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The Handmaid's Tale Is Timely. But That's Not Why It's So Terrifying Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=30488"><span class="small">Jessica Valenti, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Thursday, 04 May 2017 13:37

Valenti writes: "When Hulu released a trailer for their adaptation of Margaret Atwood's dystopian classic The Handmaid's Tale, some conservatives didn't realize the series was based on a decades-old novel - they thought it was created in response to Trump's presidential win."

The series makes clear that personal anxiety about masculinity underpins this world's politics. (photo: Hulu)
The series makes clear that personal anxiety about masculinity underpins this world's politics. (photo: Hulu)


The Handmaid's Tale Is Timely. But That's Not Why It's So Terrifying

By Jessica Valenti, Guardian UK

04 May 17

 

Hulu’s new series based on the dystopian novel by Margaret Atwood has been keeping me up at night because of its portrayal of everyday sexism

hen Hulu released a trailer for their adaptation of Margaret Atwood’s dystopian classic The Handmaid’s Tale, some conservatives didn’t realize the series was based on a decades-old novel – they thought it was created in response to Trump’s presidential win.

The confusion makes some sense. Much of the show feels familiar in today’s political climate: children being wrenched from their parents’ arms at borders. A lesbian tortured in order, she’s told, to cure her unnatural appetites. Women forced to carry pregnancies after they’ve been raped.

But what makes The Handmaid’s Tale so terrifying is not that it’s timely, but that it’s timeless. And after watching seven episodes, what’s been keeping me up at night isn’t the explicit horrors as much as how the show surfaces women’s fear of what everyday sexism really means.

Before the handmaid era has been ushered in by a coup d’état, for example, Moss and her friend Moira (played by Samira Wiley) are called “fucking sluts” by a cashier at a coffee shop for no real reason. It’s as if the man, who seems to know about the impending government shift, is finally free to say whatever he wants to women – a misogynist troll empowered. (A sobering thought in any time, but even more so in the wake of the news that one New Hampshire politician got his start on Reddit forums calling for an end to women’s autonomy.)

There’s violence and sexual assault to spare, but it’s the milquetoast misogynists that feel more familiar: the boss who offers a meek apology when he’s forced to mass-fire female employees at a publishing company; the soldier who holds door open for the women as they file out of their workplace, knowing they’ll never return; the “commander” who allows his handmaid to read a now-forbidden fashion magazine so he can feel benevolent.

It’s a creeping sort of sexism that American women are all-too familiar with – the kind that pats you on the head instead of on the ass.

Like Atwood’s book, the series makes clear that personal anxiety about masculinity underpins this world’s politics – it’s forbidden to suggest that men could ever be infertile, for example, and women are banned from reading lest intellectual pursuits distract them from childbearing.

Even well-meaning men fall into patriarchal traps: when Moss’s character – before she’s forced to become a handmaid – is panicking because women’s bank accounts across the country have been emptied and passed on to their closest male relative, her husband responds by assuring her that he will “take care of” her.

It’s an empty promise that misses the point entirely. The world is crashing down around her, and her husband can only offer words of comfort that exalt his power.

And that’s what makes the series – and sexism – so scary. It’s not just that we live in a country where politicians call pregnant women ‘hosts’ and the vice-president refuses to dine alone with women. It isn’t just that we can’t trust the government to treat us as full human beings – it’s that oftentimes we don’t know if we can trust the men in our lives, either.

Because as much as The Handmaid’s Tale is about what happens when some men’s disdain for women boils over, it’s also about the danger of “good” men’s apathy and attachment to the privileges sexism affords them. Both are horrors women know well.

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I Was Arrested for Protesting. My Idealism Did Not Prepare Me for That Experience Print
Thursday, 04 May 2017 13:34

NoiseCat writes: "Among the marchers there is a small but growing community of refuseniks who consider civil disobedience and arrest as potential and even essential actions to further these diverse causes. I am among them."

'We locked arms, sat down and blocked traffic in an act of civil disobedience in solidarity with Standing Rock.' (photo: Jason Connolly/Getty)
'We locked arms, sat down and blocked traffic in an act of civil disobedience in solidarity with Standing Rock.' (photo: Jason Connolly/Getty)


I Was Arrested for Protesting. My Idealism Did Not Prepare Me for That Experience

By Julian Brave NoiseCat, Guardian UK

04 May 17

 

I grew up believing that getting arrested for protesting was a rite of passage. Then I learned the hard facts of what it would mean

he social contract is broken. The election of Donald Trump and the rise of rightwing populism have obliterated the facade of tolerance and equality, revealing the hateful face of the far right. In response, progressive political life has taken on an existential urgency, giving rise to new coalitions and tactics collectively called “the resistance”.

For the first time since the 1960s, millions of Americans are taking to the streets, scrawling clever slogans across cloth and cardboard, donning pink knit hats and marching for causes as varied as taxes and women’s rights. Ahead lie political possibilities both promising and ominous.

Among the marchers there is a small but growing community of refuseniks who consider civil disobedience and arrest as potential and even essential actions to further these diverse causes. I am among them.

On a chilly Tuesday night two weeks after the election, I hustled up the street from my fellowship at the New York City housing department to join 1,500 demonstrators gathered in Foley Square as part of a national day of action to protest the Dakota Access pipeline.

Cheered on by thunderous chants of “water is life”, a few dozen of us marched into the street abutting the army corps of engineers’ Manhattan office, locked arms, sat down and blocked traffic in an act of civil disobedience in solidarity with Standing Rock.

The police surrounded us. An automated announcement warned us that we faced imminent arrest if we refused to move. “You are ordered to leave the roadway and utilize the available sidewalk,” the machine blared in computerized monotone. “If you do so voluntarily, no charge will be placed against you.”

Our voices grew louder to drown out the machine. “It’s bigger than a pipeline, it’s bigger than a job,” we sang as the officers closed ranks and arrested us one by one. “If you don’t respect our mama, we won’t respect your laws.”

I was one of the last peeled from the pavement, handcuffed and escorted into the back of a paddy wagon.

I grew up believing that getting arrested for protesting was a rite of passage. As a child, I valorized indigenous leaders such as Crazy Horse, Chief Joseph, Geronimo and others who fought to the bitter end for the just treatment and very survival of their people. As a young man in Oakland, I listened to older generations recount memories of the occupation of Alcatraz, the United Farmworkers grape boycott and the black freedom struggle. Hundreds of students more woke than I walked out of my high school after the extrajudicial execution of Oscar Grant.

I came of age as millions of Americans lost their homes to gamblers on Wall Street. I shared the anger of thousands of black, brown and indigenous men – many younger than I – condemned to cages or gunned down because society thought them less than their white peers. I felt the pain of loved ones lost to the despair of addiction.

Professors, peers and books gave me the framework and vocabulary to speak to these deeply rooted injustices. As I entered the workforce and electorate in the wealthiest and most powerful nation in the history of the world, these realities felt increasingly outrageous and unacceptable to me. Marching up the street from my day job, I imagined generations of indigenous ancestors at my back. On that day, we had had enough.

My upbringing, idealism and outrage did not prepare me for the experience of arrest. In the paddy wagon with my arms zip-tied tight behind my back, I felt guilt, regret and fear. My body was no longer my own. My time belonged to someone else. My mother was worried half to death. My future job prospects were diminished. I, an Ivy League graduate, now had assumed the guise of yet another young man of color with a criminal record.

Very real consequences descended from abstraction into the land of hard facts. Down here they felt heavy.

Inside One Police Plaza, the police shuffled us through the glacial bureaucracy of arrest intake: hand over your valuables. Give us your address. Take off your belt. Untie your shoelaces. Stand for your mug shot. Remove your necktie. Wait. No talking. Wait.

With a dozen caged in each cell, we watched our arresting officers laugh about the latest viral videos on Facebook and Snapchat their love interests. Hours passed. The officers milled about, intermittently completing the forms that detailed our intransigence. More hours passed. Around midnight, a dozen boxes of pizza arrived to feed the night watchers – no food for us. One o’clock came and went. Then two.

Around 3am, an officer pulled open our cell door and announced two names for release. Every 10 minutes he returned to spring a new pair of bondsmen. The cell felt increasingly austere as it emptied. On his fourth trip, he called my name and chuckled: “Noise … Noise, Cat?” Bleary-eyed, I filed out, collected my valuables, signed my papers and returned to the land of the free.

My girlfriend, who faithfully waited up all night on the street outside the jail for my release, was exhausted and annoyed. “Why did you do that?” she asked. I mustered a zealous response full of youthful conviction. But deep down, I was asking myself the same thing.

New York City criminal court stands diagonally across the park from the site of my arrest.

Every morning, defendants and their families line up outside its doors 30 minutes before court opens session. At 9am, security fires up the x-ray machines and metal detectors and the line slowly processes into the building. On the other side of the metal detectors, throngs of defendants, paper summons in hand, rush to and fro in search of their assigned lawyers and allotted courtrooms.

I found my comrades, who had taken to calling themselves the “NoDAPL 39”. We tracked down our defense attorney, Ronald Kuby, a former radio host with a silver ponytail, and headed for court room 130.

We took our seats on benches laid out in orderly rows like so many pews facing the judge. Above the judge’s bench, flanked by United States and New York flags, read a bold proclamation in silver lettering: IN GOD WE TRUST.

We were instructed to remove our winter hats and turn off our cellphones. We checked the spelling of our names on forms descended from those completed by our pizza-eating jailors, and waited in timid, contemplative silence.

The judge emerged from her chambers in regal black robes. With greetings to the bailiff, court officers and attorneys below her, she assumed her seat atop the bench and under “GOD”.

An officer fetched an inmate from a holding cell to her right. He faced charges of possessing crack cocaine. He was homeless. The public defender asked for time served. The assistant district attorney, a tall, slender white man in an ill-fitting gray suit described the defendant as a dangerous repeat offender. After glancing over the man’s rap sheet, the judge issued her verdict: 15 days.

More men of color were paraded before the bench for their charges to be recited and their punishment to be determined. Most took plea bargains for misdemeanors.

Behind me, one of the NoDAPL 39 sneezed loudly and a few of her comrades turned in unison for an obligatory “Bless you!” before returning to silence. I rubbed my fingers across the rubbery remnants of bubblegum stuck beneath my seat. Court, I mused, is like church.

Soon it was our turn. The judge called the protesters forward in groups of three to render our anticlimactic judgment: adjournment in contemplation of dismissal. The arrest would be wiped from our records if we stayed out of trouble for a year.

That is, except for my case, which required special handling. I needed a clean record sooner so that I could apply to jobs and graduate schools without having to check the box. In exchange for expedited adjournment, the judge ordered community service.

Court-ordered community service entails more paperwork, plus an appointment. But I didn’t know that before I left the courthouse. So, I had to return a week later, hustle up and down the stairs between clerk windows and courtrooms to track down the forms required to sign up for and complete my service hours. This was perhaps the biggest headache of my odyssey through the criminal justice system – exacerbated because it felt so pointlessly punitive.

I pleaded with scowling court officers and bureaucrats for nearly two hours. Finally, a friendly bailiff delivered me to a hidden back office where I gave my name and docket number to an administrator in return for the necessary but elusive forms which emerged from an obscure file on a sprawling shelf.

Proudly brandishing my form like a diploma, I marched down to the community service desk and signed up for the first available Saturday slot.

I woke up at 6.45am, threw on a few layers and took the 1 train downtown to Washington Square Park, where community service for rule breakers begins promptly at 7.30.

It was a cold and snowy January morning. From 7.30am to 3.30pm, our official task was to pick up trash. This turned out to be easy. Located smack in the middle of designer-dog-and-juice-cleanse land in the West Village, Washington Square Park is perhaps the cleanest public space in all of New York City.

Trash duty was not the real reason the court wanted us out here at 7.30 in the morning. The point of our punishment – sweeping up cigarette butts in the biting cold – was to encourage us smalltime rule breakers to contemplate our wrongdoings.

The structure of adult detention had us contemplating – at least, for a little while. But before long, we transgressors became friends. One by one, each divulged the crime that had landed us in community service. We wondered aloud whether the park supervisor was watching from the heated lodge and whether he gave a damn about our service. (A veteran assured us that this guy did.) We took long breaks to run our ice-cold mittens under the hand dryer in the public restroom.

Coffee break rolled around. And then lunch.

By afternoon, our punishment felt more like the Breakfast Club than a chain gang.

As 3pm approached, we shifted to sweep closer and closer to the warden’s lodge. Around 3.30 he emerged to collect our equipment and sign our forms. With a quick scribble of pen on paper, my service was complete.

I thought my righteous arrest would affirm and even cement my moral and political zealotry. Martin Luther King Jr, Ho Chi Minh, Vaclav Havel, Fidel Castro, Mohandas Gandhi, Nelson Mandela and countless other radicals were arrested and imprisoned then came out the other side even more powerful intellectuals and revolutionary leaders.

But after my short time in handcuffs, behind bars, through the slow churn of courtroom bureaucracy and the disciplining labor of community service, I was telling myself to think and plan more deliberately before staring down the police and defying the law again. My experience was but a thin shadow of the harrowing struggles of the water protectors at Standing Rock. But any arrest comes with real consequences for your career, your wallet and your relationships.

I don’t know if I did the right thing when I sat down in the street with my comrades and refused to move. Maybe society’s punishment succeeded at reforming my psyche. Maybe it’s natural to wonder at one’s own drastic actions and their outcomes. In trying times like these though, it seems inexcusable to do nothing. Only time will tell if our small acts of resistance help to build this crumbling kingdom again – brilliant, beautiful and new.

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FOCUS: New GOP Health Care Plan Is Dumb Print
Thursday, 04 May 2017 11:25

Galindez writes: "Lowering taxes on the wealthy should not be the focus of Congressional reform of healthcare. But that is the focus of this legislation."

President Trump with Speaker Paul Ryan. (photo: Getty)
President Trump with Speaker Paul Ryan. (photo: Getty)


ALSO SEE: David Dayen | The New Republican
Health-Care Plan Is Single-Payer for Dummies

New GOP Health Care Plan Is Dumb

By Scott Galindez, Reader Supported News

04 May 17

 

o for five years the federal government will pay insurance companies 1.6 billion dollars a year to cover patients with pre-existing conditions. While that sounds nice, it is a drop in the bucket and will do nothing to control health care costs.

So what happens in 5 years? Oh, are they punting to the next president? Has the Donald already decided that this job is too hard for him to consider running for re-election? I have many other questions about this bill. They are questions you should be asking your members of Congress, who might just pass the dumbest health care legislation ever proposed. The House may have already voted on this disastrous bill before you read this article. We must stop it in the Senate or people will die.

The Affordable Care Act is flawed and needs repair. Something has to be done to control the rising cost of health care. That is what we should be trying to address. Lowering taxes on the wealthy should not be the focus of Congressional reform of healthcare. But that is the focus of this legislation. They want to lower taxes and lower the standards that health insurance companies must meet.

Republicans think the way to reduce healthcare costs is to allow insurance companies to cover less. Obamacare succeeded in improving the level of coverage insurance companies would have to provide. That is one of the things we should not change. We have to find another way to lower premiums and other costs.

The American people deserve the best treatments available. We have to figure out how to make that affordable. There are models around the world that point us in the right direction. Countries that have single payer health care have succeeded in controlling healthcare costs.

We must eliminate the middlemen. Insurance companies are death panels that decide if someone can have a procedure or not. Obamacare forced them to cover more. The current GOP bill would reverse that. The Freedom Caucus opposed the GOP plan because it provided too much. To win them over, Trump and the Republicans will allow states to get waivers and not adhere to the guarantees we won under Obamacare.

So to get the votes they needed, they made it easier for insurance companies to cover less. Just like junk bonds were a business dream, insurance companies would be allowed to provide junk policies again.

Instead of scrapping the progress we have made under Obamacare, the smart thing to do would be to try to fix the flaws in Obamacare. The solution could be a public option where the government would negotiate plans directly with providers, eliminating the cost of the middlemen who have to build in profit into their plans.

Why do some doctors choose to refuse Medicaid payments? Medicaid pays less. Doctors who do accept Medicaid don't lose money; they just don't make as much for the procedure. The free market is a nice concept, but when it comes to healthcare there is an unfair advantage for health providers. The value of life. We need a tough negotiator at the table who will say this is how much that operation cost you, and we will pay this. That is what Medicaid does. The problem is Blue Cross comes in and agrees to a higher price, then Aetna even more. Get rid of the private insurance companies, and doctors and hospitals will have to accept what our representatives will pay.

Why are they rushing to break the healthcare system even more? They are not even waiting for the Congressional Budget Office to estimate the impact of their latest plan. If this dumb bill passes the House, we must stop it in the Senate.

Ask your senators, Why the rush and why not address the problems with Obamacare instead of making it worse by lowering standards?



Scott Galindez attended Syracuse University, where he first became politically active. The writings of El Salvador's slain archbishop Oscar Romero and the on-campus South Africa divestment movement converted him from a Reagan supporter to an activist for Peace and Justice. Over the years he has been influenced by the likes of Philip Berrigan, William Thomas, Mitch Snyder, Don White, Lisa Fithian, and Paul Wellstone. Scott met Marc Ash while organizing counterinaugural events after George W. Bush's first stolen election. Scott moved to Des Moines in 2015 to cover the Iowa Caucus.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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FOCUS: What Republicans Are Trying to Do Is a Disgrace Print
Thursday, 04 May 2017 11:01

Sanders writes: "Just weeks after their disastrous attempt to throw 24 million people off of health care, they are once again trying to force through a repeal of Obamacare."

Sen. Bernie Sanders. (photo: Getty)
Sen. Bernie Sanders. (photo: Getty)


What Republicans Are Trying to Do Is a Disgrace

By Bernie Sanders, Senator Sanders's Facebook Page

04 May 17

 

hat Republicans are trying to do is a disgrace. Just weeks after their disastrous attempt to throw 24 million people off of health care, they are once again trying to force through a repeal of Obamacare. To be very clear. The wrong thing to do is to force through health care reform that would hurt the poor, the sick and the elderly. The wrong thing to do is to play politics with people’s lives. The right thing to do is to guarantee health care to all people as a right like every other major country on Earth. That is why I will soon be introducing legislation to create a Medicare-for-all, single payer system because that is what the American people deserved—not the half-baked mess Republicans are trying to pass.

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Late-Night Driving, Right-Hand Thinking Print
Thursday, 04 May 2017 08:44

Keillor writes: "At home I am an old liberal, but out here at 2 a.m., I am all about freedom."

A prairie strip filled with black-eyed susans between soy beans on a farm under a rising full moon in July 2016. (photo: Andrew Dickinson/The Washington Post)
A prairie strip filled with black-eyed susans between soy beans on a farm under a rising full moon in July 2016. (photo: Andrew Dickinson/The Washington Post)


Late-Night Driving, Right-Hand Thinking

By Garrison Keillor, The Washington Post

04 May 17

 

ll last week I got to drive around Minnesota late at night, drifting through the little towns, just me and the truckers out on the road and Merle and George and Emmylou on the radio. I was doing a little dog-and-pony show around my home state, and I like driving at night. Less traffic, more romance. You look ahead down the open road and you’re no longer an old retired guy in a suit and tie, you’re a Woody Guthrie song, you’re a man on the run, you’re the perpetrator of the biggest art heist in years, with Hopper’s “Nighthawks” under a blanket in the backseat along with “American Gothic” and six Jackson Pollocks. It’s a big backseat.

The yard lights of farms sweep by, some well-kept farms, some ragged ones, and fields waiting for planting, and scraggly woods and old mobile homes half hidden in woods. You feel the contours of the hills and valleys, the creeks and rivers, you watch the ditches for suicidal deer.

There used to be late-night DJs who would send out dedications from listeners — “This is for you, Wayne, and she says she still cares about you” and he’d play “I Fall to Pieces” — but the stations all seem automated now, waiting to be sold at a loss for tax purposes. Meanwhile, you stop at the gas station/mall for coffee and are stunned by the sheer number of potato chip varieties: bacon, B-B-Q, blue cheese, green onion, balsamic, jalapeno, mesquite, garlic, guacamole, dill pickle, rockin’ picante, spicy Cajun, three cheese, Szechuan, sour cream, wavy mango, wasabi, BLT, plus “natural” and “old-fashioned” and “40 percent less fat” chips. A potato chip is a potato chip. Do we really need all this?

There is news on the radio: a new tax plan, a government shutdown (no? yes?), the chance of a “major, major” conflict with North Korea, a big harangue against the press, but it’s meaningless. The fabulist in the Oval Office has mesmerized us, like the boy in my fourth-grade class who kept letting poots, as we called them. He pooted frequently and in various musical tones, and we sat waiting for the next one, and as a result we did poorly in math and now we can’t figure out our laptops. But out here on the ribbon of highway, the land goes on and on and on, and there is a new life waiting ahead.

At home I am an old liberal, but out here at 2 a.m., I am all about freedom. All I need from the government is a good road — I don’t need the government to put up signs warning me to fasten my seatbelt and drive carefully and dim my headlights for oncoming traffic. On some straightaways, headlights on high beam, I hit 80 and 90 mph. Let Bambi’s mother look out for me.

At home I try to be kind, but out here, to the disgruntled voter who feels ignored by Washington, I say, “Put away the 12-pack and the three-cheese chips, lose the gut, stop smoking, turn off the TV. Papa is not responsible for your sad life. Go back to school, arise at dawn, take brisk walks, think big, show your kids how it’s done.” That’s me talking at 70 mph.

Out west of Detroit Lakes, tuned to classic country, Emmylou’s fragile voice drifts in with “I would rock my soul in the bosom of Abraham, I would hold my life in his saving grace,” from an album I listened to over and over back in the ’70s sitting in a basement working on a novel that even then I knew was going nowhere.

I admire that guy. He was young and naive, uncowed, indomitable. Now I’m old and cautious and on Social Security, a burden on the rest of you, but it ain’t over yet. I could still make my mark in the world. It’s a great country. Nuts to the guy writing the executive orders. He is a lightning bug in the marsh. I could shuck him and head west and get me a job bartending in Bismarck and listen to the scuttlebutt of the drifters and barflies, weave their b.s. into a musical called “Beautiful Losers” and earn 45 million bucks and buy an island in the Caribbean. I was kidding about the paintings in the backseat. That was fake news. At 2 a.m. going 75 mph just east of Fargo, I think I am on the verge of doing something really good. You watch and see if I don’t.

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