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Fox News' Stunningly Racist Interview in Chinatown Won't Do Any Favors for Donald Trump Print
Thursday, 06 October 2016 08:42

Yu Hsi Lee writes: "In a Fox News segment filled to the brim with offensive stereotypes about Asians, reporter Jesse Watters took to the streets of New York City's Chinatown ostensibly to interview Chinese people about Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump."

Fox News reporter Jesse Watters makes an exaggerated pose to demonstrate Taekwondo, a form of Korean martial arts. (photo: Fox News)
Fox News reporter Jesse Watters makes an exaggerated pose to demonstrate Taekwondo, a form of Korean martial arts. (photo: Fox News)


Fox News' Stunningly Racist Interview in Chinatown Won't Do Any Favors for Donald Trump

By Esther Yu Hsi Lee, ThinkProgress

06 October 16

 

It fits into a long history of “othering” Asian Americans.

n a Fox News segment filled to the brim with offensive stereotypes about Asians, reporter Jesse Watters took to the streets of New York City’s Chinatown ostensibly to interview Chinese people about Republican presidential candidate Donald Trump.

But the video, which has been harshly rebuked by Asian advocacy organizations and journalists, isn’t likely to do Trump any favors among Asian Americans, a demographic group he’s struggled to attract.

“Am I supposed to bow to say hello?” Watters asks two women at the beginning of the segment, which aired on Monday night. The rest of the nearly five-minute long segment intersperses clips from old movies and television shows featuring Asian characters with modern stereotypes about Asian people.

In one interaction, an Asian man affirmatively answers that he supports Trump, but his answer is intentionally subtitled despite the fact that he is speaking with only a slight accent. In another, Watters asks a shopkeeper whether the watches he sells are “hot,” or stolen. Watters goes to a Taekwondo studio, a form of Korean martial arts, and asks a man whether he knows Karate, a martial art developed in Japan. He asks people on the street questions like, “Do they call Chinese food in China just ‘food’?” Finally, he asks a man on the street to teach him to say in Chinese, “This is my world.”

(For the record, the man teaches Watters the phrase in Cantonese, a Chinese dialect mainly spoken in Hong Kong.)

“They’re such a polite people, they won’t walk away or tell me to get out of here. They just sit there and say nothing,” Watters told O’Reilly Factor host Bill O’Reilly at the end of the segment.

O’Reilly claimed that the video was in “gentle fun,” though he acknowledged the segment would likely receive letters from viewers.

That explanation didn’t exactly go over well with Asian American advocacy organizations this week, who pointed out that the video segment “openly ridicules” their community.

“Although The O’Reilly Factor may believe this was ‘all in good fun,’ the segment does nothing more than play up every offensive stereotype of Asian Americans that the community has fought against for decades,” the group Asian Americans Advancing Justice said in a statement on Tuesday. “What they should have done is to talk about the important role that Asian Americans can play in this upcoming election.”

The segment is a particularly offensive way to talk down to Asian Americans who are considering how to vote in the upcoming presidential election.

The segment contributes “to the stereotype that Chinese Americans don’t care about or understand the U.S political system,” Dr. Janelle Wong, a professor of American Studies and the director of the Asian American Studies Program at the University of Maryland at College Park, told ThinkProgress.

It also makes use of stereotypes that suggest “Chinese Americans are foreigners in their own country,” according to Wong, an assumption that has long been used to disenfranchise them in the United States.

“This trope has been utilized to cast question on Chinese Americans’ belonging in the U.S. since the late 1800s, when Chinese were denied citizenship because they were deemed too foreign and distinct from white Americans to ever become full members of the U.S., let alone vote,” Wong said.

Asian Americans have long been the source of objectification and racial jokes in the United States. About 35,000 Chinese came to America to help build the railroad along the west coast during the Gold Rush in the 1840s. White workers at the time viewed Chinese workers as “racially inferior and unfit to be part of American society,” foisting them into the national spotlight as a “Chinese Question.” Slogans like “The Chinese Must Go!” reached a fever pitch around 1882, when Congress passed the Chinese Exclusion Act, which only ended in 1943. That year, Congress opened up immigration quotas for Chinese immigration with 105 visas. Yet fast forward to today, racial jokes about Asians are still acceptable in Hollywood, as Vox pointed out.

Restrictive immigration provisions against Chinese Americans are no longer around. But they do parallel some of the immigration policy plans supported by Trump, such as his promises to deport the country’s undocumented immigrant population, severely limit Muslim immigration, and track Muslims in a database (an effort similar to what Japanese Americans underwent during World War II in internment camps).

That historical context may partially explain why only 14 percent of Asian American voters intend to vote for Trump in November’s presidential election, according to a Fall 2016 National Asian American Survey.

“Recent research shows that Chinese Americans, even those who are citizens and registered to vote, are much less likely to be mobilized politically by the two political parties than their white and black counterparts,” Wong noted. “This kind of Fox news feature only helps to justify, unfairly, party leaders’ neglect of the Chinese and Asian American community.”

Watters?—?who initially gained some notoriety after he accosted former ThinkProgress reporter Amanda Terkel in 2009 while she was on vacation?—?often releases controversial segments where he resorts to stereotypes about marginalized groups.

As Media Matters reported, Watters has produced dehumanizing coverage about the homeless?—?in one segment, asking a young girl whether she felt scared when she sees homeless people. He has also made derogatory comments about women, rape victims, and immigrants. Most recently, Watters showed up at Princeton University in April and asked people if they were offended by loaded words and phrases like “ghetto,” “black crime,” “slum,” “Islamic terrorism,” and “white privilege.”

Fox News has yet to comment on Watters’ latest racially offensive segment.

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Tim Kaine, John Negroponte and the Priest Who Was Thrown From a Helicopter Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=33125"><span class="small">Jeremy Scahill, The Intercept</span></a>   
Wednesday, 05 October 2016 13:40

Scahill writes: "A story published this week by the Daily Beast about the nine months Democratic vice presidential candidate Tim Kaine spent working as a volunteer in a Jesuit community in Honduras in 1980-1981 has been making the conservative rounds. The Beast's tabloid headline is a cheap exercise in red-baiting: 'Tim Kaine's Time with a Marxist Priest.'"

Democratic vice presidential candidate Tim Kaine. (photo: Justin Sullivan/Getty)
Democratic vice presidential candidate Tim Kaine. (photo: Justin Sullivan/Getty)


Tim Kaine, John Negroponte and the Priest Who Was Thrown From a Helicopter

By Jeremy Scahill, The Intercept

05 October 16

 

story published this week by the Daily Beast about the nine months Democratic vice presidential candidate Tim Kaine spent working as a volunteer in a Jesuit community in Honduras in 1980 and 1981 has been making the conservative rounds. The Beast’s tabloid headline is a cheap exercise in red-baiting: “Tim Kaine’s Time with a Marxist Priest.”

That priest, Fr. James Carney, was indeed a revolutionary and, as a practitioner of liberation theology in Latin America during a period marked by populist movements fighting against death squads and murderous regimes backed by the U.S., an avid student of Marxist theory.

After years spent among the poor and oppressed in Latin America, Carney renounced his U.S. citizenship and joined the armed guerrilla struggle against U.S.-backed death squads and governments. He also left the Jesuits because, he explained, the order would not condone his involvement in an armed struggle. Whatever one thinks of that decision, Carney sacrificed his privilege and status to join the people he was ministering to as a priest. In the eyes of the Reagan administration, that made him a terrorist. In the eyes of the peasants and revolutionaries Carney joined in struggle, he was a hero. (For a look at the roots of Jesuits joining indigenous struggle in Latin America, check out the film “The Mission.”)

The scandal that the Beast claims “may cause trouble” for Kaine is that he once met Fr. Carney, 35 years ago. The right-wing group Catholic Vote has done its best Joe McCarthy imitation on the issue. “That Kaine made the effort to seek out and spend time with Carney is troubling,” according to a memo published by the group with the headline “Tim Kaine’s Radical Roots in Honduras.” It claimed that “the Soviets created liberation theology to undermine the Church and advance the Soviet cause against the United States. In Honduras, the phony Marxist-tinged theology was planted to manipulate poor Catholics, instigate terrorism, and stir up a violent revolution in Honduras — then the key ally of the United States opposing Communism in the region.”

“There’s some serious questions here,” Catholic Vote’s spokesperson told the Beast, speaking about the one meeting Kaine had with Carney 35 years ago. “What was your relationship to this guy when you were down there? What did he teach you?”

What is entirely absent from Catholic Vote’s “history” is the context of what was happening in Latin America during the 1980s — particularly to Catholics. Archbishop Oscar Romero of El Salvador was assassinated by graduates of the U.S. Army School of the Americas as he performed mass. Catholic nuns and laywomen, including four from the U.S., were raped and murdered. Jesuit priests were executed by death squads. The U.S.-backed Honduran army’s secret police unit, Battalion 316, committed systematic massacres — all while John Negroponte was the U.S. ambassador to Honduras. Negroponte was very close to 316’s commander, Gen. Gustavo Álvarez Martínez, and met with him frequently.

Declassified cables from Negroponte’s time in Honduras reveal no evidence Negroponte ever expressed even a mild objection to Battalion 316’s systematic murders and human rights abuses. According to the National Security Archives: “The Honduran human rights ombudsman later found that more than 50 people disappeared at the hands of the military during those years. But Negroponte’s cables reflect no protest, or even discussion of these issues during his many meetings with Gen. Álvarez, his deputies and Honduran President Robert Suazo. Nor do the released cables contain any reporting to Washington on the human rights abuses that were taking place.”

And what became of Father Carney?

He was thrown from a helicopter in 1983. A whistleblower who deserted Battalion 316 reported that Carney “was executed by order of the battalion’s commander, Gen. Gustavo Álvarez Martínez, who along with several other members of 316 had received training in counterintelligence from U.S. forces at the School of the Americas.” The deserter also asserted that “Álvarez Martínez gave the order for Carney’s execution in the presence of a CIA officer, known as ‘Mister Mike.’” The Los Angeles Times reported that Negroponte failed to report a “U.S.-backed operation that resulted in the execution of nine prisoners and the disappearance of an American priest.” The year Carney was murdered, Negroponte praised Gen. Álvarez Martínez’s “dedication to democracy.”

Catholic Vote’s justification for Fr. Carney’s death: “Carney died during an invasion of Honduras with a group of approximately 100 fellow communist insurgents, trained by communists in Nicaragua and Cuba.” That is how Ronald Reagan and Negroponte preferred for these events to be publicly explained. That propaganda is necessary for Kaine’s meeting with Fr. Carney 35 years ago to be manufactured into a controversy.

John Negroponte, who went on to become George W. Bush’s director of national intelligence, has endorsed Kaine’s running mate, Hillary Clinton — a fact the campaign has proudly promoted. Perhaps that should be the focus of any scandal involving Fr. Carney and the Clinton campaign — and not some meeting Tim Kaine had as a law student three decades ago.

That may be difficult for Clinton. She engaged in the same kind of red baiting against Bernie Sanders over comments Sanders made about the Nicaraguan Sandinistas, who fought the Contra death squads passionately supported by Clinton’s endorser Negroponte.

Awkward.

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Yahoo Offers Non-Denial Denial of Bombshell Report Print
Wednesday, 05 October 2016 13:23

Biddle writes: "This is an extremely carefully worded statement, arriving roughly 20 hours after the Reuters story first broke. That's a long time to craft 29 words."

Billboard for Yahoo. (photo: David Paul Morris/Getty)
Billboard for Yahoo. (photo: David Paul Morris/Getty)


Yahoo Offers Non-Denial Denial of Bombshell Report

By Sam Biddle, The Intercept

05 October 16

 

fter Tuesday’s revelatory story by Reuters’ Joseph Menn that exposed an apparent vast, secret, government-ordered email surveillance program at Yahoo, the company has issued a brief statement through Joele Frank, a public relations firm.

From Jacob Silber of Joele Frank, via email:

Good morning –

We are reaching out on behalf of Yahoo regarding yesterday’s Reuters article. Yahoo said in a statement:

“The article is misleading. We narrowly interpret every government request for user data to minimize disclosure. The mail scanning described in the article does not exist on our systems.”

Best,

The Joele Frank Team

This is an extremely carefully worded statement, arriving roughly 20 hours after the Reuters story first broke. That’s a long time to craft 29 words. It’s unclear as well why Yahoo wouldn’t have put this statement out on Tuesday, rather than responding, cryptically, that they are “a law abiding company, [that] complies with the laws of the United States.”

But this day-after denial isn’t even really a denial: The statement says only that the article is misleading, not false. It denies only that such an email scanning program “does not” exist—perhaps it did exist at some point between its reported inception in 2015 and today. It also pins quite a bit on the word “described”—perhaps the Reuters report was overall accurate, but missed a few details. And it would mean a lot more for this denial to come straight from the keyboard of a named executive at Yahoo—perhaps Ron Bell, the company’s general counsel—rather than a “strategic communications firm.”

You should probably still delete your Yahoo account.

The statement was met with skepticism by some privacy experts and reporters:

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Ivy League Professor: 'I Would Much Rather My Own Children Interact With Drugs Than With the Police' Print
Wednesday, 05 October 2016 13:17

Hart writes: "Drug effects are predictable; police interactions with black people are not. In encounters with police, too often the black person ends up dead. That is why I would much rather my own children interact with drugs than with the police."

Dallas police officers stand in a line near the site of shootings in downtown Dallas. (photo: LM Otero/AP)
Dallas police officers stand in a line near the site of shootings in downtown Dallas. (photo: LM Otero/AP)


Ivy League Professor: 'I Would Much Rather My Own Children Interact With Drugs Than With the Police'

By Carl L. Hart, The Washington Post

05 October 16

 

Carl L. Hart was surprised when a student in one of his classes at Columbia University wrote an essay for The Washington Post about the effect of having him speak frankly about his past and the importance of having non-white faculty members.

Hart took the opportunity to respond with his thoughts on race and higher education, in the midst of the national debate over police violence.

(Hart writes of cases such as the 2012 shooting death of 18-year-old Ramarley Graham, who had fled from police during a drug investigation in New York, and the 2014 death of another unarmed 18-year-old, Michael Brown, in Ferguson, Mo., which set off nationwide protests.)

Hart is the chair and Dirk Ziff professor of psychology at Columbia University. His book “High Price: A Neuroscientist’s Journey of Self-Discovery That Challenges Everything You Know About Drugs and Society” was given the 2014 PEN/E.O. Wilson Literary Science Writing Award. He tweets at @drcarlhart.

— Susan Svrluga

or the past few years, like academic semesters, the killing of black people by the police has been on a regular schedule.

The explanation script, always controlled by the police, is familiar and tired. The deceased person’s reputation is dragged through the mud. He had a gun or she was under the influence of some drug; therefore, deadly force was necessary.

Video footage almost always contradicts this official account. But it doesn’t seem to matter because the police are rarely held accountable in such cases.

As a result, there is community outrage that sometimes reaches the level of unrest. Authorities call for calm and peace — rather than justice — and then we are forced to have the same national conversation about race and diversity that we have had for more than 50 years. The only thing that changes is the names of the pundits paraded before the public.

As a professor, a black professor, I often think about the impact that this has on my students, especially the black students. What messages does it send to them? I suspect, with horror, it sends the same ones that I received when in their seats some 30 years ago: “Your life is worthless compared with a white person’s. They are superior to you by the mere fact that they are white in a white-controlled world.”

Faced with this wretched reality, every Monday and Wednesday morning, I stand before my Columbia University students honored to have the opportunity to present information that challenges society’s views about black people as well as the perceptions held about drugs, their effects and their role in crime.

I speak candidly about my past and who I am. In fact, “High Price,” my science memoir, is one of the required readings for the course. In it, I detail my imperfections and past drug use and sales. I also lay out a blueprint for how one can succeed as a scientist and academic in a world that despises one’s people.

I explain how for more than 25 years, I have studied the interactions between the brain, drugs and behavior, trying to understand how drugs influence the function of brain cells, how this and other social factors influence human behavior, and how the reverberations of morality regarding drug use are expressed in social policy.

And, as a part of my research, I have given thousands of doses of drugs, including crack cocaine, marijuana and methamphetamine, to people. By the way, I have never seen a research participant become violent or aggressive while under the influence of any drug (at doses typically used recreationally), as police narratives frequently claim.

My research has taught me many important lessons, but perhaps none more important than this — drug effects, like semesters, are predictable; police interactions with black people are not. In encounters with police, too often the black person ends up dead. That is why I would much rather my own children interact with drugs than with the police.

I am certain that my white colleagues, when faced with an emergency situation, wouldn’t think twice about calling the police. This, however, may not be the case for their black and Latino students. These students may be faced with the dilemma of not calling for police assistance even when they are in need of help for fear that the police will make the situation worse, and may even kill them or their loved one.

We need our universities to comprise historically excluded faculty to represent these and other perspectives. For this reason, I served on Columbia’s Task Force on Diversity in Science and Engineering, working to increase the number of diverse faculty in the sciences.

Initially, I was excited to participate because I thought the goal was to increase the number of faculty from those groups historically excluded from the academy as a result of discrimination.

It turns out that the term “diversity” can be anything from black faculty to military veterans. Well, I am both, but have yet to be subjected to discrimination because I’m a veteran.

I now cringe whenever subjected to meetings or speeches about the importance of having a diverse campus community. I’m even more appalled when I hear some vacuous university administrator touting their school’s diversity accomplishments. Of the nearly 4,000 faculty members at Columbia, only about 4 percent are black. Yet, we have been honored for our diversity achievements.

When compared with similar institutions, our low number of black faculty looks impressive. But when you consider that black people make up 25 percent of the population of New York City, where Columbia is located, 4 percent seems meager. I recognize that New York City might not be the most appropriate comparison, but neither are other exclusive universities whose numbers of black faculty are abysmally low.

Teaching university students affords me the opportunity to demonstrate to young adults that they don’t have to be perfect to make contributions to their country.

This responsibility also requires me to impress upon my students that they must obtain the necessary critical-thinking skills to be informed and that they should be courageous, especially in the face of injustice.

If only more of our university and national leaders did the same, I might not have to look out into the sea of predominantly white faces and hold back tears as I think about the fact that Ramarley Graham and Michael Brown would have begun their junior and senior years, respectively, this semester.

Dennis A. Mitchell, vice provost for faculty diversity and inclusion at Columbia, sent a written statement in response: 

Columbia is committed to being a leader in diversifying its faculty as demonstrated through the focus on best practices in recruitment and hiring, the scale of the resources we have devoted, and the percentage of faculty here who are underrepresented minorities. 

Yet never has progress relative to our peers obscured the fact that, as Professor Hart points out, the percentage of African American faculty and those from other underrepresented groups remains too small.  We are working every day, in a host of ways, to change this.

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FOCUS: Civil Forfeiture: Legalized Government Robbery Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=36478"><span class="small">John Kiriakou, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Wednesday, 05 October 2016 10:41

Kiriakou writes: "Civil forfeiture laws are nothing more than legalized, government-sponsored robbery."

Police cruiser and officer. (photo: iStock)
Police cruiser and officer. (photo: iStock)


Civil Forfeiture: Legalized Government Robbery

By John Kiriakou, Reader Supported News

05 October 16

 

alifornia governor Jerry Brown signed a bill into law last week that would prohibit the police from seizing property – and money – from individuals without due process. Politicians, bloggers, and others on both the left and the right called the move “historic” and “one of the most important reforms for civil forfeiture in years.” Even The New York Times, in its October 2 print edition, called it a rare example of the left and right uniting to “rein in government abuse of civil forfeiture.”

The previous California law required a criminal conviction for forfeitures under $25,000. But local police in the state circumvented that by using a much weaker federal law to seize assets. As The New York Times reported, “California police would file state charges against a target, but then outsource the forfeiture to the federal government.” The problem there is that the feds don’t need any criminal conviction whatsoever to seize anybody’s assets. Indeed, federal law enforcement can take any property for themselves if they “suspect it is being used for a crime.”

The entire civil forfeiture system, state and federal, is ripe for abuse. And, as you might expect, is it abused all the time.

  • Tan Nguyen won $50,000 in a Las Vegas casino in 2013. That same night, he was stopped for driving three miles over the speed limit. When the cop saw the $50,000, he confiscated it. Nguyen sued. It took a few years, but he finally got his money back.

  • A New Jersey man was stopped for a minor traffic violation in Monterey, Tennessee. When the cop found $22,000 in the car, he seized it. The driver proved to the cop that he had active bids on eBay and that he was on his way to purchase a car that he had successfully bid on. The cop submitted his report, but never mentioned anything about eBay or a car purchase. The driver did not get his money back.

  • Alda Gentile was stopped by police while traveling through Georgia on a house-hunting trip to Florida. The police searched her car for drugs and contraband, but found none. What they did find was $11,530 in cash that Gentile intended to use to buy a house. They seized it. She told a local news outlet, “I didn’t know it was illegal to carry cash. They made me feel like a criminal.”

And that is the heart of the issue. It isn’t illegal to carry cash. Civil forfeiture laws are nothing more than legalized, government-sponsored robbery.

Civil forfeiture laws were conceived and passed in the 1980s and 1990s to be used as a tool against drug smugglers. The idea was that local law enforcement also could use the seized assets to further battle illegal activity. The cops would use the smugglers’ own assets against them.

But free money does funny things to people. According to The Washington Post, 2014 federal asset seizures totaled $5 billion. That same year, Americans lost $3.5 billion in burglaries and robberies. And that’s just federal law enforcement. Many states don’t report statistics, but the 14 that do reported seizing another $250 million in 2013.

The fix is in on this legalized government robbery. But it’s not too late to turn things around. If the courts aren’t going to declare civil forfeiture without conviction illegal, the state legislatures – and Congress – must. California had the courage to do something about it. It’s time for the other states to stand up.



John Kiriakou is a former CIA counterterrorism officer and a former senior investigator with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. John became the sixth whistleblower indicted by the Obama administration under the Espionage Act - a law designed to punish spies. He served 23 months in prison as a result of his attempts to oppose the Bush administration's torture program.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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