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The Trump Administration's Solution to Climate Change: Ban the Term Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=19600"><span class="small">Bill McKibben, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Thursday, 10 August 2017 13:42

McKibben writes: "In a bold new strategy unveiled on Monday in the Guardian, the US Department of Agriculture - guardians of the planet's richest farmlands - has decided to combat the threat of global warming by forbidding the use of the words."

President Donald Trump. (photo: Getty)
President Donald Trump. (photo: Getty)


The Trump Administration's Solution to Climate Change: Ban the Term

By Bill McKibben, Guardian UK

10 August 17


The US Department of Agriculture has forbidden the use of the words ‘climate change’. This say-no-evil policy is doomed to fail

n a bold new strategy unveiled on Monday in the Guardian, the US Department of Agriculture – guardians of the planet’s richest farmlands – has decided to combat the threat of global warming by forbidding the use of the words.

Under guidance from the agency’s director of soil health, Bianca Moebius-Clune, a list of phrases to be avoided includes “climate change” and “climate change adaptation”, to be replaced by “weather extremes” and “resilience to weather extremes”.

Also blacklisted is the scary locution “reduce greenhouse gases” – and here, the agency’s linguists have done an even better job of camouflage: the new and approved term is “increase nutrient use efficiency”.

The effectiveness of this approach – based on the well-known principle that what you can’t say won’t hurt you – has previously been tested at the state level, making use of the “policy laboratories” provided by America’s federalist system.

In 2012, for instance, the North Carolina general assembly voted to prevent communities from planning for sea level rise. Early analysis suggests this legislation has been ineffective: Hurricane Matthew, in 2016, for instance drove storm surge from the Atlantic ocean to historic levels along the Cape Fear river. Total damage from the storm was estimated at $4.8bn.

Further south, the Florida government forbade its employees to use the term climate change in 2014 – one government official, answering questions before the legislature, repeatedly used the phrase “the issue you mentioned earlier” in a successful effort to avoid using the taboo words.

It is true that the next year “unprecedented” coral bleaching blamed on rising temperatures destroyed vast swaths of the state’s reefs: from Key Biscayne to Fort Lauderdale, a survey found that “about two-thirds were dead or reduced to less than half of their live tissue”. Still, it’s possible that they simply need to increase their nutrient use efficiency.

At the federal level, the new policy has yet to show clear-cut success either. As the say-no-evil policy has rolled out in the early months of the Trump presidency, it coincided with the onset of a truly dramatic “flash drought” across much of the nation’s wheat belt.

As the Farm Journal website pointed out earlier last week: “Crops in the Dakotas and Montana are baking on an anvil of severe drought and extreme heat, as bone-dry conditions force growers and ranchers to make difficult decisions regarding cattle, corn and wheat.”

In typically negative journalistic fashion, the Farm Journal reported that “abandoned acres, fields with zero emergence, stunted crops, anemic yields, wheat rolled into hay, and early herd culls comprise a tapestry of disaster for many producers”.

Which is why it’s good news for the new strategy that the USDA has filled its vacant position of chief scientist with someone who knows the power of words.

In fact, Sam Clovis, the new chief scientist, is not actually a scientist of the kind that does science, or has degrees in science, but instead formerly served in the demanding task of rightwing radio host (where he pointed out that followers of former president Obama were “Maoists”). He has actually used the words “climate change” in the past, but only to dismiss it as “junk science”.

Under his guidance the new policy should soon yield results, which is timely since recent research (carried out, it must be said, by scientist scientists at MIT) showed that “climate change could deplete some US water basins and dramatically reduce crop yields in some areas by 2050”.

But probably not if we don’t talk about it.


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Trump's Foreign Policy Has Only One Guiding Principle: Do the Opposite of Obama Print
Thursday, 10 August 2017 13:38

Nardelli writes: "Even before the latest escalation of nuclear threats between Donald Trump and Kim Jong Un's North Korea, senior diplomats and officials from the US's European allies have been warning that the US president's approach to world affairs is extremely dangerous."

Trump walks with European Council president Donald Tusk, center, and European Commission president Jean-Claude Juncker. (photo: EPA)
Trump walks with European Council president Donald Tusk, center, and European Commission president Jean-Claude Juncker. (photo: EPA)


Trump's Foreign Policy Has Only One Guiding Principle: Do the Opposite of Obama

By Alberto Nardelli, BuzzFeed

10 August 17


Interviews with six top officials paint a picture of a president who is regarded even by allies as erratic and limited, and whose shortcomings are compounded by the ongoing chaos beneath him in the White House.

ven before the latest escalation of nuclear threats between Donald Trump and Kim Jong Un’s North Korea, senior diplomats and officials from the US's European allies have been warning that the US president’s approach to world affairs is extremely dangerous – pointing to his apparent ignorance of other countries’ history, his unfiltered use of social media, and the lack of a strong, experienced team around him.

In interviews with BuzzFeed News, six top European government officials who’ve had firsthand dealings on the international stage with Trump and his administration describe a president regarded even by allies as erratic and limited, and whose perceived shortcomings are compounded by the ongoing chaos beneath him in the White House.

The officials, all speaking on condition of anonymity, voiced similar and consistent concerns, in particular over his unprecedented use of Twitter, which they said demonstrated the lack of normal government controls at the top of the administration.

“Trump could send a tweet in the middle of the night pissing off Kim Jong Un. And the next morning we wake up to a world on the brink of war,” one seasoned diplomat told BuzzFeed News.

That observation came before Trump's latest bellicose rhetoric, and the sense of alarm in European governments can only have increased in the last 24 hours. On Tuesday evening, Trump warned North Korea would be “met with fire and fury like the world has never seen” if it continued to threaten the US. His comments have already prompted Kim Jong Un’s regime to ratchet up its own threats, announcing that it was considering a preemptive missile strike on the US Pacific territory of Guam. On Wednesday morning, Trump tweeted that the US nuclear arsenal is now "far stronger and more powerful than ever before...."

The current standoff is a dramatic illustration of the grave international concerns over Trump.

On one level, the officials said, he is something of a laughing stock among Europeans at international gatherings. One revealed that a small group of diplomats play a version of word bingo whenever the president speaks because they consider his vocabulary to be so limited. “Everything is ‘great’, ‘very, very great’, ‘amazing’,” the diplomat said.

But behind the mocking, there is growing fear among international governments that Trump is a serious threat to international peace and stability.

“He has no historical view. He is only dealing with these issues now, and seems to think the world started when he took office,” a diplomat told BuzzFeed News, pointing to Trump’s remarks and tweets about defence spending. “He thinks that NATO existed only to keep the communists out of Europe. He has a similar attitude in Asia-Pacific with Japan, ignoring that the US basically wrote their constitution.” During his presidential campaign, Trump called out Japan to pay more for the security US provides, including for hosting the US troops in the country. Japan’s constitution restricts its military options.

They also believe Trump’s foreign policy is chiefly driven by an obsession with unravelling Barack Obama’s policies. “It’s his only real position,” one European diplomat said. “He will ask: ‘Did Obama approve this?’ And if the answer is affirmative, he will say: ‘We don’t.’ He won’t even want to listen to the arguments or have a debate. He is obsessed with Obama.”

Another diplomat said it had proved impossible to discuss serious international issues, such as Libya, with Trump. And seven months into his presidency, the European officials say they are still struggling to figure out who else they can engage with in the US administration.

Describing a meeting between their boss and the president as “basically useless,” they said: “He [Trump] just bombed us with questions: ‘How many people do you have? What’s your GDP? How much oil does [that country] produce? How many barrels a day? How much of it is yours?’”

“He’s not the kind of person you can have a discussion about how to deal with [Fayez] al-Sarraj [the prime minister of Libya]," the official added. "So you look for people around him, and that is where it’s a problem: The constant upheaval, it’s unclear who has influence, who is close to the president."

A number of European officials compared Trump with Italian former prime minister Silvio Berlusconi – but said the similarities end at their inappropriate jokes during meetings.

“Berlusconi wasn’t ignorant. And behind him he had officials and a whole government structure you could engage with,” one diplomat said.

The officials revealed that at international meetings, Trump has openly mocked his own aides, contradicting and arguing with them in front of other leaders. That has compounded the impression of an administration in chaos. “We can hear everything, it’s weird,” one diplomat said.

Officials also expressed concerns over the status of the State Department, and the lack of seasoned diplomats and experts within the White House. One diplomat suggested that US counterparts have privately lamented to Europeans about the number of roles in the administration that have yet to be filled resulting in a lack of clear positions on many policy areas.

“The White House lacks crucial expertise,” one said. “The State Department and others are isolated. You have the generals, the National Security Council, and then a void. There aren’t enough diplomats, experts etc. in the White House. [Secretary of state Rex] Tillerson has a small team. Does Trump listen to [James] Mattis [secretary of defence], [H.R.] McMaster [national security adviser], to the experts?”

The officials think only Trump's family members, in particular his daughter Ivanka, really have the president's trust. They described the body language between Trump and Tillerson as “terrible”.

A senior US defence official, who also spoke to BuzzFeed News on condition of anonymity, described the many roles that still needed filling, some of Trump’s comments about US allies, and the apparent differing positions within the administration as “not ideal”.

However, the official added: “If you go beyond the antics and look at actions and shared interests there is no way you can say the US is turning away from Europe. There are no signs the US is retreating.”

Some diplomats noted that Trump understands power dynamics, and seems eager to affirm his place within these. “He gets that Germany is important. He is very graceful with China’s Xi Jinping. The impression is that he is seeking affirmation and approval as president of the United States,” a senior European government official said.

Still, the official added, “he divides up countries based on his worldview. He doesn’t respect France for their handling of immigration. It is clear he dislikes Germany.”

European officials who spoke to BuzzFeed News said the effects of Trump’s “America First” agenda were already visible, and the potential consequences worrying.

“The main risk is a progressive disengagement from multilateralism, not just on economic issues, but also from political matters with potential risks linked to a return to unilateral action,” a diplomat said.

A number of the officials BuzzFeed News spoke to wondered whether the US would today intervene if there were a new conflict in the Balkans or an uprising in a country such as Algeria. “What happens then?” one source asked. “These are big questions, big imponderables.”


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5 Big Unanswered Questions About the Russia Investigations Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=45771"><span class="small">Philip Ewing, NPR</span></a>   
Thursday, 10 August 2017 13:36

Ewing writes: "The Senate is long gone. The House? Splitsville. The president is at his golf club in New Jersey. Only the hardiest swamp creatures continue to scuttle in and out of the half-empty offices of late-August Washington, D.C."

Robert S. Mueller III, the special counsel probing Russian interference in the 2016 election, leaves Capitol Hill in June after a closed-door meeting. (photo: Andrew Harnik/AP)
Robert S. Mueller III, the special counsel probing Russian interference in the 2016 election, leaves Capitol Hill in June after a closed-door meeting. (photo: Andrew Harnik/AP)


5 Big Unanswered Questions About the Russia Investigations

By Philip Ewing, NPR

10 August 17

 

he Senate is long gone. The House? Splitsville. The president is at his golf club in New Jersey. Only the hardiest swamp creatures continue to scuttle in and out of the half-empty offices of late-August Washington, D.C.

Justice Department special counsel Robert Mueller and his team, however, haven't gone anywhere.

His attorneys and investigators are using a federal grand jury to interview witnesses and issue subpoenas as they look into potential connections between President Trump's campaign and Russia's attack on the 2016 election.

News also emerged this week that FBI agents searched a home owned by former Trump campaign chairman Paul Manafort, and that Manafort and other people in Trump world, including Donald Trump Jr., had submitted hundreds of documents to the Senate Judiciary Committee.

If all that has been established, many other questions remain about Mueller's investigation — just who else is he interviewing? What specific materials does he want? — as well as the rest of the sprawling Russia imbroglio.

1. What inning is this?

Does Mueller's use of the grand jury mean this game is almost over — or has everyone on the starting lineup even had a chance at bat? Does the FBI search warrant mean the tempo is increasing?

Mueller hasn't uttered more than a peep on the record since he's been in his job. Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein has talked about the probe in general terms, but no one seems to have a sense about how far along this story might be — only that it's focused appropriately.

"It's not a fishing expedition," Rosenstein recently told Fox News Sunday.

The more time Mueller takes, the greater the political pressure in Washington.

The leaders of the House and Senate Intelligence Committees said at one time they hoped to complete their investigations about Russia's election interference by the fall.

That may prove optimistic, but if they do wrap up their work and Mueller's investigation continues into the new year and beyond, it could turn into a big factor in the 2018 congressional midterm elections.

2. How much classified, or otherwise confidential, evidence will become public?

The Russia soap opera is frustrating to try to understand because it's an iceberg, only partly visible above the water.

Much more of the evidence remains hidden — teased by current or former intelligence officials but never detailed. One big example: electronic intercepts of communications between Americans and Russians allegedly involved in the interference.

"I was worried by a number of the contacts that the Russians had with U.S. persons," as former CIA Director John Brennan told the House Intelligence Committee this spring. "By the time I left office ... I had unresolved questions in my mind as to whether or not the Russians had been successful in getting U.S. persons involved in the campaign or not work on their behalf."

Mueller and the congressional intelligence committees have access to this evidence — believed to be intercepted emails or other messages from key Americans to key Russians.

There's also classified material from allied intelligence services. Former Director of National Intelligence James Clapper confirmed to the Senate Judiciary Committee that European spy agencies had sent material to Washington in 2016 — but said nothing more.

"It's quite sensitive," he warned in May.

It also hasn't been described in anything like helpful detail. U.S. government officials have spoken about it anonymously to reporters — for example, CNN reported that Russians discussed conversations with then-Trump campaign chairman Manafort — but very little is solidly on the record.

Until it is, the widespread skepticism among many Americans about the theory of the case — that Donald Trump or some of his top campaign aides might have colluded with Russians who targeted the election — will likely endure.

3. What if Trump or associates did something other than "collude?"

So far, prosecutors haven't accused the president or anyone in his camp of doing anything wrong. But allegations about Trump's business practices, and those of his associates, swirled for years before his run for office.

Separately, members of the Senate Judiciary Committee and others have said they want to know whether Trump might have obstructed justice by firing FBI Director James Comey and taking other actions to try to protect himself or his aides — whatever the merits of the underlying DOJ investigation into possible collusion with Russia.

These issues aren't trivial, and they're all tied together with the original mandate for Mueller's investigation: Did, per press reports, Russian underworld figures have a relationship with Trump? If so, did Russian political leaders' awareness of these ties put the president in a position in which he might be subject to coercion?

Trump alluded obliquely to this thread of the story in his interview with The New York Times. He told the newspaper that he'd consider it a "breach" of Mueller's mandate for the special counsel to look into his or his family's business practices.

"I mean, it's possible there's a condo or something, so, you know, I sell a lot of condo units, and somebody from Russia buys a condo, who knows?" Trump said. "I don't make money from Russia."

That's not the account The New Republic, for example, gave in its story "Trump's Russian Laundromat," which described decades' worth of business relationships between the Trumps and Russian underworld figures who allegedly used the president's properties to launder illicit money.

The magazine reported, among other things, that at least 13 people connected to Russian organized crime have "owned, lived in and even run criminal activities out of Trump Tower and other Trump properties."

If Mueller's investigators substantiate organized crime connections to Trump himself, but no "collusion" with Russia's election mischief, would they reveal it? And, if so, what happens next?

4. Will the U.S. ever deploy any safeguards or countermeasures?

Although some Americans — particularly Trump supporters — don't believe the Russians attacked the election, Washington has officially rebuked Moscow over it. Members of Congress passed and Trump himself signed legislation imposing new sanctions and constraining the president's ability to lift them on his own.

Before he told supporters at a political rally in West Virginia that the story was a "hoax," Trump said in signing the sanctions bill that he supported "making clear that America will not tolerate interference in our democratic process, and that we will side with our allies and friends against Russian subversion and destabilization."

(The question of whether U.S. sanctions actually change Russia's policies is a different matter.)

But many members of Congress and outside advocates say Washington must do much more to deter future Russian interference in elections and respond in kind to Russia's war of information against the U.S.

State governments are bitterly frustrated with the federal government's follow-up to the election interference, from the awkwardness of the outreach by the Department of Homeland Security to a White House "voter fraud" commission widely viewed as partisan.

At the same time, former diplomats and intelligence officers complain that Washington has all but surrendered the battlefield of public opinion to Moscow. The Russian government is spending millions of rubles on both open and covert influence operations against the West, from cable TV networks to Twitter bots, but commentators argue the U.S. isn't even trying to level the playing field.

Two members of Congress asked why the State Department reportedly isn't using funds that have been set aside exactly for that purpose.

"Countering foreign propaganda should be a top priority, and it is very concerning that progress on combating this problem is being delayed because the State Department isn't tapping into these resources," complained Sen. Rob Portman, R-Ohio.

"This is indefensible," said Sen. Chris Murphy D-Conn.

A State Department spokeswoman told reporters that Secretary of State Rex Tillerson plans to review global "engagement" following Trump's approval of the sanctions bill, but she acknowledged that much of the work now is focused on the Islamic State.

Clapper told lawmakers earlier this year he thought they should bring back a "U.S. Information Agency on steroids," targeting Russians and "giving them some of their own medicine much more aggressively than we've done now."

Will Congress heed his advice? Will it increase federal scrutiny of the security of state election systems and their vendors — or will the politics, along with all the other priorities that await lawmakers when they return in September, make it all too fraught?

5. What threats will face American elections by 2018 or 2020?

"Generals are always fighting the last war," or so goes the military bromide.

One potential danger facing policymakers in Washington, however, is that whatever precautions and preparations they take ahead of big upcoming American elections, the threats from foreign powers may be different.

New technology might enable a whole new strain of "fake news" — real-looking videos, for example, in which public figures are made to appear to be saying things they never actually did.

Or a cyberattack might look completely different on Election Day 2020, for example, than the ones the Russians launched during the 2016 cycle: Instead of snooping in state records but permitting operations to go smoothly, attackers might try to erase millions of names from voting records, or register the same people in multiple places or otherwise sabotage the day itself to cause maximum disruption.

The news environment could be completely different, too.

Facebook and Google might get control of the online bots that promote or suppress stories seen by specific groups of users. But what if Russia gradually turns up the volume on its overt messaging? Online amplifiers and trolls already sometimes make common cause with some factions in the U.S., including, for example, in a recent, sustained attack against national security adviser H.R. McMaster.

If the presence of such a force is no longer a surprise by 2018 or 2020, will it become so loud it changes the campaign landscape? Will the states and the federal government be ready?


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How the Fossil Fuel Industry 'Polluted' Politics Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=32070"><span class="small">David Sirota, International Business Times</span></a>   
Thursday, 10 August 2017 13:17

Sirota writes: "As the planet heats up, so does the rhetoric on both sides of the climate-change debate."

Smokestacks at sunset. (photo: Getty)
Smokestacks at sunset. (photo: Getty)


How the Fossil Fuel Industry 'Polluted' Politics

By David Sirota, International Business Times

10 August 17

 

s the planet heats up, so does the rhetoric on both sides of the climate-change debate. Former Vice President Al Gore has a new film out about the dangers of global warming. His film follows a New York magazine article asserting that “absent a significant adjustment to how billions of humans conduct their lives, parts of the Earth will likely become close to uninhabitable, and other parts horrifically inhospitable, as soon as the end of this century.” 

The article went viral — but was its analysis accurate? To try to answer that question, International Business Times interviewed Michael Mann, the renowned climatologist who is the director of the Earth System Science Center at Penn State University. 

Podcast subscribers can listen to the full discussion by clicking here. What follows is a lightly edited excerpt of the discussion.

Sirota: What was your response to the New York magazine article’s assertion that climate change means large swaths of Earth could become uninhabitable?

Mann: There's a very important issue at the heart of this, which is the fine line between conveying the gravity of the threat, and the urgency of action, and portraying the problem as essentially unsolvable, as if we've gone past the point of no return and we are destined for a future of doom and gloom. I'm not sure the author really did that, but I think some of the critical nuance was lost in the article at times. It seemed to be doing that, but the author did explicitly state a disclaimer that he was describing a worst case scenario.

But in the overall framing of the story and the headline and everything else about it, that subtlety was lost. There's no problem, in my view, in portraying the urgency of action and the gravity of the situation, and the fact that not only could some really bad things happen, some really bad things are already happening. We're already committed to some amount of dangerous and potentially irreversible climate change. On the other hand, you have other participants in the discussion, like an individual named Guy McPherson who's an ecologist, who has proclaimed that we only have 10 years left as a species, that climate change is going to eradicate us and all other living species.

If that were true, it would be one thing, but it's nonsense. It's based on a complete exaggeration and distortion of what the scientific evidence says, and I know that, because I work in this field and I study that evidence very closely, so it's nonsense and it actually leads us down the same path as climate change deniers like EPA Administrator Scott Pruitt, or President Donald Trump, who has proclaimed climate change to be a hoax. It actually leads us down the same path. If you say that there's nothing that we can do, that we're going to go off the cliff and there's no way we can stop that, then it actually leads to the same scenario of hopelessness and it favors those arguing against intervention, against taking action.

Sirota: There’s this idea out there that we could hit a so-called tipping point — that there could be a point of no return in which the climate starts changing in an exponential way, as opposed to a gradual way. One of the ideas that's out there is there will be this methane bomb where the tundra gets unfrozen and that results in a huge release of carbon emissions. Are these scenarios likely?

Mann: There isn't one tipping point, so to speak. There are potentially a number of them and I see them as mines out in a minefield, and we are stepping out onto this minefield. The farther we walk out into that minefield, the more likely it is that we encounter those mines, and that is the problem. We don't know exactly where these tipping points lie, but we know that they're out there, and so there is a very real worry for a worsening of climate change impacts.

That having been said, there is no evidence that Earth can experience a runaway greenhouse effect like Venus did, which literally evaporated its oceans. In terms of that sort of exponential scenario where it gets warmer and warmer, and the warmth feeds on itself, and literally creates a Venus-like climate here on Earth, there's just no scientific evidence that that can happen… There is quite a bit of evidence that these sorts of so-called feedback mechanisms can amplify the warming, and to a great extent, those feedback mechanisms are incorporated in the climate models.

When we talk about the projections of future climate change, based on the state-of-the-art climate model simulations, for example, as described in the most recent report of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change a couple of years ago, to a great extent those feedback mechanisms are incorporated. But, there are some mechanisms which are uncertain, where we don't understand all of the processes well enough to ensure that we have those feedback mechanisms represented correctly. That is a cause for concern.

Sirota: What are some of them?

Mann: You mentioned one of them, methane feedbacks. In fact, there's a broader category that we call carbon cycle feedbacks. What that means is that the warming actually triggers some change that releases greenhouse gases that were already stored within the Earth's system, within the terrestrial biosphere, along the shelves of the ocean, in the permafrost of the arctic, and that carbon can be in the form of CO2, and it can be in the form of methane, which is a more potent greenhouse gas than CO2 in fact, but it's less long-lived. It doesn't stay in the atmosphere for as long. It's a different animal, and one has to take into account those differences.

There's something that we call greenhouse warming potential, that is a way of trying to compare the impact of different greenhouse gases over different time horizons, but the bottom line is there is enough methane stored in the natural system, in the permafrost, along the shelves of the oceans, that if you were to literally mobilize all of it, release all of it into the atmosphere, then it's true, that could double the magnitude of the greenhouse warming we've already seen. But the science overwhelmingly doesn't support that scenario.

The science supports the scenario where we do mobilize some of that methane and that is an important feedback and it does worsen the warming, but it doesn't lead to an exponential runaway Venus-like Earth.

Sirota: To really address climate change and stop its worst effects, how many major changes do we have to make? In other words, how much societal upheaval will be necessary to address this issue?

Mann: To some extent, it harkens back to FDR's famous, "All we have to fear is fear itself." In this case, there is the potential for fear to become paralyzing, or at least the perception that that there's nothing we can do to stop this juggernaut. That can become paralyzing and that can actually feed an agenda of inaction, an agenda advanced by fossil fuel interests and the Koch brothers and others who have sought to pollute the public discourse over this issue.

So that sort of leads us to the question and what will it take? When the Cuyahoga River in Ohio caught on fire in the 1970s, that awakened the public and policymakers to the fact that we had an environmental catastrophe in our hands, in the form of polluted water and air. It led President Richard Nixon to actually found the EPA —  the very EPA that the Trump administration is now trying to dismantle, was founded by Republican President Richard Nixon, and that's because of the public awareness and the public pressure that arose out of this galvanizing moment where a river caught on fire, that captured the attention and the horror of the American public.

It seems to me we've had all too many of those Cuyahoga River moments already when it comes to climate change. Whether we're talking about the Syrian uprising that has led to ISIS, which had at its root, as its root cause, an unprecedented drought. The worst drought on record in California, unprecedented floods, thousand year floods, dozens of them over the last two years here in the U.S., floods that shouldn't happen naturally more than once in a thousand years. Massive wildfires, and one can go on down the list. Superstorm Sandy, how could that not be a galvanizing moment for action? So why did these moments not lead to the sort of action that the burning of the Cuyahoga River led to?

I would point to back to this fact that at the time, global environmental issues were not nearly the partisan, political matter that they've become today. A Republican President, Richard Nixon, acted on this problem. George H.W. Bush established cap-and-trade to deal with ozone depletion. Ronald Reagan endorsed the Montreal Protocol to ban chlorofluorocarbons destroying the ozone layer, and on down the list. It's only, in my view, over the past decade or so where polluting interests like the Koch brothers have gained such a firm hold on the reins of power, or at least have gained control of one of the two parties, the Republican Party, the party that now controls all branches of federal government.

That has led to an environment where it's very difficult to have the sort of good faith debates about policy that we were once able to have, because instead, we have the Koch brothers working to install climate change deniers and fossil fuel lobbyists to every position of influence within the Trump administration, and so we have Scott Pruitt who's closely tied to the Koch brothers, who is now in control of the EPA. It's literally the fox now living in the henhouse, and running the henhouse.

Sirota: Is there any political compromise possible here? Is there a way for the fossil fuel industry to continue being as big and powerful and wealthy in a world that is seriously dealing with climate change?

Mann: The answer's clearly no. Fossil fuel interests, the ExxonMobils of the world, the Koch brothers, they all recognize that if we pursue this transition away from a fossil fuel driven world economy, towards renewable energy, they're going to lose out in terms of their bottom line. To them, their short-term financial interests appear to be far more important than the longer term interests of their children and grandchildren, in inheriting a livable planet…

In the past, I would say that market mechanisms for dealing with global environmental problems have actually worked quite well. Ozone depletion and acid rain being examples where industry worked with government and they got onboard, industry got onboard early enough that they could alter their business model, that they could evolve, that they didn't have to go extinct. What's happened is companies like ExxonMobil have really backed themselves into a corner, where they're allowing other more enlightened energy companies, that are starting to move in the direction of renewable energy to gain an advantage.

Now, ExxonMobil finds themselves way behind. They've got literally hundreds of millions of dollars in potentially stranded assets in fossil fuels that are already on their sheets, and which will be stranded assets if we pursue an aggressive action in decarbonizing our economy. Here's what I think is different, because the tobacco industry, the pharmaceutical industry, all these industries have fought regulation tooth and nail before, but in the end, the public interest was also represented in the political process.

What I think is different now is that the public interest is no longer represented in the political process. You have a firm control of our government now by politicians who are in the pocket of the Koch brothers and the polluting interests. Our Secretary of State is the former CEO of ExxonMobil. ExxonMobil wants to work with Russia to mine the largest remaining oil reserves on the planet. One might argue that that is the source of much of the political controversy that we're living through now with regard to Trump and Russia. Its fossil fuels and the exploitation of fossil fuels is literally driving our politics.

Sirota: In your opinion, what does a politics that addresses climate change look like in practice?

Mann: I don't think it takes too much imagination to try to envision what that looks like. It just requires us to go back six months, or nine months when the outlook looked very different. When we had a very successful Paris Accord, it looked like we were going to have a Democratic president who would seek to build on the progress that had been made by the Obama administration. Everything seemed to be pointing in the right direction, and so you can't really divorce these questions from the political realities that we now face, because it's very easy to imagine a different course of history — a course that seemed more likely than the one we followed — where the Paris Accord was observed, was honored, in good faith, by the U.S.

We know that if the commitments made by the nearly 200 nations around the world that signed onto the Paris treaty, if those commitments are met, you can calculate the impact that they'll have on the climate, and it turns out they get us about halfway from where we would be headed, business as usual, warming of four to five degrees Celsius, seven to nine Fahrenheit by the end of the century, that would be really bad. The Paris agreement takes us about halfway from that seven to nine degree Fahrenheit warming, to the two degree Celsius, three and a half degree warming limit that many cite and is assumed within the context of Paris as the level of warming that we're seeking to avoid.

The Paris commitments get us about halfway there, so they don't solve the problem but they help bend the curve of global carbon emissions downward in a way where we can see getting onto that path.

Sirota: How much does the average person’s life have to change in a world that is seriously combating climate change?

Mann: It doesn't mean a dramatic change in lifestyle, because what it would mean is that we would be pursuing market mechanisms, whether it be a carbon tax or cap-and-trade, but some sort of price on carbon that would provide renewable energy with the level playing field that it needs to compete against fossil fuel energy. I mean, renewable energy is going to outcompete fossil fuel energy. It's just clear if you look at the trajectory that we're on. The problem is that if we just leave it to its own and we continue to allow fossil fuels to have this unfair advantage where we're providing subsidies for the fossil fuel industry, that we're not providing to the renewable energy industry, which is exactly the opposite of what we should be doing.

We should be subsidizing the forms of energy that aren't degrading our environment, and yet we're doing the opposite right now. Of course, Trump is now doubling down on those policies of subsidizing the fossil fuel industry, and literally deincentivizing the renewable energy industry. If we could level that playing field, then renewable energy can compete on a timeline that keeps us below that dangerous level of warming. There are scientists like Mark Jacobson of Stanford who've done careful calculations that show that we can get there. The technology exists to get us on that path. It's simply a matter of willpower and political will.

Sirota: I’m the parent of young children, and they are starting to ask about environmental issues. How should we as parents talk to kids about climate change in a way that is honest about the situation, but doesn’t freak them out and make them hopeless?

Mann: I have an 11 year old daughter. I remember when I first read her "The Lorax" and she cried at the end of that story. It drove home the fact that we do have to be careful in our message. I think it's one the greatest children's books ever written… What Dr. Seuss manages to do there, I think in a brilliant way, is to convey the gravity of the threat to our environment, but it ends with a note of hope. The seed that's left behind. That's what we have to do. We have to convey the gravity of the situation, but the legitimate hopefulness. This gets back to the whole premise of our conversation here. False optimism is not helpful in my view. It's not defensible, and I would be betraying the covenant that I must abide by as a scientist.

I must be truthful to the science. So, fortunately what is true is that an objective assessment of the science does support the message that the threat is dire, and immediate, and the urgency is great, but there is still a path forward where we can prevent catastrophic climate change. Now, we have to avoid being too Pollyannaish, and being unobjectively Pollyannaish. Not only will some bad things happen, some bad things are happening. If you're a low-lying island nation in the Pacific that is now starting to become inundated by tides, and by the slowly encroaching ocean, and you don't have the sorts of resources we have here in the West, in the industrial world, to adapt and which give us resiliency in the face of these sorts of threats, that's bad.

These people are suffering and we can't dismiss that. We have to recognize that we have to own up to that. Dangerous climate change has already arrived for some people and for the people who are least able to cope with it. There's an ethical dimension to the conversation because of that. The ethical dimension because those least able to cope with it are suffering some of the worst consequences, and now here's the point. Those that had the least role in creating the problem, i.e. our children and our grandchildren, are likely to suffer the worst impacts.

It's important for them to understand that it's not their fault… I think children are some of our most important messengers because they carry their own moral authority and there is an effective connection that we have with our children, which makes their voices very powerful. As children begin to speak truth to the adults who are making the decisions that are going to determine our path, I think they have an opportunity to help move us in the right direction. They have to understand that there's a problem, because they have to help us solve this problem.


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FOCUS: Melania, Make Him Stop, Please Print
Thursday, 10 August 2017 10:46

Keillor writes: "Melania - do you mind if I call you Melania? I assume that you love this guy. I don't, even though Scripture tells me to."

President Donald Trump with First Lady Melania Trump. (photo: Getty)
President Donald Trump with First Lady Melania Trump. (photo: Getty)


Melania, Make Him Stop, Please

By Garrison Keillor, The Washington Post

10 August 17

 

y wife has gone East for a couple weeks and now there is nobody to say, "You're not wearing that tie with that shirt, are you?" Nobody to point discreetly at her left nostril and hand me a tissue. Nobody to remind me of the name of that woman with the glasses (Liz) whom I ought to know — I told my wife, "Her and me went to school together" so that she'd have the satisfaction of saying "She and I." "No," I said, "I don't think you went to our school."

It's a comedy routine when she's around and now it's a lonely monk in his cell, quill pen in hand, making illuminated letters and living in darkness.

At this very moment, if you want to know the truth, the big crisis in my life is the fact that my iPhone has accidentally upgraded itself and I don't know how to downgrade it except by hurling it into the river. My wife would know how to fix this.

Some genius at Apple designed it and now I need a password to make each call or text and the texting screen is odd. Instead of a simple "Send," there is a row of icons. I press one and colored balloons float up in the background, I try another and the phone offers me a choice of cartoons to accompany the text — a ferocious gorilla in a cage, Snow White, a galloping horse — which must be big fun for 5-year-olds, but I'm 75 and I don't need balloons to accompany my texts, and meanwhile the thing keeps asking for my Apple ID verification, which I do not have. This hellish idiocy descended on me suddenly; evidently I clicked on a Yes I shouldn't have clicked on. My wife would know how to do a reset. I'd like to reset the phone with a ball-peen hammer.

Man was not made to live alone. My friend Frank came to visit, who has been divorced for a couple years, and I sat and took issue with him on about half of what he had to say, which required me to lean further to the right than I care to lean, but I did it for his own good and he was grateful for the opposition. He's been alone for a long time, living on love and sympathy, and he needed the boost to self-esteem that comes from someone telling you you're full of prune juice.

This is the American way. Those whom we love, we needle. Better honest skepticism than false piety.

One person can't do it all. I pretty much handle foreign policy issues in our home because I am not inhibited by ignorance, whereas my wife handles science, technology and the arts. She reads science articles in the paper and explains them to me. She tends the plants in the yard and knows their names. She is well-versed on social convention and has sound opinions about music, books and design. The marriage operates on a delicate system of checks and balances. I say, "Let's put a ping-pong table in the living room," and she says, "After I'm gone," and so we don't.

Everyone needs a truth-teller in his life, and truth-tellers are becoming rare. It's the Age of Sensitivity, when we're made to feel that we should be validating each other and not telling someone that his fly is open. Which brings me to the point of this column ("And about time," I can hear her say).

Melania — do you mind if I call you Melania? I assume that you love this guy. I don't, even though Scripture tells me to. A bully and a braggart who is also a liar and somewhat clueless might be lovable if he were a cabdriver, but not a president. But you do, so fine. You owe it to him to tell him, "Darling, you're making an ass of yourself. For the sake of your family, stop." Would you let the man run around in a headdress of flamingo feathers singing the song about each and every highway and byway and not in a shy way with his trousers around his ankles? No, you wouldn't. But that's what's happening now.

You married a New York Democrat and now you're married to Aaron Slick from Punkin Crick. Make him stop. If you can't tell him face to face, try Twitter. A short punchy message will get his attention. Something like "You are dumb enough to be twins. Shut up and be beautiful."


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