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FOCUS: Hillary Clinton's Book Has a Clear Message: Don't Blame Me Print
Saturday, 16 September 2017 11:26

Frank writes: "How do you lose the presidency to a man like Donald Trump? He was the most unpopular presidential candidate of all time, compounding blunder with blunder and heaping gaffe upon gaffe. Keeping him from the Oval Office should have been the single-minded mission of the Democratic party. And it should have been easy for them."

'No real blame ever settles anywhere near Clinton's person.' (photo: Brendan Smialowski/Getty Images)
'No real blame ever settles anywhere near Clinton's person.' (photo: Brendan Smialowski/Getty Images)


Hillary Clinton's Book Has a Clear Message: Don't Blame Me

By Thomas Frank, Guardian UK

16 September 17


Hillary Clinton simply cannot escape her satisfied white-collar worldview. This prevents her from understanding the events of 2016

ow do you lose the presidency to a man like Donald Trump? He was the most unpopular presidential candidate of all time, compounding blunder with blunder and heaping gaffe upon gaffe. Keeping him from the Oval Office should have been the single-minded mission of the Democratic party. And it should have been easy for them.

Instead they lost, and now their 2016 candidate Hillary Clinton comes before us to account for this monumental failure, to tell us What Happened. Unfortunately, her new book is less an effort to explain than it is to explain away.

No real blame ever settles anywhere near Clinton’s person. And while she wrestles gamely with the larger historical question of why the party of the people has withered as inequality grows, she never offers a satisfying answer. Instead, most of the blame is directed outward, at familiar suspects like James Comey, the Russians and the media.

Still, by exercising a little discernment, readers can find clues to the mystery of 2016 here and there among the clouds of blame-evasion and positive thinking.

Start at the beginning: why did Hillary Clinton run for president? “[B]ecause I thought I’d be good at the job,” she writes. Then, 13 pages later: “It was a chance to do the most good I would ever be able to do.”

A would-be do-gooder needs problems to solve, of course, and so Clinton says she turned next to the people who knew what was wrong. “I started calling policy experts,” she writes, “reading thick binders of memos, and making lists of problems that needed more thought.” Lists of problems and solutions are everywhere; reeling them off one after another is one of her favorite rhetorical devices, her way of checking the boxes and letting everyone know that she cares.

Proceeding in this rational, expert-sanctioned way, Hillary Clinton set out resolutely on the road to oblivion.

She seems to have been almost totally unprepared for the outburst of populist anger that characterized 2016, an outburst that came under half a dozen different guises: trade, outsourcing, immigration, opiates, deindustrialization, and the recent spectacle of Wall Street criminals getting bailed out. It wasn’t the issues that mattered so much as the outrage, and Donald Trump put himself in front of it. Clinton couldn’t.

To her credit, and unlike many of her most fervent supporters, Hillary Clinton doesn’t deny that this web of class-related problems had some role in her downfall. When she isn’t repeating self-help bromides or calumniating the Russians she can be found wondering why so many working-class people have deserted the Democratic party.

This is an important question, and in dealing with it Clinton writes a few really memorable passages, like her description of a grotesque campaign stop in West Virginia where she was protested by a crowd that included the former CEO of the company that owned the Upper Big Branch mine, where 29 coal miners died in 2010.

But by and large, Clinton’s efforts to understand populism always get short-circuited, probably because taking it seriously might lead one to conclude that working people have a legitimate beef with her and the Democratic party.

Countless inconvenient items get deleted from her history. She only writes about trade, for example, in the most general terms; Nafta and the TPP never. Her husband’s program of bank deregulation is photoshopped out. The names Goldman Sachs and Walmart never come up.

Besides, to take populism seriously might also mean that Bernie Sanders, who was “outraged about everything,” might have had a point, and much of What Happened is dedicated to blasting Sanders for challenging Clinton in the Democratic primaries. Given that he later endorsed her and even campaigned for her, this can only be described as churlish, if not downright dishonest.

That Clinton might have done well to temper her technocratic style with some populist outrage of her own only dawns on her towards the end of the book, by which point it is too late.

Not to mention impossible. Hillary Clinton simply cannot escape her satisfied white-collar worldview – compulsively listing people’s academic credentials, hobnobbing with officers from Facebook and Google, and telling readers how she went to Davos in 1998 to announce her philosophy.

And then, in her concluding chapter, returning to her beloved alma mater Wellesley College and informing graduates of that prestigious institution that, with their “capacity for critical thinking” (among other things) they were “precisely what we needed in America in 2017.”

I wish it were so. I wish that another crop of elite college grads were what we needed. I wish Hillary’s experts and her enlightened capitalist friends could step in and fix this shabby America we inhabit today, where racists march in the streets and the Midwest falls apart and cops shoot motorists for no reason and a blustering groper inhabits the White House.

I wish it were all a matter of having a checklist of think-tank approved policy solutions. But I know for sure it isn’t. And voters knew that, too.


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The Dystopia We Signed Up For Print
Saturday, 16 September 2017 08:32

Manning writes: "For seven years, I didn't exist. While incarcerated, I had no bank statements, no bills, no credit history. In our interconnected world of big data, I appeared to be no different than a deceased person."

Chelsea Manning. (photo: ABC News)
Chelsea Manning. (photo: ABC News)


The Dystopia We Signed Up For

By Chelsea Manning, The New York Times

16 September 17

 

or seven years, I didn’t exist.

While incarcerated, I had no bank statements, no bills, no credit history. In our interconnected world of big data, I appeared to be no different than a deceased person. After I was released, that lack of information about me created a host of problems, from difficulty accessing bank accounts to trouble getting a driver’s license and renting an apartment.

In 2010, the iPhone was only three years old, and many people still didn’t see smartphones as the indispensable digital appendages they are today. Seven years later, virtually everything we do causes us to bleed digital information, putting us at the mercy of invisible algorithms that threaten to consume our freedom.


READ MORE


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"Carpe Diem Politics": How to Do More Than Just Resist Print
Saturday, 16 September 2017 08:23

Krznaric writes: "Here's something that might surprise you: One of the most powerful weapons we can use against far-right authoritarians like President Donald Trump has its roots in ancient philosophy. In particular, we can draw on the idea of carpe diem, or 'seize the day,' a maxim penned by the Roman poet Horace. Let me explain."

Anti-Trump protesters at the Trump International Hotel in downtown Washington, D.C. (photo: Andrew Stefan/RSN)
Anti-Trump protesters at the Trump International Hotel in downtown Washington, D.C. (photo: Andrew Stefan/RSN)


"Carpe Diem Politics": How to Do More Than Just Resist

By Roman Krznaric, YES! Magazine

16 September 17


Today’s social justice movements must seize opportunities, mobilize quickly, and, finally, embrace a carnival spirit.

ere’s something that might surprise you: One of the most powerful weapons we can use against far-right authoritarians like President Donald Trump has its roots in ancient philosophy. In particular, we can draw on the idea of carpe diem, or “seize the day,” a maxim penned by the Roman poet Horace. Let me explain.

Today we are living in an age of global political dissent that we haven’t seen since the 1960s. From the Umbrella Revolution in Hong Kong in 2014 to the Women’s March in Washington, D.C., and anti-Putin protests in Russia this year, people have been stepping onto the streets in unprecedented numbers in the past decade.

What unites so many of these social movements is that they embody what I call “carpe diem politics.” This is different from the conventional definition of the phrase, such as in the film Dead Poets Society, which is all about individuals making bold decisions in life. Rather, carpe diem politics involves grassroots movements taking the seize-the-day ideal from the individual up to the collective level to achieve radical change.

Using Horace’s phrase in a political context dates back at least to the Spanish Civil War, when it entered the popular lexicon among Republican forces seizing a revolutionary moment. That interpretation has been carried forward, and now is most associated with one of the best-known environmentalist, social justice bands in the United Kingdom, Seize the Day.

There are three aspects to the idea of carpe diem politics. First, it involves seizing opportunities on a mass scale that otherwise might be lost and disappear forever. Second, spontaneous mobilization cracks open the social order from below. A crucial third element is hedonistic revelry—a carnival spirit with dancing, music, costumes, and other forms of play.

Research I conducted for Carpe Diem: Seizing the Day in a Distracted World reveals that throughout history, effective movements (particularly, though not exclusively, those on the progressive democratic left) have tapped into all three elements. Think of the mass protests that helped bring down the Berlin Wall in 1989. They were seizing a political moment. It was full of spontaneous action and filled with hedonistic exuberance alongside very serious political intent. As historian Padraic Kenney put it, “What started as just a carnival became a revolution.”

The Occupy Movement was part of this tradition. In many cities it was not just the fire of social justice that galvanized protesters—it was also the carnival spirit of mass sing-alongs and dancing flash mobs that helped create and maintain such a strong sense of community.

I believe that protest movements today struggling against the likes of Trump—on issues ranging from climate change to women’s rights and immigration—will be more successful if they can draw on these three elements of carpe diem politics. But they face two key challenges.

First is the danger of mobilization without organization, creating what civil rights activist Angela Davis described in her book Abolition Democracy as “movements modeled after fast food delivery.” It’s not enough to use smart social media strategies to get people to pour spontaneously into the streets. Nothing beats the hard work of face-to-face community organizing (as the “barnstorming” of Sen. Bernie Sanders’ campaign revealed).

Second, movements need to combine their seize-the-day strategies with clear and powerful policy aims. While Occupy had a huge impact inserting inequality into the political conversation, the absence of specific propositions (such as in the slogan “Occupy Everything, Demand Nothing”) was a mistake, in my opinion. Occupy should have learned from the 1970s feminist movement, which campaigned on targeted issues like equal pay and reproductive rights. The lesson for today is obvious: Don’t just oppose Trump; tell us what you’re for.

Despite such challenges, let’s remember there is power in movement. The New Deal, for instance, was not the gift of benign politicians—it was forced on them by a groundswell of public protests by unemployed workers and war veterans, and street marches by starving children, rebelling in the face of the destitution caused by the Depression.

If today’s activists want to make their mark on history, they should celebrate the carnivalesque and ultimately take Horace’s ideal a stage further: less the singular carpe diem and more the plural carpamus diem—let’s seize the day together.


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So It Turns Out He Was Talking About a Metaphorical Wall Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=11104"><span class="small">Charles Pierce, Esquire</span></a>   
Friday, 15 September 2017 14:07

Pierce writes: "Before breakfast on Thursday morning, on the signature issue of his campaign, the president* undermined everyone who ever supported him, the Republican congressional majorities, the Democratic congressional minorities, and himself, twice."

President Trump. (photo: Alex Brandon/AP)
President Trump. (photo: Alex Brandon/AP)


So It Turns Out He Was Talking About a Metaphorical Wall

By Charles Pierce, Esquire

15 September 17


If you don't eat yer meat, you can't have any pudding!

ll those rallies last year wouldn’t have been half as much fun had people been forced to chant, “Renovate Existing Structures With American Tax Dollars.” However, at least we know now why all those rallies ended with the Rolling Stones’ “You Can’t Always Get What You Want.”

Before breakfast on Thursday morning, on the signature issue of his campaign, the president* undermined everyone who ever supported him, the Republican congressional majorities, the Democratic congressional minorities, and himself, twice. It’s got to be some kind of record. On Wednesday night, he had his good pals Chuck and Nancy over to the house for dinner and, after the plates were cleared away, Chuck and Nancy took to the electric Twitter machine and announced a deal whereby the DACA recipients would be protected from deportation, The Wall would be abandoned, and there would be appropriated additional money for tougher border security.

Upon awakening, the president* first pushed back hard against Chuck and Nancy, and then pushed back hard against his previous pushing back. The New York Times attempts to keep up with the play-by-play.

President Trump said on Thursday morning that he supports legislation that would protect young undocumented immigrants from deportation and would deliver a “massive” increase in border security — but not with a wall on the southern border. That appeared to confirm the broad parameters of an agreement that Democratic leaders announced had been reached Wednesday over dinner at the White House.

In remarks to reporters as he left the White House on Thursday, Mr. Trump said, “We’re working on a plan for DACA,” referring to protections for immigrants who are part of the Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals program. Mr. Trump’s comments contradicted his own Twitter posts early Thursday morning when he said, “no deal was made last night on DACA.”

Depending on what “massive increase in border security” turns out to be, this seems to me to be a completely sensible deal. At least, it gets the DACA people out from under the terrible uncertainty that has hung over their lives since last November. And, from the conventional Republican point of view, it gets the issue off the table so that they can get around to their true goal: reforming the tax code so as to shove even more of the nation’s wealth upwards.

Unfortunately, there are those unconventional Republicans who still are driving the train. From The Daily Beast:

Rep. Steve King (R-IA) tweeted that if the news is true, “Trump base is blown up, destroyed, irreparable and disillusioned beyond repair. No promise is credible.” Another GOP aide said, “Maybe tomorrow he'll support NAFTA.” Right-wing news site Breitbart, where Trump’s former chief strategist Steve Bannon is back pulling the strings, didn’t mince words with a flurry of stories lambasting “Amnesty Don” for his decision to “cave” and “surrender” on the border wall. Fox News’ Sean Hannity also slammed the move, taking to Twitter to urge Trump to “stay the course and keep his promises or it’s over.”

There were bovines birthed all over the place last night. Sean Hannity blamed Chuck and Nancy for employing Democratic Jedi mind tricks on the president*. And then, there was this tweet below. Some cold and rainy day, when everything looks bleak, and the breaks are beating the boys, I will call up this tweet and be joyful once again.


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FOCUS: If Kaepernick Is Not Welcome in the NFL, Then the NFL Isn't Welcome in My Home Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=35918"><span class="small">Michael Moore, Michael Moore's Facebook Page</span></a>   
Friday, 15 September 2017 10:41

Moore writes: "I want no part in this anymore. I love the Lions. I love the Packers. I used to enjoy lazy Sundays watching NFL RedZone and SportsCenter. But not this year. If Kaepernick is not welcome in the NFL, then the NFL isn't welcome in my home."

Filmmaker Michael Moore. (photo: Sacha Lecca)
Filmmaker Michael Moore. (photo: Sacha Lecca)


If Kaepernick Is Not Welcome in the NFL, Then the NFL Isn't Welcome in My Home

By Michael Moore, Michael Moore's Facebook Page

15 September 17

 

hen the NFL kicked off it’s season on Sunday, I was on stage at the Belasco Theatre performing my one-man show.

As I shared with my audience, I’m not watching any NFL games this year. I’m done.

I’ve decided to boycott the NFL this year because 32 NFL teams have colluded to blacklist one player: Colin Kaepernick.

Last year, Kaepernick decided to take a stand against the oppression and state violence against black Americans that still plagues this country. He did it in a quiet, dignified and nonviolent way - by taking a knee during the national anthem. If not for that action, Colin Kaepernick would be on an NFL roster right now.

There are 32 NFL teams. 3 quarterbacks per team. That’s 96 quarterbacks on NFL rosters.

Kaepernick led his team to the Super Bowl in 2012-13. He threw for 300 yards and a touchdown. He ran for 62 yards and another touchdown.

He’s 29 years old. He is in the prime of his career.

There are NOT 96 better quarterbacks in the world than Colin Kaepernick. There are NOT 64 better quarterbacks than Kaepernick. There are not even 32 quarterbacks better than Kaepernick.

NFL teams are signing quarterbacks with no NFL track records. They’re signing mediocre has-beens who’ve had little success in the league.

Whenever an NFL team has to sign a player, they have every right to look into the pros and cons of what that player brings to the table. Will there be distractions? Will they cause trouble in the locker room? Will they represent the team in an honorable way?

When a player has a history of bad sportsmanship, domestic violence or other crimes, NFL teams have a right to weigh that when deciding if they want to sign him. And they nearly ALWAYS come to the conclusion that those players are fine - they’re worth the controversy. They’re worth the distraction and the bad PR.

But when a talented young quarterback, who's been a model citizen and model teammate; who's put up good numbers and who's taken his team to the Super Bowl, decided to take a political stand in a quiet, dignified and nonviolent way - the NFL says NO! That’s too much trouble! We need to shut him down!

There are about 1,700 players in the NFL. About 70 percent of them are black.

Blacklisting Kaepernick is as much about the owners as it is about Colin. The message is a loud and clear:

"Obey us. Get in line. Don’t rock the boat. Keep bashing your heads in, collecting your paychecks and shutting your mouths. We run this league. We run this country."

And it's a message to any American who dares to speak out in their workplace about an injustice that they see: shut up. Keep it to yourself. It's not worth it. Your career will be over.

I want no part in this anymore. I love the Lions. I love the Packers. I used to enjoy lazy Sundays watching NFL RedZone and SportsCenter. But not this year. If Kaepernick is not welcome in the NFL, then the NFL isn’t welcome in my home.

On Sunday I asked my audience to join with me in a protest against those who would shut down a brave citizen who spoke out against the madness that permeates our country right now. They did. Here are the photos. If you think this is just about football, please think again.

#IStandWithKaep


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