with recent polling numbers still averaging at roughly 10 percent, Rubio, like Bush, is thus far a candidate who looks theoretically great on paper to all the professionals in the media-political complex, but not so much to Republican primary voters who are the actual deciders.

Donald Trump again played the (barely) coded racism card when he didn’t contradict a supporter’s birther canards about President Obama. Can he keep doing this without paying a price?

Seems so. The true answer to this question can be found not in Trump’s various outrages — whether the latest or all those that came before — but in the fact that most of his rivals respond to his slurs by either agreeing with him or refusing to take a stand altogether. The only three candidates who immediately criticized Trump this time — Chris Christie, Lindsey Graham, and Bush — had nothing to lose by coming out against bigotry. Two of them aren’t polling any better than Walker was, and Bush, though faring somewhat better, is fighting for his political life. The other candidates are cowering as usual or, in Carson’s case, going Trump one better by saying that Muslims should be barred from the presidency.

In 1961, Barry Goldwater advised Republicans that they should “go hunting where the ducks are” by currying favor with segregationist voters in the Deep South. Carson’s campaign manager, Barry Bennett, was similarly unapologetic about his candidate’s intentions in playing the Islamophobia card, telling the Associated Press this week thatRepublican primary voters are with us at least 80-20.” Let’s not pretend otherwise.


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The Pope's Favorite American Radicals Print
Monday, 28 September 2015 08:23

Cannon write: "Last week Pope Francis expressed fondness for people who have lived life raw and have complicated stories to tell. He seems to prefer their company to that of people who tend toward piety and entitlement-hence his decision to decline a Capitol Hill luncheon invitation in order to break bread with the homeless. Dorothy Day would have joined him at that table. Thomas Merton would have done so in spirit."

Abraham Lincoln, Dorothy Day, Thomas Merton and Martin Luther King Jr. (photo: The Atlantic)
Abraham Lincoln, Dorothy Day, Thomas Merton and Martin Luther King Jr. (photo: The Atlantic)


The Pope's Favorite American Radicals

By Virginia Cannon, The New Yorker

28 September 15

 

rowing up in a lapsed but deep-seatedly Catholic household, it was an article of faith that the co-religionists to watch out for on Sundays and days of obligation were the converts. They were the tiresome sticklers who insisted on attending early Mass, going to confession, and giving up something they actually liked for Lent. But, if you had be stuck with a couple of converts for the duration of Holy Week, a good pair to pick would have been Dorothy Day and Thomas Merton, two of the four Americans (along with Abraham Lincoln and Martin Luther King, Jr.) whom Pope Francis singled out for praise on Thursday, in his address to Congress.

Why did he choose those Catholics instead of, say, Elizabeth Ann Seton, the first American to be made a saint, or Kateri Tekakwitha, who was here first but was canonized later, or Frances Cabrini, of “another Martini for Mother Cabrini” fame? And why is it that more women than men come to mind? (Though let it be said that the only person Francis paused to shake hands with in the Capitol was John Kerry, perhaps as compensation for his poor treatment by the Church during the 2004 Presidential campaign. Of the celestial prospects of the three Catholic Supreme Court justices who chose not to attend the Pope’s address—Antonin Scalia, Clarence Thomas, and Samuel Alito—perhaps the less said the better.)

One explanation for Francis’s choice may be his fondness for people who have lived life raw and have complicated stories to tell. He seems to prefer their company to that of people who tend toward piety and entitlement—hence his decision to decline a Capitol Hill luncheon invitation in order to break bread with the homeless. Day would have joined him at that table. Merton would have done so in spirit.

Born in 1897, Day was a Greenwich Village bohemian, who had a daughter out of wedlock, campaigned for women’s rights, and wrote for the socialist press (and, once, for The New Yorker), until, at the age of thirty, she converted to Catholicism. She then concentrated her energies on the Catholic Worker newspaper, which she co-founded with Peter Maurin, and the Catholic Worker houses, which fed and sheltered the poor. Under Popes John Paul II and Benedict XVI she was already being considered for sainthood—not owing to her dedication to the poor but because she spoke out against abortion, having had one as a young woman and come to regret it. Francis didn’t mention that. He said simply that a nation is great when “it strives for justice and the cause of the oppressed, as Dorothy Day did by her tireless work.” His comments thrilled Bernie Sanders, and sent Rush Limbaugh into a frenzy.

Merton was born in France, in 1915. He was the son of artists, who died when he was young, and he, like Day, led a boisterous early life, fathering a child while at Cambridge University before ending up at Columbia University, in 1935. He flirted with communism, frequented jazz clubs, and joined the staff of the college humor magazine, Jester, where he made a handful of lifelong friends, including the artist Ad Reinhardt and the poet Robert Lax (who later worked for The New Yorker, and also converted to Catholicism, eventually settling on the Aegean island of Patmos).

Merton’s conversion, in 1939, was the result of an intellectual journey—which, to the shock of his friends, led him, two years later, to a life of contemplation and extreme austerity, in the Abbey of Gethsemani, a Trappist monastery in Kentucky. His life became one of withdrawal, but he wrote many books, including, at the age of thirty-three, an autobiography, “The Seven Storey Mountain.” Published in 1948, it was edited by another friend from Columbia, Robert Giroux (then at Harcourt, Brace), and became one of the most influential spiritual books of the past century, selling more than a million copies. (Merton also published a couple of poems in The New Yorker.) As Robert Ellsberg, the editor and publisher of Orbis Books, said yesterday on “Democracy Now,” Merton had an epiphany a few years later, which he said was like waking from a dream of separateness: “He looked around at all the people on the street and said there were no strangers, we are all human beings.” He began writing on the struggle against war, poverty, racism, and injustice.

That did not sit so well with the Trappists, but Pope Francis called him “a thinker who challenged the certitude of his time and opened new horizons for souls and for the Church. He was also a man of dialogue, a promoter of peace between people and religions.” In fact, Merton’s interests turned toward Eastern religions, particularly Zen Buddhism, which he is credited with introducing to a wider audience in the West. In 1968, he went to Asia. One day in Bangkok, he gave a speech and, at the end, told the audience, “Now I will disappear.” That night, as he was stepping out of the shower, he touched an electric fan, and was electrocuted.

It’s tempting to imagine Merton and Day together, knocking back beers (Trappists are known for their brews) and marching for peace. However, according to Jim Forest, who joined the Catholic Worker movement in 1960, although the two corresponded, and Merton wrote for Day’s paper, they never met. In fact, they followed nearly opposite paths. If Day is a figure out of Hugo, Merton is out of Kerouac. Once she found Catholicism she stuck with it and led an engaged life, committing countless acts of civil disobedience, and was jailed many times. She died in 1980, at a Catholic Worker house on East Third Street. Merton continued his spiritual search, but his voyage was largely within, and he never engaged in confrontation.

Another key to Francis’s focus on the two converts may lie in Merton’s insight that, ultimately, there are no strangers, just fellow human beings. A good deal of the Pope’s address dealt with the refugee crisis and the status of immigrants past and present in this country. “When the stranger in our midst appeals to us,” he said, “we must not repeat the sins and the errors of the past,” reminding the assembled leaders that “most of us were once foreigners.” People who make journeys in search of justice—in life as well as in the mind—are people we must value. They are the ones with stories to tell.


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Boehner and the Belt Print
Sunday, 27 September 2015 14:32

Krugman writes: "Lots of talk about the Boehner resignation. It was especially excruciating to hear pundits going on about the soon-to-be-ex Speaker’s motivations for not just stepping down, but actually leaving his seat."

Paul Krugman. (photo: NYT)
Paul Krugman. (photo: NYT)


Boehner and the Belt

By Paul Krugman, The New York Times

27 September 15

 

ravel day (domestic), which means that I’m a captive audience for a lot of talking heads on TV. Lots of talk about the Boehner resignation. It was especially excruciating to hear pundits going on about the soon-to-be-ex Speaker’s motivations for not just stepping down, but actually leaving his seat. Is there some rule preventing them from saying the obvious: his extremely lucrative career as a lobbyist can’t start until he’s out of Congress?

But anyway, if there are going to be retrospectives on his tenure, I’d give pride of place to his obstructionism to any and all attempts to rescue the economy as it threatened to plunge into the abyss. His immortal line will be this:

American families are tightening their belt, but they don’t see government tightening its belt.

READ MORE


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Jeb Bush Is the Ultimate Anti-Internet Candidate Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=29990"><span class="small">Trevor Timm, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Sunday, 27 September 2015 13:44

Timm writes: "Do you want to live in a country where Internet Service Providers can slow down and censor your internet traffic at will, where the NSA has vastly more power than it does today and where end-to-end encryption may be illegal? Then Jeb Bush is the Republican presidential contender for you."

Jeb Bush. (photo: Kayana Szymczak/Getty Images)
Jeb Bush. (photo: Kayana Szymczak/Getty Images)


Jeb Bush Is the Ultimate Anti-Internet Candidate

By Trevor Timm, Guardian UK

27 September 15

 

The Republican hopeful positioned himself as pro-data collection and anti-encryption in a race where privacy and net neutrality have never mattered more

o you want to live in a country where Internet Service Providers can slow down and censor your internet traffic at will, where the NSA has vastly more power than it does today and where end-to-end encryption may be illegal? Then Jeb Bush is the Republican presidential contender for you: he has positioned himself as the anti-internet candidate in an election where internet rights have never mattered more.

A lot of the White House candidates have made worrying comments about the future of surveillance and the internet – from Chris Christie’s bizarre vow to track 10 million people like FedEx packages, to Hillary Clinton’s waffling on encryption backdoors – but Jeb Bush’s deliberate campaign to roll back internet rights is the perfect storm of awful.

Bush proudly stated on his campaign website this week that he would axe the FCC’s important net neutrality rules, a hard-fought, grassroots victory from earlier this year by internet rights activists almost a decade in the making. As the New York Times described it at the time, the net neutrality rules “are intended to ensure that no content is blocked and that the internet is not divided into pay-to-play fast lanes for internet and media companies that can afford it and slow lanes for everyone else.”

The idea that ISPs shouldn’t be able to censor internet or slow down traffic at the behest of paying corporations seems like something everyone can agree on, right?

As Gizmodo’s Kate Knibbs put it, however, “Instead of viewing the FCC’s net neutrality rule as a safeguard for consumers, Bush is framing it a way to sandbag ISPs out of their rightful profit margins, with no upside for people using their services.” Jeb Bush is apparently happy to side with Comcast and Time Warner, two of the most hated conglomerates in America, rather than the tens of millions of people who just want watch Netflix every night without their internet slowing down or having to pay more.

But that’s just his latest vow to dismantle the hard-fought rights internet users have won over the past few years. Bush is also a mass warrantless surveillance fanatic. He not only continually defends the NSA on the campaign trail, but has called for the mammoth spy agency to be handed even more powers. He’s defended the massive phone metadata program that collected Americans’ phone records that is both wildly unpopular with voters and has already been modified by Congress – and to a large extent shuttered – with the passage of the USA Freedom Act. Bush even claimed the expansion of the NSA over the past six or seven years has been the “best part” of the Obama administration.

Perhaps worst of all, Jeb Bush has ignorantly criticized the welcome trend of tech companies like Apple implementing end-to-end encryption in their devices to protect its millions of users from criminals and government spying. Seemingly channeling his brother George W at an event in August, Jeb said, “If you create encryption, it makes it harder for the American government to do its job - while protecting civil liberties - to make sure that evildoers aren’t in our midst.”

Bush apparently doesn’t understand that encryption helps law enforcement more than it hurts, and is vital to billions of internet users all over the globe whether we’re talking about the economy or human rights.

Most importantly, though, strong encryption is a bulwark against cyber attacks, which Bush claims is a “vital” issue. In his lukewarm cybersecurity plan, which really just calls for more power for a variety of government agencies to spy on us all, he does not mention the word “encryption” once.

Too often internet and privacy rights get relegated to the end of the table when election season rolls around. But the issues have never been more mainstream – NSA reform and net neutrality rules, unthinkable eight years ago, are all of a sudden inevitable. And the idea that Jeb Bush wants to take those rights away and saddle the internet with yet more corporate control and government surveillance is disturbing, to say the least.


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Fiorina's Falsehoods Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=20588"><span class="small">The Washington Post</span></a>   
Sunday, 27 September 2015 13:38

Excerpt: "Caught making a false claim, she couldn't just admit she made a mistake but instead doubled down and worsened the falsehood."

Former Hewlett-Packard CEO Carly Fiorina. (photo: The Atlantic)
Former Hewlett-Packard CEO Carly Fiorina. (photo: The Atlantic)


Fiorina's Falsehoods

By The Washington Post

27 September 15

 

ne of the benefits of a presidential campaign is the character and capability, judgment and temperament of every single one of us is revealed over time and under pressure.” Since presidential hopeful Carly Fiorina made that comment at the start of the second Republican debate, there have been some telling revelations about her character and her judgment. Caught making a false claim, she couldn’t just admit she made a mistake but instead doubled down and worsened the falsehood.

Arguing during the Sept. 16 GOP debate to defund Planned Parenthood, Ms. Fiorina offered this description of a disturbing scene that was supposedly captured on controversial undercover videos of the organization: “Watch a fully formed fetus on the table, its heart beating, its legs kicking while someone says we have to keep it alive to harvest its brain.” No such scene exists, as even some of her defenders have had to admit. Ms. Fiorina was challenged by Fox News Sunday anchor Chris Wallace to acknowledge “what every fact checker has found”: that the scene was only described by someone who claimed to have witnessed it but was not shown in the video.

Ms. Fiorina could have acknowledged her error while maintaining, fairly, that the tapes contain other disturbing images and language and while affirming her objections to Planned Parenthood. Instead she insisted: “No, I don’t accept that at all. I’ve seen the footage.” She went on the attack against the mainstream media, and her supporters concocted a video that splices video and audio from different places in an effort to buttress her claims. Most deceptive in the CARLY for America video is use of an image (also used in the videos produced by the Center for Medical Progress) of a fetus born prematurely, not aborted, at 19 weeks of development. The premature birth by a Pennsylvania woman had no connection to Planned Parenthood or to abortion. That, though, didn’t stop Ms. Fiorina’s supporters from using it — with the voice-over and caption of “Here’s a stomach, heart, kidney, and adrenal” — to support specious allegations of Planned Parenthood selling fetal tissue for profit.

Ms. Fiorina may have deeply felt objections to abortion. That doesn’t excuse her use of mistruths to justify her willingness to shut down the government, which by the way she seems to consider no big deal. “I’m not aware of any hardship to anyone, other than the veterans trying to get to the World War II memorial,” she said of the last shutdown. When it comes to character and capability, that kind of blithe ignorance is another worrying sign.


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