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Gay Hate No Crime in Too Many States, Even After Pulse Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=36366"><span class="small">Samantha Allen, The Daily Beast</span></a>   
Thursday, 23 June 2016 08:42

Allen writes: "In the wake of the Pulse massacre, public attention has rightly turned to gun laws, with Democratic House members staging a sit-in over the House's inaction on the issue. But after Orlando, it's also obvious that state-level hate crime laws are also in dire need of strengthening."

Senator John McCain (R-Ariz.) co-wrote a measure to give the FBI the right to access information about a person's Internet browser history and other electronic communications without a warrant. (photo: Ralph Freso/AP)
Senator John McCain (R-Ariz.) co-wrote a measure to give the FBI the right to access information about a person's Internet browser history and other electronic communications without a warrant. (photo: Ralph Freso/AP)


Gay Hate No Crime in Too Many States, Even After Pulse

By Samantha Allen, The Daily Beast

23 June 16

 

The picture is as clear as it is frightening: LGBT people are the most likely to be targeted with hateful violence, and the least likely to be protected from it.

f Omar Mateen had been apprehended alive after the Pulse nightclub massacre, Florida prosecutors would have been able to enhance his punishments with state hate crime legislation. His misdemeanor and felony charges would all be bumped up a degree. Any of his first-degree misdemeanors would become third-degree felonies. He would already been guaranteed to spend life behind bars for murdering 49 clubgoers, of course, but symbolically speaking, adding extra centuries to his prison sentence would have sent a powerful message of protection to a badly-shaken LGBT community.

In the wake of the Pulse massacre, public attention has rightly turned to gun laws, with Democratic House members staging a sit-in over the House’s inaction on the issue. But after Orlando, it’s also obvious that state-level hate crime laws are also in dire need of strengthening.

For LGBT people living in the United States, hate-crime laws are a messy patchwork system. The majority of states have hate crime laws, but only some are inclusive of sexual orientation and even fewer cover gender identity.

According to data from the Human Rights Campaign (HRC), 20 states do not enhance penalties for crimes motivated by a victim’s sexual orientation. Thirty-four states lack penalty enhancement for crimes targeted at transgender people. These figures include five states that have no hate-crime laws at all: Georgia, South Carolina, Wyoming, Indiana, and Arkansas.

The categories of race, religion, and ethnicity are protected in almost every state that has a hate crime law. But LGBT people are excluded in many — even though they are now the most probable target for hate crimes.

As the New York Times reported last week, FBI statistics from 2014 show that LGBT people are now more likely than Jews, Muslims, African-Americans, Asians, and Latinos to be victims of a hate crime. Black transgender women of color are especially likely to be killed. In 2015 alone, a record 21 transgender people were murdered in the United States, primarily young trans women of color.

All together, one in five hate crimes reported to the FBI in 2014—the most recent year on record—were based on sexual orientation or gender identity.

The picture is as clear as it is frightening: LGBT people are the most likely to be targeted with hateful violence, and the least likely to be protected from it.

The federal Matthew Shepard and James Byrd, Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act, which President Obama signed in in 2009, can sometimes provide assistance when states do not have the means to investigate or prosecute a hate crime.

For example, U.S. Attorney General Loretta Lynch brought hate crime charges against white supremacist and domestic terrorist Dylann Roof, who perpetrated the Charleston church shooting, last July. As CNN reported at the time, South Carolina could not charge him with a hate crime because it had—and still has—no applicable laws.>

But the Shepard/Byrd Act is far from a perfect solution for the many gaps in state-level legislation. The HRC perceives it as a “backstop,” not a replacement for state enforcement. And as the HRC notes, the Justice Department can only prosecute a tiny fraction of the thousands of hate crime cases reported to the FBI each year.

States could easily fill in the gaps on their own by simply adding categories to their current hate crime laws. But they still aren’t doing so.

As recently as this February, the Utah state legislature turned down a simple measure that would have enhanced penalties for crimes motivated by both anti-religious and anti-LGBT bias. Utah Governor Gary Herbert said of the measure, “If I kill you, you’re just as dead whether I hated you or I love you and killed you.” And in the wake of the Orlando shooting, most of the governors of the five states that have no hate crime legislation whatsoever merely offeredprayers.”

Much like requiring universal background checks for gun purchases, expanding hate crime legislation to include LGBT people is hardly controversial. As long ago as 2007, 68 percent of Americans supported fully LGBT-inclusive federal hate crime legislation, according to Gallup polling. More recent polling on that question is not available but CBS polling on the Pulse shooting suggests that the vast majority of Americans perceived it as a hate crime: 54 percent said it was both terrorism and a hate crime and an additional 25 percent said it was mostly a hate crime.

After the deadliest mass shooting in U.S. history was perpetrated in a gay nightclub on Latin night, there are no more excuses for state hate crime laws that protect some groups while leaving LGBT victims to rely on federal law.

Three Democratic U.S. senators announced on Tuesday that they want to boost funding to the Justice Department’s Civil Rights Division as a result of the Pulse massacre but, so far, with limited exceptions like Milwaukee State Senator Tim Carpenter, state representatives have been quiet about revisiting their hate crime legislation.

Making even slight changes to U.S. gun laws appears to be something of a brick wall, with the Senate voting down a background check measure just days after the Pulse shooting. In the meantime, it would be simple for states to respond to the tragic events of Orlando by expanding their hate crime legislation.

It is, quite literally, the least they could do.

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Brexit Could Push Europe Deeper Into Scapegoating and Xenophobia Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=29641"><span class="small">Murtaza Hussain, The Intercept</span></a>   
Thursday, 23 June 2016 08:29

Hussain writes: "On Thursday, millions of Britons will go to the polls to vote in a referendum that could see Britain exit the EU, or 'Brexit.' Not only would such a move deal a serious economic blow to the European Union, depriving it of its second-largest economy and likely triggering an immediate recession, it could also set a dangerously compelling example for other anti-EU political parties on the continent, most of which are associated with the political far-right."

Brexit flags. (photo: Chris Ratcliffe/AFP/Getty)
Brexit flags. (photo: Chris Ratcliffe/AFP/Getty)


Brexit Could Push Europe Deeper Into Scapegoating and Xenophobia

By Murtaza Hussain, The Intercept

23 June 16

 

n 1946, with Europe reeling from its second catastrophic war in a few decades, Winston Churchill addressed Zurich University in Switzerland to offer his vision for how to keep peace on the continent. The solution, Churchill said, “is to recreate [a] European Family, or as much of it as we can, and to provide it with a structure under which it can dwell in peace, in safety, and in freedom.” He added, “We must build a kind of United States of Europe.”

In the intervening decades, through a remarkable process of political and economic cooperation, the European Union came into existence. Though not without its faults, the project of European integration has led to an era of unprecedented peace and stability in a region once wracked by seemingly endless war. In recognition of this achievement, the Nobel Committee awarded its annual peace prize to the European Union in 2012, stating that the organization had demonstrated how “historical enemies can become close partners.”

But that project could soon be on the path to unraveling. On Thursday, millions of Britons will go to the polls to vote in a referendum that could see Britain exit the EU, or “Brexit.” Not only would such a move deal a serious economic blow to the European Union, depriving it of its second-largest economy and likely triggering an immediate recession, it could also set a dangerously compelling example for other anti-EU political parties on the continent, most of which are associated with the political far-right. While Brexit once seemed like an absurd proposition, polls now show the “Remain” and “Leave” camps roughly neck-in-neck in the final days before the referendum.

“Anything that weakens European integration is troubling, because the countries of Europe have traditionally been at odds with one another and the European Union has brought relative stability,” says Muddassar Ahmed, a former British government adviser and chairman of the U.K.-based political risk firm Unitas Risk. “In Britain, it has been the most xenophobic parties and individuals who have been most strongly campaigning to leave the EU. If they successfully managed to pull Britain out of the European Union, it would fan the aspirations of far-right parties across the continent — many of which have already been in ascendance in recent years.”

Leaving the EU would be an almost guaranteed near-term economic disaster for Britain itself. Not only would Britain lose access to one of the largest and most lucrative shared markets in the world, European Union countries have already begun signaling that the terms of Britain’s disengagement would be punitive. Last week, U.S. Federal Reserve Chair Janet Yellen raised alarm about the economic ramifications of Brexit for the global economy, saying that it could have “serious economic repercussions.”

British advocates of leaving the EU have tended to skirt these irksome facts. Instead, they have focused more on the European Union as a threat to the sovereignty and ethnic homogeneity of Britain, due to its allowances for freedom of movement in the continent and shared legislation. The forthrightly xenophobic nature of the Leave campaign, expressed in a number of remarkable advertisements sponsored by the Leave camp, has led several politicians formerly on board with Brexit to change their positions.

“There’s a phenomenon we’re seeing across the world where large numbers of people are abandoning common ground and moderation and pursuing extreme solutions at the margins,” says Philip Rosenberg, a Labour Party councillor and activist with the Remain campaign. Analogizing the possibility of Brexit to America’s ongoing flirtation with Donald Trump, Rosenberg describes the anti-EU movement as representing “a kind of primal scream toward simple solutions, solutions that suggest that if we could only get rid of a certain scapegoat, things would be different.”

Rosenberg says that a British exit from the EU would also have consequences for the United States. “Historically, Britain has been a kind of entry point for the United States to have its perspective reflected in the EU,” he says. “If Britain leaves the European Union, that weakens American influence in the EU more broadly. And with the U.S. turning its sights toward Asia, its just another factor that could accelerate a decline in Europe, by making it a more difficult region to trade, travel and negotiate with, while power rises elsewhere.”

The forces of nationalism repeatedly tore apart Europe in the early 20th century. Though nationalist sentiment was made dormant by the project of integration, it has seemingly reawakened in recent years. Recent polls have shown that a significant number of French and Italians also want to have a referendum on their own countries’ EU membership, developments that French National Front Leader Marine Le Pen has described as “extremely encouraging.”

With Europe facing the collective challenges of the conflict in the Ukraine, the breakup of the state system in the Middle East, and the refugee crisis, the timing for this resurgence of nationalist politics couldn’t be worse. In recent months, British Prime Minister David Cameron has speculated provocatively that Brexit could lead to a future of war in Europe. But others suggest that the more immediate threat is the diminution of the European Union’s ability to handle current crises.

“Europe’s periphery is violent,” says Sebastian Mallaby, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations. “The external threats and challenges that Europe is presently facing necessitate a collective response, but these threats to integration from nationalist movements are more likely to exacerbate those problems rather than solve them.”

“While there is still a significant gap between Brexit and the breakup of European Union as a whole, it would seriously weaken the institution,” Mallaby adds. “And, if a number of second-order events from Brexit lead to the EU’s demise down the road and a return to conflict, we might look back and say that it had been the trigger.”

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The People's Summit: "Together We Can Win!" Print
Wednesday, 22 June 2016 13:37

Galindez writes: "There was one question I kept hearing from the corporate media at the People's Summit. All they wanted to hear from the People's Summit organizers was how they would get the Bernie Sanders supporters to vote for Hillary Clinton. For them, the election is a horse race that ends with a fight between the two candidates who survive the flawed nominating process. What they fail to understand is that Bernie Sanders has always believed that building a long-term movement to transform our country is more important than one election."

Journalists Juan Gonzales, John Nichols, and Naomi Klein, Actress Rosario Dawson, and RoseAnne DeMoro from National Nurses United at the People's Summit. (photo: Gerardo Mora/Getty)
Journalists Juan Gonzales, John Nichols, and Naomi Klein, Actress Rosario Dawson, and RoseAnne DeMoro from National Nurses United at the People's Summit. (photo: Gerardo Mora/Getty)


The People's Summit: "Together We Can Win!"

By Scott Galindez, Reader Supported News

22 June 16

 

here was one question I kept hearing from the corporate media at the People’s Summit. All they wanted to hear from the People’s Summit organizers was how they would get the Bernie Sanders supporters to vote for Hillary Clinton. For them, the election is a horse race that ends with a fight between the two candidates who survive the flawed nominating process. What they fail to understand is that Bernie Sanders has always believed that building a long-term movement to transform our country is more important than one election.

This past weekend in Chicago, National Nurses United convened a summit of many sectors of the movement that rallied behind Bernie. They understand that Bernie didn’t create the progressive movement, he exposed it. He united groups that have been organizing for decades. Bernie’s campaign also attracted young people and breathed new life into what is now a political revolution.

It was a great networking experience for all involved. I attended with Iowa Citizens for Community Improvement (CCI). I plan to get further involved in their work as one way that I will continue to support the Political Revolution.

The combination of younger and older activists at this conference was inspiring. The enthusiastic energy of the youth combined with the wisdom of long-time activists created a powerful dynamic.

Day 1

The summit began with a panel called “Visions of Justice.” The segment was moderated by Democracy Now! host Juan González. González opened with a story from 1968, in Chicago. Juan was a member of SDS at Columbia and came to Chicago to protest the DNC. He talked about how they had unseated the sitting president and how Eugene McCarthy was their candidate. We all know what happened. There was violence in the streets, and the DNC establishment nominated Hubert Humphrey even though he didn’t compete in a single primary. Juan explained that they were in the streets fighting for a better world. The problem was that the rest of America saw the protests and clashes with the police in a negative light. The movement then decided to vote in the streets, and not for Humphrey or Nixon. Gonzalez said it was the right slogan—“vote with your feet”—but the wrong tactic. We got Nixon.

For me, Juan was telling us to be careful. A tactic that we think it is right for 2016 could lead to a result we don’t want.

Also on the panel was author and activist Naomi Klein. Klein talked about how we won a battle against neoliberalism. A democratic socialist was successful in capturing the hearts and minds of the American people. She cautioned however that we have not won the war, and that neoliberalism is alive and well in our country.

Klein also offered lessons from the past, telling a story about her time in Argentina prior to an election. “Our Dreams Don’t Fit on Your Ballot” was the slogan of Argentina's workers. She explained that it didn’t mean not to vote. It meant don't expect to get everything you want from an election.

John Nichols of The Nation echoed that sentiment and told the summit that we are making progress but shouldn’t let elections swallow up our movement.

Actress Rosario Dawson was also on the opening panel. She has been out there campaigning for Bernie Sanders for months. Dawson called the campaign and the Summit a “call to encourage courage.” Rosario stressed that we all have to support each other no matter what tactics we use. She said that some will be in the street, some will vote, some won’t, some will engage in civil disobedience, but no matter what, we must support each other.

Calling the political revolution a movement of movements, Dawson called on the activists gathered to discover their power. She told the crowd we didn’t lose and we must continue the fight.

Day 2

I have to apologize. There were many great panels and breakout sessions on day two that I missed after Nina Turner brought down the house. There were many Sanders campaign surrogates at the Summit but none with more knowledge of what Bernie is planning to do next, so I followed Turner and Tulsi Gabbard around the rest of the afternoon. Like I said, Nina Turner brought down the house.

Tulsi Gabbard and Chuy Garcia were also on the panel that was billed as “A People’s Agenda."

Cook County Commissioner Chuy Garcia, who is from Chicago and gave Rahm Emanuel a scare in the last mayoral election, opened the panel. He spoke about the gains progressives have made in Chicago and Illinois, but warned at the end that we must do a better job of diversifying the revolution. People of color must be at the table if we are going to build a movement for all of us.

Nina Turner then took the stage and even left the stage during a speech that had some asking her if she was ready to announce her candidacy in 2020. I heard others saying that they wished she was on the Ohio Senate ballot instead of Ted Strickland. At one point, she left the stage to be with the people as she told a personal story about her upbringing and explained why Bernie Sanders resonated with her. The crowd was on its feet giving her high-fives as she passed them, calling for people to be “Doers of the Deed.”

I heard a woman standing in front of the press riser tell her friend, “I really needed this. She is reigniting the Bern!”

Election after election I have been disappointed by the Democrats' poll-tested message about fighting for the middle class. Nina correctly pointed out that candidate after candidate refuses to acknowledge the poor or talk about poverty. Turner said that there are 100 million people in this country who either live in or on the brink of poverty, and it's time to fight for them.

She had fighting words for the establishment as well, warning them that, "We don’t have time for the okie dokie. We need people elected who actually give a shit! We are not going back to business as usual. We don’t care what their party affiliation is, whether they be Democrat or Republican. We need to form the party of the RT, the party of the right thing.” Turner then held a brochure up in the air and pushed the hashtag #ReformTheParty.

After her rousing speech, she met with reporters. When asked about her feelings on people being angry at the Democratic Party, she called herself a rogue Democrat and vowed to stay in the party and fight to change it.

If you won't watch any of the other videos, watch the next two. I believe Nina will play a huge role in whatever organization Bernie forms beyond the election.

Following her speech Turner took questions from the press:

Rep. Tulsi Gabbard had the hardest task of the weekend. She followed Nina Turner on stage. Tulsi was one of the few speakers to tackle foreign policy. She was a medic in Iraq and is the first American-Samoan to be elected to Congress.

Tulsi called on the Summit to stand up and fight against regime change interventions in general and specifically the intervention in Syria. It was the only anti-war message that I heard on the main stage. It was a message well received by the conference attendees.

What followed on day two were many breakout groups that I missed. One was on the media and you can see it at the end of this video of the whole day...

Day 3

We got going early on Sunday morning…8:30 a.m. The theme for the day was Juneteenth. Juneteenth is a holiday that commemorates the June 19, 1865 announcement of the abolition of slavery in Texas, and more generally the emancipation of African-American slaves throughout the Confederate South. The keynote speaker for the first session was Heather McGhee, the President of Demos. She spoke about racial politics in 2016. McGhee challenged the audience to change their thinking about racism. She pointed out that while most people think racism benefits white people and only harms people of color, in reality it hurts all people.

She concluded: “Our movement must be an irresistible call to experience solidarity across race and class and origin and gender and sexual identity.

"Our policy demands, as Bernie has shown us, must be audacious because of the very notion that those that have more money are worth more in our democracy and economy.

"This is our destiny, this is our charge, this is our sacred compact we have to make with each other and with our country. This political revolution has begun and will never be stopped. We have to be able to say that my children's dreams are not a threat to yours, that we all do better when we all do better and that today, this generation, the most diverse in American history, the Bernie generation of revolutionaries, are going to be the ones to finally create a Demos in this country. One people united by a shared fate.”

McGhee was followed by an emotional, inspiring call to action from two young women who told us how racism affected their lives. One young African-American who experienced the brunt of racism, and one white daughter of an alcoholic father who took ownership of her role in racism.

Alicia Johnson talked about going from playing with Barbie dolls to being a teenage mother who stole 500 dollars to pay her rent. She then had age, race, and her criminal record used as strikes against her when looking for work at the age of 16. Allison Kennedy was in the back seat when her alcoholic father was pulled over. She explained that because he was white he was just given a warning and not arrested like Alicia’s father would have been. She spoke of people like her prepared to vote for Trump because they haven’t been organized yet. Kennedy said: “There are masses of people who look like me who are voting for Donald Trump because no-one has bothered to organize them yet. I have not bothered to organize them yet, because I haven’t been clear in my stake in ending racism.”

It was a powerful call to action on racism and economic justice. For me it was a highlight of the weekend.

Another highlight was a segment called stories from the field. We heard from a dreamer, a student organizer, a millennial, an environmental activist and a labor organizer. They inspired us with stories about their work and how it impacts their lives. Take a look:

The final keynote speech came form populist, activist, and syndicated author Jim Hightower. He was happier than a flea in a dog pound to be there. He was billed as a hell-raiser by the organizers in their program. Jim told the crowd that "those who say it can’t be done shouldn’t interrupt those that are doing it.” Hightower's message was that it is up to us, its not up to Bernie. It's not up to some organization, its up to you and me. I’m proud to be a part of the revolution with each and every one of you.

National Nurses United convened the summit so it was fitting for their leader RoseAnn Demoro to close the Summit. It was an inspiring weekend. One of the reasons is there wasn’t an agenda in place. There was no starring committee bringing proposals to the floor. For example, when people broke down by state, they created their own agenda and began the work of planning action in their communities. Change comes from the bottom up and that was the model for the People’s Summit. Bernie united us. We don’t need a few national talking heads to give us marching orders. We need to keep organizing and making relationships in our communities.

The answer to the corporate media’s question about how we will bring the movement over to Hillary was loud and clear in that room: We are not going to Hillary. Hillary and the Democratic Party have to come to us. They have to earn our vote. But it really isn’t about November. We are building a movement to transform America. Elections are just one tool in our box. Some of us will vote for Hillary, some will vote for Jill Stein, some will write in Bernie or someone else. All of us will fight for a just society and we will win. See you in Philly!

Here is RoseAnn closing out the Summit:



Scott Galindez attended Syracuse University, where he first became politically active. The writings of El Salvador's slain archbishop Oscar Romero and the on-campus South Africa divestment movement converted him from a Reagan supporter to an activist for Peace and Justice. Over the years he has been influenced by the likes of Philip Berrigan, William Thomas, Mitch Snyder, Don White, Lisa Fithian, and Paul Wellstone. Scott met Marc Ash while organizing counterinaugural events after George W. Bush's first stolen election. Scott will be spending a year covering the presidential election from Iowa.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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FOCUS | Justice Sotomayor: What Truth and Justice Sounds Like in a Courtroom Print
Wednesday, 22 June 2016 10:43

Alexander writes: "I am giving Justice Sotomayor a standing ovation for her courageous and candid dissent from the Supreme Court's decision to uphold yet another routine violation of the Fourth Amendment right to be free from unreasonable searches and seizures."

Sonia Sotomayor. (photo: Getty Images)
Sonia Sotomayor. (photo: Getty Images)


Justice Sotomayor: What Truth and Justice Sounds Like in a Courtroom

By Michelle Alexander, Michelle Alexander's Facebook Page

22 June 16

 

am giving Justice Sotomayor a standing ovation for her courageous and candid dissent from the Supreme Court's decision to uphold yet another routine violation of the Fourth Amendment right to be free from unreasonable searches and seizures. She writes as a former prosecutor and says in dissent:

"Do not be soothed by the opinion’s technical language: This case allows the police to stop you on the street, demand your identification, and check it for outstanding traffic warrants—even if you are doing nothing wrong . . . .

"[T]his case tells everyone, white and black, guilty and innocent, that an officer can verify your legal status at any time. It says that your body is subject to invasion while courts excuse the violation of your rights. It implies that you are not a citizen of a democracy but the subject of a carceral state, just waiting to be cataloged. . . .

"We must not pretend that the countless people who are routinely targeted by police are 'isolated.' They are the canaries in the coal mine whose deaths, civil and literal, warn us that no one can breathe in this atmosphere. They are the ones who recognize that unlawful police stops corrode all our civil liberties and threaten all our lives. Until their voices matter too, our justice system will continue to be anything but."

THIS is what truth and justice sounds like in a court of law. I pray one day these words find their way into a majority opinion rather than calling out to us in dissent from the highest court in the land. For now, let me just say thank you. Thank you, Justice Sotomayor. Thank you for speaking truth from a position of power.

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"Our Dreams Don't Fit on Your Ballots": Naomi Klein on Next Steps for Pro-Bernie Sanders Movement Print
Wednesday, 22 June 2016 08:27

Excerpt: "At The People’s Summit in Chicago, Naomi Klein praised Bernie Sanders for reshaping the debate over neoliberalism and so-called free trade agreements."

Naomi Klein. (photo: Maclean’s)
Naomi Klein. (photo: Maclean’s)


"Our Dreams Don't Fit on Your Ballots": Naomi Klein on Next Steps for Pro-Bernie Sanders Movement

By Juan González, Democracy Now!

22 June 16

 

t The People’s Summit in Chicago, Naomi Klein praises Bernie Sanders for reshaping the debate over neoliberalism and so-called free trade agreements. Klein is author of "This Changes Everything: Capitalism vs. the Climate."

Transcript

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And I’d like Naomi to start off, especially talking about the conversation has been won among the public against neoliberalism, but neoliberalism proceeds ahead anyway. And what—what do you see is the vision for where this movement should go?

NAOMI KLEIN: Thank you. Thank you, Juan, and thank you for sharing that hard-won wisdom. ...

We come here energized by all that we have accomplished, all the ways in which we’ve surprised ourselves, gone further than we imagined, the really tangible victories of our movements in recent months and years. But let’s not be afraid to admit that we also come here wounded and that we also come here in pain and that for a lot of us—and I don’t think I’m just projecting—that pain feels very close to the surface. We are grieving political losses, dreams tantalizingly tasted but ultimately unrealized. And we are also grieving the real loss of lives, grieving the extinguishment of those 49 bright, beautiful lights in Orlando less than a week ago, grieving the loss just yesterday of a young British politician named Jo Cox, a defender of Syrian refugees, of women’s rights, an anti-poverty crusader, gunned down and stabbed in her constituency office in an act of hate. And I could go on and on listing these attacks. Thank goodness for nurses, who have created for us a space in which we can begin to heal, from which we will emerge stronger and ready for battle once again. ...

You know, I don’t think that this is by happenstance that we are brought together by caregivers, because I think at the very heart of this revolution that we’re talking about is a revolution in shifting our economy, our political and economic system, away from one based on endless taking, endless extraction from the Earth, as if there are no limits, as if we can take and take and take without consequence, that endless taking from workers’ bodies, from our communities, as if there is no breaking point and no consequence, to a society that is grounded in that first principle of caretaking, of caring for the Earth and for one another. That is where we start. And of cherishing. This shift is a fundamental rejection of the sacrifice zone mentality, the sacrificing of particular places to oil drilling and fracking, and the sacrificing of bodies that are supposedly worth less because they are black and brown. This is a fundamental shift in values that we are talking about here, and it is revolutionary, but it grows from the heart. So, thank you, RoseAnn, and thank you, Nurses United, for bringing us here.

So neoliberalism lost the argument. They lost the argument, to the extent that not only was Bernie out there calling himself a socialist, not apologizing for it, making these arguments that, you know, we—not reductions in tuition, but free college, you know, just pushing the envelope, 100 percent renewables, just going all the way, and people were cheering. And he forced Hillary Clinton to move to the left. And we also saw that even Donald Trump had to throw out the rule—the neoliberal rule book, trashed free trade agreements, promised to defend the social safety net, in order to build his base. It wasn’t just racism that got him where he is, although that’s been a big part of it. So, you know, this ideology that has imprisoned our imagination for so long, that told us we could never get to this place, that our ideas had to be smuggled in under pseudonyms and, you know, under cover of night—right?—that all of that is not true, these ideas are deeply popular.

But that doesn’t mean that neoliberalism is dead, because neoliberalism was never first and foremost an ideology. The ideology was always the cover for the greed, right? And so now we still see these brutal neoliberal policies being pushed, not with any semblance of "this is going to be good, this helps," but under cover of crisis. Right? I mean, we see it in Puerto Rico. We are seeing it in Brazil in the aftermath of a coup—and I think it should be called a coup. We see it—we see it in Chicago. We see it in the Chicago school system. So the war against neoliberalism is not—is not over, and this is what we need to strategize about. But I don’t think we win this war defensively just by saying no. I think we have to say no, but we also have to articulate this incredibly inspiring, intersectional, holistic yes that we agree on, a new story, a new narrative.

And just one last thing, just about what you said about '68. I had the great privilege of living in Argentina for a couple of years making a film called The Take, La Toma, about workers who unfired themselves. Their factories were being closed down in the midst of economic crisis, and they occupied their factories—something that workers here in Chicago know a little something about at the Chicago [Republic] Windows and Doors—and they fired the boss. They said, "You know what? You might not want to keep this factory running, but we're going to turn it into a democratic worker cooperative. So we were there during an election campaign, and the slogan of the social movements was "Our dreams don’t fit on your ballots." And, you know, I think that—and that didn’t mean don’t vote. It meant some people voted, and some people didn’t vote. But no one was under any illusion that what that was being written on that ballot represented the world that they wanted. That was work that we were doing elsewhere. And that’s the work we’re doing here.

JUAN GONZÁLEZ: And, John, how does a—how does a movement, especially now at this critical time of a presidential race, and in the aftermath of a presidential race, how does a movement like this consolidate, learn the lessons necessary and go to another stage? Because movements rise, and movements fall. And unless you are able to consolidate the key lessons at each period, and as capitalism has been so resilient at shape shifting, how does the movement adapt to the new conditions?

JOHN NICHOLS: I’ve got good news for you: This movement is going to rise. ... Juan asked about struggle and moments and how we pull together. We already pulled together. We did a terrific job of pulling together. And we did it before a presidential race. If we had a media in this country that actually covered politics, we would know that since the Wall Street meltdown of 2008, when Americans saw exactly what the priorities of our economic and political elites were, and began to form movements against austerity, against economic injustice, against the racial divisions that extend from that injustice, in favor of immigrant rights—you know, we have had these movements. Climate change has been in the streets. The fact of the matter is these movements existed before this presidential campaign, and they were on the rise. And one of the biggest mistakes we make is to let a presidential campaign tell us we are not rising.

AMY GOODMAN: John Nichols of The Nation magazine speaking at The People’s Summit in Chicago; before that, Naomi Klein and Juan González, who we will both hear from again when we come back, along with actor Rosario Dawson. Stay with us.

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