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GOP Prepares to Make Case That Poor People Must Sacrifice So Rich Can Get Tax Cuts Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=43327"><span class="small">Ed Kilgore, New York Magazine</span></a>   
Sunday, 21 May 2017 13:30

Kilgore writes: "After a considerable period of time in which other aspects of the Republican agenda held center stage, we are beginning to see some renewed attention to lurid plans to hammer federal spending programs that disproportionately benefit the poor."

House Speaker Paul D. Ryan during a news conference on the American Health Care Act last week. (photo: Gabriella Demczuk/NYT)
House Speaker Paul D. Ryan during a news conference on the American Health Care Act last week. (photo: Gabriella Demczuk/NYT)


GOP Prepares to Make Case That Poor People Must Sacrifice so Rich Can Get Tax Cuts

By Ed Kilgore, New York Magazine

21 May 17

 

fter a considerable period of time in which other aspects of the Republican agenda held center stage, we are beginning to see some renewed attention to lurid plans to hammer federal spending programs that disproportionately benefit the poor. Politico raised the alarm over the weekend:

President Donald Trump’s refusal to overhaul Social Security and Medicare — and his pricey wish-list for infrastructure, a border wall and tax cuts — is sending House budget writers scouring for pennies in politically sensitive places: safety-net programs for the most vulnerable.

This moment comes after Republicans at both ends of Pennsylvania Avenue have concluded that their original idea of paying for high-end tax cuts by finding new sources of revenue — say, closing loopholes or creating new taxes — is a whole lot easier said than done. The original House GOP idea of a border-adjustment tax has all but expired after intense criticism from retailers and an at-best tepid response from the White House. Trump administration trial balloons about a value-added tax or a carbon tax were shot down before they cleared the treeline. There was never any serious interest in going after the largest tax loopholes, the charitable and mortgage interest deductions. Current talk about eliminating the deduction for state and local taxes may be more a matter of blue-state-baiting — or perhaps a hostage-taking exercise aimed at securing some unspecified Democratic concession down the road — than a practical option.

So if — and this is a very big if — Republicans really care about budget deficits, but won’t let that get in the way of treating America’s rich to a tax-cut banquet, then that just leaves one option:

Under enormous internal pressure to quickly balance the budget, Republicans are considering slashing more than $400 billion in spending through a process to evade Democratic filibusters in the Senate, multiple sources told POLITICO.

The proposal, which would be part of the House Budget Committee’s fiscal 2018 budget, won’t specify which programs would get the ax; instead it will instruct committees to figure out what to cut to reach the savings. But among the programs most likely on the chopping block, the sources say, are food stamps, welfare, income assistance for the disabled and perhaps even veterans benefits.

The most debatable premise of Politico’s analysis is that Republicans are under “enormous internal pressure to quickly balance the budget.” Yes, some House Freedom Caucus members would like to project that impression, but the more important thing to understand about today’s conservatives is that for reasons of ideology they want to cut safety-net programs whether or not it’s necessary to balance the budget or “pay for” tax cuts. So of course they will seize on any pretext to bring back the same old proposals, many of them dating all the way back to the Reagan administration. The same is true of the non-mandatory domestic-spending programs disproportionately benefiting the poor or reflecting “liberal” cultural values that are funded through the appropriations process. These were featured prominently in the Trump administration’s rough outline of a budget released back in March: deep cuts in or actual elimination of programs ranging from low-income energy assistance to the Appalachian Regional Commission to the Legal Services Corporation to AmeriCorps, all long-standing GOP targets in good times and bad, whether or not deficits were a major concern.

Raising the old battle standards and threatening an assault on poor-people programs (the largest of them all, Medicaid, is already under assault in the American Health Care Act) is of particular interest to those Republicans who are furious at Trump for declaring Medicare and Social Security off-limits for budget cutters. Perhaps provoking Democrats and progressive advocacy groups into howls of pain and rage over the programs that are still on the table could produce a reconsideration of that decision!

In any event, early talk about safety-net cuts by Republicans whispering to Politico should be taken with a large grain of salt. Yes, many of them would love to cut SNAP and what’s left of “welfare” and restrict eligibility for Social Security Disability along with Medicaid. But they aren’t being driven tragically to those extreme steps because they are obsessed with budget deficits or can’t imagine passing tax cuts without “offsets.” The one thing that Trump-era Republicans share with their predecessors of the last 35 years is a determination to pursue high-end tax cuts to hell and back, under any imaginable circumstances. If that tasty entrée comes with a side order of budget cuts affecting the poor, that’s even better, but the GOP is not going to pass up tax cuts out of concern for the country’s fiscal health.


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FOCUS: Should Psychiatrists Speak Out Against Trump? Print
Sunday, 21 May 2017 11:39

Mayer writes: "The 'Goldwater Rule' forbids mental-health professionals to give opinions on public figures they haven't personally examined. Some may make an exception."

A protest against Donald Trump in Hong Kong. (photo: Vincent Yu/AP)
A protest against Donald Trump in Hong Kong. (photo: Vincent Yu/AP)


Should Psychiatrists Speak Out Against Trump?

By Jane Mayer, The New Yorker

21 May 17


The “Goldwater Rule” forbids mental-health professionals to give opinions on public figures they haven’t personally examined. Some may make an exception.

hen Donald Trump accused his predecessor Barack Obama of wiretapping him, James Comey, then the F.B.I. director, told colleagues that he considered Trump to be “outside the realm of normal,” and even “crazy.” Many Americans share this view, but the professionals who are best qualified to make such an assessment have been forced to remain mum.

“I’m struggling not to discuss He-Who-Must-Not-Be-Named,” a psychiatrist named Jerrold Post said last week, speaking on the phone from his office, in Bethesda, Maryland. Post, who is the director of the political-psychology program at George Washington University’s Elliott School of International Affairs, and the founder of the C.I.A.’s Center for the Analysis of Personality and Political Behavior, has made a career of political-personality profiling. However, he is also a distinguished life fellow of the American Psychiatric Association, whose professional code of conduct forbids members to publicly comment on the psyches of living public figures whom they have not personally examined.

The ban, known as “the Goldwater rule,” is the legacy of an embarrassing episode from 1964. That year, Fact magazine published a petition signed by more than a thousand psychiatrists, which declared that Barry Goldwater, who was then the Republican Presidential nominee, was “psychologically unfit to be President.” Goldwater lost the election, but he won a libel suit against the magazine. The bad publicity seriously tarnished the reputation of the profession.

More than fifty years later, Trump appears to be testing the limits of the Goldwater rule. In March, the Washington, D.C., branch of the A.P.A. convened a meeting of its members to debate the rule. Post and several others argued that, given the President’s erratic behavior, the organization was infringing on its members’ freedom of expression. Psychiatrists, they insisted, have a responsibility to serve society at large. “I think there’s a duty to warn,” Post said. “Serious questions have been raised about the temperament and suitability of He-Who-Must-Not-Be-Named.” He added, “It seems unethical to not contribute at this perilous time.”

The psychiatrist John Zinner took the argument further, suggesting that, as doctors, who swear an oath to protect their patients, psychiatrists have an obligation to speak out about the menace posed by Trump’s mental health. “It’s my view that Trump has a narcissistic personality disorder,” Zinner said later. “Trump is deluded and compulsive. He has no conscience.” He said that psychiatrists have a constructive role to play in advising policymakers to add checks on the President’s control over nuclear weapons. “That supersedes the Goldwater rule,” he said. “It’s an existential survival issue.” (There were some dissenters at the meeting. Dr. Mark Komrad, who is on the staff at Johns Hopkins Hospital and Sheppard Pratt Health System, worried that overturning the rule could be bad for the profession. “We’re already seen as peddlers of a liberal world view,” he said. “If we make pronouncements about Donald Trump, nothing is gained. You don’t need a doctor to tell you that the guy on the plane with a hacking cough is sick.”)

Post is part of a push to have the A.P.A. form a commission to revisit the Goldwater rule. He’ll make the argument to a larger audience later this month, at the association’s annual meeting, in San Diego. Meanwhile, the President’s sudden firing of Comey presented an almost irresistible case study.

Post, when asked about the firing, chose his words carefully. He said he agreed with lay commentators that Trump appeared to be trying to suppress the F.B.I.’s investigation into his campaign’s ties to Russia, revealing a pattern—a quickness to get rid of those who disagreed with or threatened him. The result, Post said, would be “a sycophantic leadership circle afraid to question him.” He added that the manner of the firing, which Comey learned about from TV reports, displayed “a failure of judgment in crisis”; it was likely to turn Comey into “a dangerous and resentful witness.” Post said that it reminded him of other leaders he had studied, including Vladimir Putin, “a quintessential narcissist,” whose “way of handling criticism is to eliminate—literally—the critics.” After the Comey episode, Post said, he worried that “He-Who-Must-Not-Be-Named’s leadership is imploding.”

What would Post ask Trump, if he had the opportunity to get the President on his couch? Post cleared his throat and said, “I’m sorry, but I think I’d better not answer that.”

The question reminded him of the time, during a television interview, that Dan Rather asked him what he would do if he encountered Saddam Hussein. Not realizing that the microphone was turned on, Post, who had been discussing Saddam’s “malignant narcissism,” gave a less than scholarly answer: “I would run right out of the office!”


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FOCUS: A Silent Prayer for My Country Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=40776"><span class="small">Dan Rather, Dan Rather's Facebook Page</span></a>   
Sunday, 21 May 2017 10:45

Rather writes: "I end each of my days with a silent prayer for my country. It has been a ritual for some time, but as of late I feel an anxiety gripping my heart and a sadness permeating my soul that seems unlike anything I have felt before."

Dan Rather in his office in Manhattan in 2009. (photo: Jennifer S. Altman/The New York Times)
Dan Rather in his office in Manhattan in 2009. (photo: Jennifer S. Altman/The New York Times)


A Silent Prayer for My Country

By Dan Rather, Dan Rather's Facebook Page

21 May 17

 

end each of my days with a silent prayer for my country. It has been a ritual for some time, but as of late I feel an anxiety gripping my heart and a sadness permeating my soul that seems unlike anything I have felt before.

I hope against hope as I slip off to sleep that our rapid descent into governmental chaos has hit a nadir - only to awaken to a new set of incoherent tweets or explosive headlines from top-notch reporters. And with that, we are falling once again. As I fall, we fall, even further, I pray again that our Constitutional government, the great gift of our Founding Fathers, will provide a safety net to catch us before everything we hold dear is no more. I believe that is the case, but the slowly rising level of uncertainty is not to be ignored.

I see recklessness where we need leadership... and I am deeply saddened.

I see politicians putting power and politics over principle... and I am incredulous.

I see lies treated as truths... and I am disgusted.

I see justice denied and likely obstructed.... and I am fearful.

I see norms flaunted... and I am angry.

I see global challenges going unaddressed... and I am worried.

I see the press under attack... and I am furious.

I see this, and more, so much more... and I am exhausted.

I find myself returning in my mind to dark days from the past, trying to remember how we as a nation felt, when Pearl Harbor was attacked, when Kennedy was shot, when Watergate took down a President, when terrorists rained terror from the skies. We somehow overcame. And I do believe that we shall overcome, someday. Perhaps, hopefully, someday soon.

But in the end, prayer will not be enough. Action, sustained action, will be required.


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5 More Ways Trump Has Obstructed Justice Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=36361"><span class="small">Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page</span></a>   
Saturday, 20 May 2017 13:54

Reich writes: "To help you keep count, here are the 5 evidences of Trump's obstruction of justice - his commitment to stopping FBI Director James Comey from investigating Trump's and Trump aides' dealings with Russia to rig the 2016 election."

Former Clinton labor secretary Robert Reich. (photo: Steve Russell/Toronto Star)
Former Clinton labor secretary Robert Reich. (photo: Steve Russell/Toronto Star)


5 More Ways Trump Has Obstructed Justice

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page

20 May 17

 

o help you keep count, here are the 5 evidences of Trump’s obstruction of justice – his commitment to stopping FBI Director James Comey from investigating Trump’s and Trump aides’ dealings with Russia to rig the 2016 election. (Remember: Obstruction of justice is an impeachable offense, quite apart from the underlying illegality being investigated. This is what did Richard Nixon in.)

  1. Trump’s meeting with Comey just after Michael Flynn resigned, in which Trump asked Comey: “I hope you can see your way clear to letting this go, to letting Flynn go,” according to Comey’s memo immediately after the meeting.

  2. Trump firing Comey just after Comey asked for more resources for the investigation.

  3. Trump telling Russian officials in the Oval Office, the day after he fired Comey, “I faced great pressure because of Russia. That’s taken off,” according to a document summarizing the meeting reported yesterday by the New York Times.

  4. Trump’s interview with NBC News’s Lester Holt about his firing of Comey, in which Trump admitted: “I was going to fire regardless of recommendation. In fact, when I decided to just do it, I said to myself, I said, ‘You know, this Russia thing with Trump and Russia is a made-up story, it’s an excuse by the Democrats for having lost an election that they should have won.’”

  5. Trump’s tweet that Comey “better hope that there are no ‘tapes’ of our conversations before he starts leaking to the press!”

These 5 items would be enough to initiate a Bill of Impeachment in the House -- if the House now had 23 Republicans more loyal to the nation than to their party, or if the House is flipped next year.

What do you think?

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Chelsea Manning Is Free but Whistleblowers Still Face Prison Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=42465"><span class="small">Janine Jackson, FAIR</span></a>   
Saturday, 20 May 2017 13:46

Jackson writes: "Human Rights Watch is glad that Chelsea Manning is free. A statement from the group's General Counsel's office notes that Manning's 'absurdly disproportionate' 35-year sentence for passing classified documents to WikiLeaks in 2010, commuted by Barack Obama on his last day in office, was prosecuted under the Espionage Act of 1917, which they warn still stands ready for use against the next potential whistleblower."

A prisoner. (photo: Getty Images)
A prisoner. (photo: Getty Images)


Chelsea Manning Is Free but Whistleblowers Still Face Prison

By Janine Jackson, FAIR

20 May 17

 

uman Rights Watch is glad that Chelsea Manning is free. A statement from the group’s General Counsel’s office notes that Manning’s “absurdly disproportionate” 35-year sentence for passing classified documents to Wikileaks in 2010, commuted by Barack Obama on his last day in office, was prosecuted under the Espionage Act of 1917, which they warn still stands ready for use against the next potential whistleblower.

The Act was intended to punish those who leak secrets to foreign governments, but the US government is increasingly keen to turn it against those who give information to journalists. Critically, those prosecuted under the Act can’t argue they intended to serve the public interest, and prosecutors don’t have to prove that national security was harmed at all, much less that it outweighed the public’s right to know.

So as Manning walks free after seven years and 120 days (or “just seven years,” as USA Today had it—5/17/17), some of it in solitary confinement, it’s worth remembering that corporate media did virtually nothing in support of her clemency, even though her revelations were the basis for countless media reports—including revelations about a 2007 US military attack in Iraq that killed two Reuters journalists.

As FAIR analyst Adam Johnson (1/18/17) noted, it’s a strange day when the US president is to the left of the country’s editorial pages. But even though her conviction posed and poses a chilling threat to all media sources who seek to expose government wrongdoing, the New York Times, Washington Post, Wall Street Journal and USA Today ran no editorials supporting Manning’s release.

The Washington Post ran three op-eds calling for leniency for Roman Polanski vs. none for Manning, but maybe the best reflection of things: The US counter-intelligence official who led the Pentagon’s review into the fallout from the WikiLeaks disclosures testified that no instances were ever found of any casualties resulting from the releases. But on her sentence commutation, the outraged tweet “How many people died because of Manning’s leak?” came from none other than the New York Times‘ Judith Miller, whose front-page promotions of bad intelligence paved the way for the Iraq War.

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