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A Big Idea for Hillary Print
Tuesday, 21 June 2016 13:28

Reich writes: "If Donald Trump continues to implode, Hillary Clinton will win simply by being the presidential candidate who isn't Trump."

Former Clinton labor secretary Robert Reich. (photo: Steve Russell/Toronto Star)
Former Clinton labor secretary Robert Reich. (photo: Steve Russell/Toronto Star)


A Big Idea for Hillary

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Blog

21 June 16

 

f Donald Trump continues to implode, Hillary Clinton will win simply by being the presidential candidate who isn’t Trump.

But the prospect of a President Trump is so terrifying that Hillary shouldn’t take any chances. The latest match-up polls show her about 6 points ahead – a comfortable but not sure-fire margin.

What else can she offer other than that she’s also experienced and would be the first woman to hold the job?

So far, she’s put forth a bunch of respectable policy ideas. But they’re small relative to the economic problems most Americans face and to Americans’ overwhelming sense the nation is off track.

She needs a big idea that gives her candidacy a purpose and rationale – and, if she’s elected president, a mandate to get something hugely important done.

What could that big idea be? I can think of several big economic proposals. The problem is they couldn’t get through Congress – even if, as now seems possible, Democrats retake the Senate.

Nor, for that matter, could Hillary’s smaller ideas get through.

Which suggests a really big idea – an idea that’s the prerequisite for every other one, an idea that directly addresses what’s disturbing so many Americans today – an idea that, if she truly commits herself to it, would even reassure voters about Hillary Clinton herself.

The big idea I’m talking about is democracy.

Everyone knows our democracy is drowning under big money. Confidence in politics has plummeted, and big money as the major culprit.

In 1964, just 29 percent of voters believed government was “run by a few big interests looking out for themselves,” according to the American National Election Studies survey. In the most recent survey, almost 80 percent of Americans think so.

And because the free market depends on laws and rules, big money’s political influence has rigged the economic system in favor of those at the top.

Which has fueled this year’s anti-establishment rebellions – propelling Bernie Sanders’s “political revolution” that won him 22 states, and contributing to Donald (“I don’t need anybody’s money”) Trump’s authoritarian appeal.

A study published in the fall of 2014 by Princeton professor Martin Gilens and Professor Benjamin Page of Northwestern shows that big money has almost entirely disenfranchised Americans. Gilens and Page took a close look at 1,799 policy issues, determining the relative influence on them of economic elites, business groups, and average citizens.

Their conclusion: “The preferences of average Americans appear to have only a minuscule, near-zero, statistically non-significant impact upon public policy.” Instead, lawmakers respond to the policy demands of wealthy individuals and big business.

The super wealthy account for a growing share of both parties’ funds. In the presidential election year 1980, the richest 0.01 percent gave 10 percent of total campaign contributions. In 2012, the richest 0.01 percent accounted for an astounding 40 percent.

Adding to the cynicism is the revolving door. In the 1970s only about 3 percent of retiring members of Congress went on to become lobbyists. In recent years half of all retiring senators and 42 percent of retiring representatives have done so.

This isn’t because recent retirees have fewer qualms about making money off their government contacts. It’s because so much money has inundated Washington that the financial rewards of lobbying have become huge.

Meanwhile, the revolving door between Wall Street, on the one side, and the White House and Treasury, on the other, is swiveling faster than ever.

Clinton should focus her campaign on reversing all of this. For a start, she should commit to nominating Supreme Court justices who will strike down “Citizen’s United,” the 2010 Supreme Court case that opened the big-money floodgates far wider.

She should also fight for public financing of general elections for president and for congress – with government matching small-donor contributions made to any candidate who agrees to abide by overall spending limits on large-donor contributions.

She should demand full disclosure of all sources of campaign funding, regardless of whether those funds are passed through non-profit organizations or through corporate entities or both.

And she should slow the revolving door – committing to a strict two-year interval between high-level government service and lobbying or corporate jobs, and a similarly interval between serving as a top executive or director of a major Wall Street bank and serving at a top level position in the executive branch.

Will Hillary Clinton make restoring democracy her big idea? When she announced her candidacy she said “the deck is stacked in favor of those at the top” and that she wants to be the “champion” of “everyday Americans.”

The best way to ensure everyday Americans get a fair deal is to make our democracy work again.

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Donald Trump Calls for Israeli-Style Racial Profiling - but Profiling Is a Disaster Print
Tuesday, 21 June 2016 13:24

Jilani writes: "Donald Trump told CBS News over the weekend that the United States should consider religious and ethnic profiling to prevent terror attacks."

Donald Trump at AIPAC. (photo: Saul Loeb/AFP/Getty Images)
Donald Trump at AIPAC. (photo: Saul Loeb/AFP/Getty Images)


Donald Trump Calls for Israeli-Style Racial Profiling - but Profiling Is a Disaster

By Zaid Jilani, The Intercept

21 June 16

 

onald Trump told CBS News over the weekend that the United States should consider religious and ethnic profiling to prevent terror attacks.

“I think profiling is something that we’re going to have to start thinking about as a country,” Trump said. “Other countries do it, you look at Israel and you look at others, they do it and they do it successfully. And I hate the concept of profiling, but we have to start using common sense and we have to use our heads.”

Israel’s most systematic use of racial profiling occurs at its borders and has been rife with abuses that stand in contrast with American values of equal treatment and safeguarding personal liberties.

The Arab American Institute has collected stories of Arab and Muslim Americans who have been harassed or detained while entering Israel. They offer a window into the human impact of racial profiling.

For example, Najwa Doughman, a New York City architect with no ties to terrorism, was sent to a waiting room in Israel’s Ben-Gurion Airport after being asked what her father’s name was. “Bassam,” she replied, setting off what she later called a “14-hour nightmare.” During an extended interrogation, she said she was asked questions like “Do you feel more Arab or American?” and was subjected to an invasive pat-down where she was asked to remove her clothes. After an overnight stay at a detention facility, she was denied access to the country and put on a plane to France.

“It’s an issue serious enough that our own State Department has a travel advisory that’s posted permanently on the website that advises anyone who is traveling to Israel basically to expect this kind of treatment, if they are of Arab American background,” Maya Berry, executive director of AAI, told The Intercept.

Even former senior government officials are not exempt from Israel’s system of profiling. Former Health and Human Services Secretary Donna Shalala, who was president of the University of Miami at the time, was detained and questioned for nearly three hours during a trip through Ben-Gurion Airport in 2010. Shalala is of Lebanese Christian descent.

If the U.S. were to adopt this level of intrusive, racially based profiling, it wouldn’t be the first time officials adopted an Israeli security program. A former chief security officer at the Israel Airports Authority helped design the Transportation Security Administration’s (TSA) Screening Passengers by Observation Techniques (SPOT) program, a sort of checklist that TSA officers use to identify suspicious passengers. In interviews with The Intercept last year, a number of former TSA officers decried the program’s checklist as “ridiculous” and a “license to harass.”

Pragmatists in the U.S. intelligence and security communities oppose racial and ethnic profiling. Former Department of Homeland Security chief Michael Chertoff explained that, shortly after the September 11 attacks, Bush administration officials briefly debated the use of profiling in response to terrorism. “There was a unanimous belief that racial and religious profiling would not only be ineffective, but counterproductive from a security standpoint,” he said. “The problem with using racial and religious profiling is it takes you down a road to looking at people who you don’t need to look at and avoiding looking at people that you should look at.”

That would be the obvious conclusion from former New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg’s secret spying program that targeted Muslim New Yorkers. For years, the New York Police Department mapped and infiltrated Muslim communities, using only their religious identity as justification for targeting. Yet this massive religious-profiling program did not generate a single terrorism case.

Racial profiling can also have lethal results. A Washington Post investigation published last year found that African Americans make up a disproportionate number of traffic-stop deaths; the findings corresponded with other studies that show that blacks have a higher chance of being pulled over by police, an event that can lead to deadly confrontations.

Additionally, a 2009 study authored by a leading statistician found that racial profiling is no more effective than a random screening.

Given these facts, there has been progress in officially curtailing the use of this form of profiling.

Then-Attorney General Eric Holder issued new guidelines in late 2014 barring federal law enforcement from profiling based on gender, national origin, religion, sexual orientation, and race. Those rules explicitly exempted airports and border crossings.

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FOCUS: Jeffrey Sterling, a Poster Boy for CIA Discrimination and National Security Abuse Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=36478"><span class="small">John Kiriakou, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Tuesday, 21 June 2016 11:42

Kiriakou writes: "CIA whistleblower Jeffrey Sterling has completed his first year in prison. Sterling was convicted in 2015 of multiple counts of espionage for, the government says, telling New York Times reporter James Risen about a botched CIA plan to provide Iran with flawed plans for its nuclear program through a Russian scientist whom the CIA claimed to have 'turned.'"

Jeffrey Sterling. (photo: The Invisible Man documentary)
Jeffrey Sterling. (photo: The Invisible Man documentary)


Jeffrey Sterling, a Poster Boy for CIA Discrimination and National Security Abuse

By John Kiriakou, Reader Supported News

21 June 16

 

IA whistleblower Jeffrey Sterling has completed his first year in prison. Sterling was convicted in 2015 of multiple counts of espionage for, the government says, telling New York Times reporter James Risen about a botched CIA plan to provide Iran with flawed plans for its nuclear program through a Russian scientist whom the CIA claimed to have “turned.” Even though there was no evidence whatsoever – no emails, no phone recordings, no wiretaps, no nothing – that Sterling had given Risen anything of the sort, he was convicted and sentenced to three-and-a-half years in prison.

But the truth is far more complicated.

Sterling is African-American. That means a lot in the CIA, an organization that, historically, has trampled the rights of women and minority employees. Indeed, in 1995, the Agency was forced to settle a class action suit brought by 25 women, who said they had been systematically discriminated against simply because of their gender. The judge in the case expressed his personal consternation when he said that in all his years on the bench he had never seen a defendant so fully document the case against itself as the CIA had done.

The situation there is the same for African-Americans. With very few exceptions, they just can’t get ahead. That’s exactly what Jeffrey Sterling found. An expert on Iran, and fluent in Farsi, Sterling, a former operations officer, was set to transfer to Europe when a supervisor told him that the move would be rescinded. “We think you’ll stand out as a big black guy speaking Farsi,” the supervisor said. “When did you realize I was black?” Sterling retorted.

Without an operational tour, Sterling wouldn’t have been eligible for promotion. He filed a civil rights complaint, which turned out to be one of the triggers that unleashed the CIA against him. In the meantime, Sterling was aware of the botched operation with the Russian and the Iranian nuclear program. He thought it was evidence of waste, fraud, abuse, and illegality, and he did what every CIA officer is taught to do – he reported it up his chain of command. And like most whistleblowers, he was ignored.

He then reported his concerns to the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, the CIA’s oversight committee. He was again ignored. But the CIA’s leadership was angry that Sterling would air its dirty laundry on Capitol Hill. And they were angry about his civil rights complaint.

In the meantime, Risen published a book that included information about the botched operation. Risen has since said that he had dozens of sources for the book. While he and Sterling had spoken on the phone, Sterling has steadfastly maintained that the conversations were about the civil suit. But the CIA was looking for a scapegoat, and they were looking to punish the whistleblower.

CIA leaders asked the Justice Department to charge Sterling with multiple counts of espionage.

The trial dragged on for years. And through all those years, Sterling refused to accept a plea deal. Why? Because he was innocent. He certainly could have taken a plea to a reduced charge. He would have been out of prison years ago if he had. But he was determined to fight an injustice.

There were several things Sterling didn’t know, however. One was that his former attorney apparently testified against him before a grand jury, offering speculation on a “motive.” Another was that the Justice Department engages in a practice called “charge stacking,” where they will charge a defendant with myriad felonies, including such “throwaway charges” as obstruction of justice, conspiracy, or making a false statement, and then later offer to drop all of the charges but one in exchange for a guilty plea. That’s why, according to ProPublica, the Justice Department wins 98.2 percent of its cases. They’re almost all the result of plea bargains. After all, why would anybody want to risk dying in prison when they can take a plea and be out in a few years?

The third was that the Justice Department engages in something called “venue shopping.” That’s where they seek to charge a defendant in the federal district that is most likely to find that defendant guilty and to give him the toughest sentence. In Sterling’s case, as in the cases of all national security defendants, that would be the Eastern District of Virginia, where no national security defendant has ever won a case.

Sterling was living in St. Louis, Missouri, when he allegedly passed information to Risen. That’s the Eastern District of Missouri. He was working for a company in New York, which is in the Southern District of New York. Risen lives in Bethesda, Maryland, which is the federal District of Maryland. And he works for the New York Times bureau in Washington, DC, which is in the Federal District of the District of Columbia. But Sterling was charged in the Eastern District of Virginia. He didn’t have a chance. No national security defendant would have a chance there when his jury would include people working at (or with relatives working at) the CIA, the FBI, the Department of Homeland Security, the Defense Department, or at any number of intelligence community contractors. But that was exactly the point.

Justice Department prosecutors asked Sterling’s judge to pass a sentence of 19-24 years. The length of that sentence would have placed him in a maximum-security penitentiary. Serendipitously, Sterling’s sentencing hearing came only days after former CIA Director David Petraeus’s sweetheart deal, where he got two years probation and a fine for leaking classified information to his girlfriend. The judge in the Sterling case said that she could not, in good conscience, give Sterling more than three-and-a-half years.

Sterling has appealed his conviction to the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals in Richmond, an action that likely will take years. He has two-and-a-half years to go on his sentence, and with good behavior and halfway house, he’ll likely be released by December 2017, well before the Circuit Court issues a ruling.

In the meantime, Sterling passes his days with murderers, child molesters, and drug kingpins in a prison more than 1,000 miles from home. There’s no “justice” in that.



John Kiriakou is an Associate Fellow with the Institute for Policy Studies in Washington DC. He is a former CIA counterterrorism operations officer and former senior investigator for the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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FOCUS: The Return of Lesser Evilism Print
Tuesday, 21 June 2016 10:32

Taibbi writes: "The Democratic Party leaders have trained their followers to perceive everything in terms of one single end-game equation: If you don't support us, you're supporting Bush/Rove/Cheney/Palin/Insert Evil Republican Here."

Bernie Sanders. (photo: AP)
Bernie Sanders. (photo: AP)


The Return of Lesser Evilism

By Matt Taibbi, Rolling Stone

21 June 16

 

With Trump on the other side, Democrats can be lazier than ever this election

onathan Chait of New York magazine wrote a column about Ralph Nader this morning that uses some interesting language. Noting that it's now been 16 years since Nader ran for president and garnered enough dissenting votes to help elect George W. Bush, he wrote (emphasis mine):

"That is enough time for Nader to confess his role in enabling one of the most disastrous presidencies in American history, or at least to come up with a better explanation for his decision. Instead, Nader has repeated his same litany of evasions, most recently in an interview with Jeremy Hobson on WBUR, where he dismissed all criticisms of his 2000 campaign as 'fact deprived.'"

Nader refuses to confess! What is this, the Spanish Inquisition? Fetch the comfy chair!

It would be foolish to argue that Nader's run in 2000 didn't enable Bush's presidency. Though there were other factors, Nader's presence on the ballot was surely a big one.

But the career Democrats of the Beltway and their buddies in the press have turned the Nader episode into something very like the creation story of the Third Way political movement. And like many religious myths, it's gotten very tiresome.

The Democratic Party leaders have trained their followers to perceive everything in terms of one single end-game equation: If you don't support us, you're supporting Bush/Rove/Cheney/Palin/Insert Evil Republican Here.

That the monster of the moment, Donald Trump, is a lot more monstrous than usual will likely make this argument an even bigger part of the Democratic Party platform going forward.

It's a sound formula for making ballot-box decisions, but the people who push it never seem content to just use it to win elections. They're continually trying to make an ethical argument out of it, to prove people who defy The Equation are, whether they know it or not, morally wrong and in league with the other side.

Beltway Democrats seem increasingly to believe that all people who fall within a certain broad range of liberal-ish beliefs owe their votes and their loyalty to the Democratic Party.

That's why, as a socially liberal person who probably likes trees and wouldn't want to see Roe v. Wade overturned, Nader's decision to take votes from the party-blessed candidate Gore is viewed not as dissent, but as a kind of treason.

The problem with this line of thinking is that there's no end to it. If you think I owe you my vote because I recycle and enjoyed To Kill a Mockingbird, you're not going to work very hard to keep it. That's particularly true if the only standard you think you need to worry about is not being worse than Donald Trump, which is almost the same as no standard at all.

This is why the thinking within the Democratic Party has gotten so flabby over the years. It increasingly seems to rejoice in its voters' lack of real choices, and relies on a political formula that requires little input from anyone outside the Beltway.

It's heavily financed by corporate money, and the overwhelming majority of its voters would never cast a vote for the nut-bar God-and-guns version of Republicanism that's been their sole opposition for decades.

So the party gets most of its funding without having to beg for it door to door, and it gets many of its votes by default. Except for campaign-trail photo ops, mainstream Democrats barely need to leave Washington to stay in business.

Still, the Democratic Leadership Council wing of the Democrats have come to believe they've earned their status, by being the only plausible bulwark against the Republican menace.

This sounds believable because party officials and pundits like Chait keep describing critics of the party as far-leftists and extremists, whose platform couldn't win a national election.

Dissenting voices like this year's version of Nader, Bernie Sanders, are inevitably pitched as quixotic egotists who don't have the guts to do what it takes to win. They're described as just out for 15 minutes of fame, and maybe a few plaudits from teenagers and hippies who'll gush over their far-out idealism.

But that characterization isn't accurate. The primary difference between the Nader/Sanders platform and the Gore/Clinton platform isn't rooted in ideology at all, but money.

The former camp refuses to be funded by the Goldmans and Pfizers of the world, while the latter camp embraces those donors. That's really all this comes down to. There's nothing particularly radical about not taking money from companies you think you might need to regulate someday. And there's nothing particularly centrist or "realistic" about taking that same money.

When I think about the way the Democrats and their friends in the press keep telling me I owe them my vote, situations like the following come to mind. We're in another financial crisis. The CEOs of the ten biggest banks in America, fresh from having wrecked the economy with the latest harebrained bubble scheme, come to the Oval Office begging for a bailout.

In that moment, to whom is my future Democratic president going to listen: those bankers or me?

It's not going to be me, that's for sure. Am I an egotist for being annoyed by that? And how exactly should I take being told on top of that that I still owe this party my vote, and that I should keep my mouth shut about my irritation if I don't want to be called a Republican-enabler?

The collapse of the Republican Party and its takeover by the nativist Trump wing poses all sorts of problems, not the least of which being the high likelihood that the Democrats will now get even lazier when it comes to responding to their voters' interests. The crazier the Republicans get, the more reflexive will be the arguments that we can't afford any criticism of Democrats anymore, lest we invite in the Fourth Reich.

I didn't vote for Nader in 2000, and I don't have a problem with anyone arguing this coming Election Day that we shouldn't all do whatever we can to keep Donald Trump out of office.

What's problematic is the way Beltway media types are forever turning postmortems on the candidacies of people like Nader or Sanders into parables about the perils of voting your conscience, when what we're really talking about is the party's unwillingness to untether itself from easy money. This is how Chait sums up Nader (again, emphasis mine):

"Nader goes on to defend his idiosyncratic belief that people are under no obligation to consider real-world impacts in their voting behavior. Vote for a third-party candidate, write in a candidate, follow your own conscience: 'I think voters in a democracy should vote for anybody they want, including write in or even themselves. I don't believe in any kind of reprimand of voters who stray from the two-party tyranny.'

"Why should people vote for candidates at all? Since, by definition, the person we most closely agree with is ourselves, why not just write your own name in every time?"

Ugh. Hey, Jonathan: Voters don't want candidates who agree with them about everything. They just want one who isn't going to completely take them for granted. If that's become too much to ask, maybe there's something wrong with the Democratic Party, not people like Ralph Nader or Bernie Sanders.


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The End of the Beginning: The Fall of ISIL in Fallujah Print
Tuesday, 21 June 2016 08:21

Cole writes: "Iraqi Prime Minister Haydar al-Abadi announced on Friday that Iraqi troops had captured the governmental complex in the center of Fallujah. The Lebanese newspaper al-Nahar (The Day) reports that the Iraqi army also took the eastern and southern districts of the city."

Iraqi men who volunteered to join the fight against a major offensive by jihadists in northern Iraq stand on army trucks as they leave a recruiting center. (photo: AFP)
Iraqi men who volunteered to join the fight against a major offensive by jihadists in northern Iraq stand on army trucks as they leave a recruiting center. (photo: AFP)


The End of the Beginning: The Fall of ISIL in Fallujah

By Juan Cole, Informed Comment

21 June 16

 

fter Montgomery and his troops defeated the Germans and Italians at El Alamain in northern Egypt in 1942, Winston Churchill was relieved finally to have some good news after a string of defeats. He said, “Now this is not the end. It is not even the beginning of the end. But it is, perhaps, the end of the beginning.”

Iraqi Prime Minister Haydar al-Abadi announced on Friday that Iraqi troops had captured the governmental complex in the center of Fallujah. The Lebanese newspaper al-Nahar (The Day) reports that the Iraqi army also took the eastern and southern districts of the city.

Only some residential neighborhoods in northern Fallujah remain in the hands of Daesh (ISIS, ISIL). There, however, sources told al-Nahar that Daesh still rules with an iron fist, in the districts of Jolan, al-Muhandis, al-Wahda, al-Jumhuria and al-Andalus in the north. A source inside the city said Friday that it was nevertheless possible that the neighborhoods would fall to the Iraqi government within hours.

The image of invincibility and the projection of power that Daesh has striven for during the past two years has been shattered, the Iraqi source in Fallujah said, at the hands of the various Iraqi forces.

The Iraqi war information bureau said that a counter-terrorism unit liberated the district of Nizal entirely after imposing severe losses on the Daesh fighters. Meanwhile, the 17th Infantry Division, a Baghdad formation, continued to advance and it succeeded in liberating al-Ursan district entirely, and in securing the left bank of the Euphrates.

It also announced that units of the national gendarmes liberated the governor’s mansion for the county of Fallujah in the center of the city and raised the Iraqi flag over it. Dozens of Daesh guerrillas were killed in the confrontations. The government forces advanced to Baghdad Street, expelling the enemy. Battles continue as the army seeks to fulfill all its objectives. Fighting continues as the counter-terrorism division seeks to take Fallujah Hospital.

Iran’s Arabic-language al-Alam [The World] reported on al-Abadi’s television address, in which he announced that Fallujah had returned to the bosom of the nation, and that shortly Daesh would be completely expelled from the city. He said, “Our forces fulfilled their pledge, and liberated Fallujah, and next we will head to Mosul.”

He called on all the institutions of the state to exert every effort to take care of the civilians and to deliver humanitarian aid, as well as to be careful of people’s property and homes. He said, “today is a day of forgiveness.” (He meant that although many Fallujans may have collaborated with Daesh because they saw it as savior of Sunnis, they should not now be punished, in the interests of bringing all Iraqis together under the banner of the central government.

He said that Daesh had “no place in Iraq.”

Having taken Tikrit, Ramadi, Hit and Fallujah, the Iraqi government has over the past 2 years decisively rolled bak Daesh. It is now virtually besieged in Mosul, which is landlocked and increasingly surrounded.

As a governmental entity, I wouldn’t give Daesh more than a year. As a terrorist organization, it can be both long-lived and deadly.


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