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Why Rumors of a Gorsuch-Kagan Clash at the Supreme Court Are Such a Bombshell Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=38548"><span class="small">Mark Joseph Stern, Slate</span></a>   
Thursday, 19 October 2017 13:46

Stern writes: "Gorsuch's abrupt pivot to arrogance has been on full display in his bumptious opinions and questions from the bench. But it also appears to be infecting his interactions with justices behind the scenes."

Supreme Court Justices Elena Kagan and Neil Gorsuch. (photo: Wikipedia)
Supreme Court Justices Elena Kagan and Neil Gorsuch. (photo: Wikipedia)


Why Rumors of a Gorsuch-Kagan Clash at the Supreme Court Are Such a Bombshell

By Mark Joseph Stern, Slate

19 October 17

 

ollowing his nomination to the Supreme Court, Neil Gorsuch was packaged by his wealthy benefactors as the judicial equivalent of a carrot cake: mild and wholesome with the occasional hint of spice. Now that the justice has been safely installed on the court for life, he has revealed himself to be more akin to melted sorbet: sickly sweet and insubstantial with a tangy finish that induces slight nausea. Gorsuch’s abrupt pivot to arrogance has been on full display in his bumptious opinions and questions from the bench. But it also appears to be infecting his interactions with justices behind the scenes. Whispers emerging from the court indicate Gorsuch is more likely to alienate than influence even his conservative colleagues.

The latest sign of trouble comes from NPR’s Nina Totenberg, who dropped in on the indispensable Supreme Court podcast First Mondays to dish some gossip about the newest justice. Totenberg, a renowned court reporter who is friendly with several justices, noted that Gorsuch “ticks off some members of the court—and I don’t think it’s just the liberals.” Without exposing her sources—“you talk to former law clerks, you talk to friends, you talk to some of the justices”—Totenberg then dropped a bombshell:

My surmise, from what I’m hearing, is that Justice [Elena] Kagan really has taken [Gorsuch] on in conference. And that it’s a pretty tough battle and it’s going to get tougher. And she is about as tough as they come, and I am not sure he’s as tough—or dare I say it, maybe not as smart. I always thought he was very smart, but he has a tin ear somehow, and he doesn’t seem to bring anything new to the conversation.

Why is Totenberg’s reporting here so extraordinary? Because it’s astonishing that any reporter would hear details from conference, let alone score some genuinely juicy scuttlebutt. Conference is famously sacrosanct: It’s where the justices gather to cast their votes in the cases of the week, with each explaining his or her reasoning in order of seniority. Nobody else is allowed to attend. If rumors leak about a justice’s behavior in conference—and they basically never do—it is almost certainly a justice who leaked them. And when justices leak—which again, happens very rarely—they do so on purpose. The fact that we know about the “battle” in conference between Gorsuch and Kagan suggests that someone on the court wants us to know.

The substance of the leak is also startling since conference is not intended to foster the kind of arguments that Totenberg described. Sixty years ago, some justices did engage in ferocious debate during conference. But Chief Justice John Roberts, like William Rehnquist before him, prides himself on presiding over civil orderly discussions. By all accounts, Kagan has adhered to this tradition throughout her seven years on the bench. Gorsuch, it seems, has disrupted it. Is he needling Kagan to the point that she explodes? Or is he expounding his opinion so obnoxiously or condescendingly that she feels compelled to speak out?

A clue comes in the form of a recent article by CNN’s Joan Biskupic, another well-connected, widely respected Supreme Court reporter. Biskupic notes that Gorsuch has “shaken relations at the high court,” creating “personal tensions” at a formerly placid workplace. (The justices do get cranky toward the end of each term, and snippy at tense oral arguments, but they typically make up quickly.) In one ambiguously sourced yet tantalizing passage, Biskupic confirms what the rest of us have long suspected—that Gorsuch is irritating his colleagues:

It can be difficult for people outside the marble walls to know truly the relationships among the nine in their private chambers. But word seeps out, through clerks and other staff, through the justices’ friends, and through the justices themselves. Such communications make clear that Gorsuch has generated some ill will among justices. Signs have emerged from the bench, too, as Gorsuch has been on the receiving end of a few retorts.

Kagan is cool-headed and pragmatic, but she does not suffer fools gladly. She does enjoy sparring with Justice Samuel Alito, but Alito is a brilliant intellect with a misanthropic wit. Gorsuch, by comparison, is a Fox News anchor’s idea of a first-rate justice: an insipid ideologue peddling warmed-over dogmas. Kagan just might find him exasperating enough to merit a rebuttal, drawing her into the ongoing “battle” that Totenberg described.

We’ll get a better sense of this burgeoning feud once the justices begin issuing opinions later this term. (The ever-voluble Gorsuch will surely spill much ink detailing his penetrating insights and repudiating those who contradict him.) For now it is safe to say that, in Gorsuch, the justices did not get the deal they were promised. Justice Antonin Scalia could be a grouch, but he developed warm friendships with many of his colleagues, including those to his left. Gorsuch is a pale imitation of his predecessor, boasting a bratty attitude that has nettled justices across the ideological spectrum. He was supposed to build a new conservative consensus. Instead, it seems, his haughty demeanor has given his colleagues something they can agree on.

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The Most Underplayed Story of the 2016 Election Is Voter Suppression Print
Thursday, 19 October 2017 13:43

Hampton writes: "Amidst the first election in more than 50 years to take place without key protections of the Voting Rights Act, only 8.9 percent of TV news segments on voting rights from July 2016 to June 2017 'discussed the impact voter suppression laws had on the 2016 election,' while more than 70 percent 'were about Trump's false claims of voter fraud and noncitizen voting.'"

Trump with Kris Kobach. (photo: Drew Angerer/Getty)
Trump with Kris Kobach. (photo: Drew Angerer/Getty)


The Most Underplayed Story of the 2016 Election Is Voter Suppression

By Rachelle Hampton, New Republic

19 October 17

 

midst the first election in more than 50 years to take place without key protections of the Voting Rights Act, only 8.9 percent of TV news segments on voting rights from July 2016 to June 2017 “discussed the impact voter suppression laws had on the 2016 election,” while more than 70 percent “were about Trump’s false claims of voter fraud and noncitizen voting.”

A new Mother Jones report on voter suppression in 2016 found that as many as 45,000 people in Wisconsin were deterred from voting due to the state’s voter ID law, possibly costing Hillary Clinton the election. In the majority-black city of Milwaukee alone, voter turnout decreased by 41,000 for the 2016 election. “I would estimate that 25 to 35 percent of the 41,000 decrease in voters, or somewhere between 10,000 and 15,000 voters, likely did not vote due to the photo ID requirement,” said Neil Albrecht, Milwaukee’s election director.

An MIT study found that 12 percent of all voters—an estimated 16 million people—encountered at least one problem voting in 2016. There were more than 1 million lost votes, the study estimates, because people ran into ID laws, long lines at the polls, and registration problems. And overall 14 states had new voting restrictions in place for the first time in 2016, many of them instituted in the wake of the gutting of the Voting Rights Act by the Supreme Court in 2013. As Mother Jones’s Ari Berman writes:

A month after the Supreme Court ruling, North Carolina passed a sweeping rewrite of its election laws, requiring voter IDs, cutting early voting, and eliminating same-day registration, among other changes, before the law was struck down in a federal court for targeting black voters “with almost surgical precision.” Ohio repealed the first week of early voting, when African Americans were five times likelier than whites to cast a ballot. Florida barred ex-felons from becoming eligible to vote after serving their time, preventing 1.7 million Floridians from voting in 2016, including 1 in 5 black voting-age residents. Arizona made it a felony for anyone other than a family member or caregiver to collect a voter’s absentee ballot, disproportionately hurting Latino and Native American voters in the state’s rural areas.

The problem is only likely to get worse with Jeff Sessions at the helm of the Department of Justice and Kris Kobach, the “Javert of voter fraud,” leading Trump’s voting commission. Democrats need to make repealing these laws a priority.


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FOCUS: Over It Redux* Print
Thursday, 19 October 2017 11:53

Ensler writes: "I am over rape culture, where privileged men with political and physical and economic power take what and who they want, when they want it, as much as they want, any time they want it."

Author, playwright, and activist Eve Ensler. (photo: SheThePeople)
Author, playwright, and activist Eve Ensler. (photo: SheThePeople)


Over It Redux*

By Eve Ensler, Reader Supported News

18 October 17


“And really deeply, truly, I am over the passivity of good men.”

am over rape.

I’m over women (cisgender, transgender and gender non-conforming) having to tell our stories over and over, traumatizing and re-traumatizing ourselves over and over when the stories and names and identities of perpetrators remain protected and anonymous.

I am over rape culture, where privileged men with political and physical and economic power take what and who they want, when they want it, as much as they want, any time they want it.

This would include the super Predator in Chief, Donald Trump, who was elected after bragging about grabbing women’s pussies without their consent and who has more than 15 charges of abuse against him. Harvey Weinstein, Bill Cosby, Roger Ailes, Bill O’Reilly... the list is endless. It’s not enough to fire them and have them walk away with millions. Sexual abuse is already illegal.

I am over how long it takes for anyone to ever respond to rape, and how long corporations and partners protect abusers through payouts and backroom deals. If that same president or CEO stole money from you or killed someone, you can bet they’d be fired on the spot and he would be charged in court.

I am over the three out of four women who experience sexual harassment feeling they can’t tell anyone for fear of losing their job or not being believed.

I am over women being slowly made insane and angered and humiliated and shamed by being forced to ignore, deny, block out, tolerate, minimize the sexual harassment in order to survive.

I am over “33 million U.S. women being sexually harassed, and 14 million sexually abused, in work-related incidents,” as reported by ABC News-Washington Post.

I am over domestic workers being held as sex slaves.

I’m over non-documented workers being sexually and physically abused, and then having no place to turn for protection or justice.

I am over room attendants in hotels having to fight to get panic buttons installed on their beings because they can hardly bend over to clean a bathtub without fear of being attacked by male guests.

I am over restaurant workers being made to tolerate being grabbed, insulted degraded and harassed at jobs because they are reliant on tips and paid $2.13 an hour.

I’m over 76 percent of nurses being verbally assaulted and kicked, punched, bitten, grabbed or attacked by their patients or visitors on the job.

I am over 60 percent of women farm workers suffering sexual abuse, so much so that their place of work has been named the field de calzon, the field of panties.

I am over the hundreds of thousands of women in Congo still waiting for the rapes to end and the rapists to be held accountable.

I am over the thousands of women in Bosnia, Myanmar, Pakistan, South Africa, Guatemala, Sierra Leone, Haiti, Nigeria, Afghanistan, Libya, Syria, Iraq, you name a place, still waiting for justice.

I am over one in three women in the U.S military getting raped by their so-called “comrades.”

I am over the fact that half of all transgender people and lesbians will experience sexual violence.

I am over the fact that 75 percent of women in prison “have histories of severe physical abuse by an intimate partner... and 82% suffered serious physical or sexual abuse as children” and they are being further punished rather than healed.

I’m over college campuses being places young women survive rather than places they thrive because of rape culture.

I am over the forces that deny women who have been raped the right to have an abortion.

I am over rape victims becoming re-raped when they go public.

I am over women still being silent about rape, because they are made to believe it’s their fault. Because they did something to make it happen like “wearing the wrong clothes.” Because they are terrified they will get fired or won’t get the part or ever work again.

I am over people not understanding that rape is not a joke and I am over being told I don’t have a sense of humor, and women don’t have a sense of humor, when most women I know (and I know a lot) are really fucking funny. We just don’t think being forced to watch a vile, powerful man masturbate in front of us to keep or get a job or having an uninvited penis up our anus or our vagina is a laugh riot.

I’m over women being forced to leave their homes when their husbands beat them.

I am over violence against women not being a number one international priority when one out of three women will be raped or beaten in her lifetime ? the destruction and muting and undermining of women is the destruction of life itself.

No women, no future, duh.

I am over the endless resurrection of the careers of rapists and sexual exploiters ? film directors, world leaders, corporate executives, shamans, priests, rabbis, imams, gurus, coaches, doctors, movie stars, athletes (insert here) ? while the lives of the women they violated are devastated, often forcing them to live in social and emotional exile.

I’m over listening to a predator who has slept with and then married his step daughter expressing his empathy for a mutual predator.

I am over years and years of being over rape and rewriting and updating this piece Over It.

I am over thinking about rape every day of my life since I was five years old. I’m over getting sick from rape. I’m over getting depressed from rape. I’m over getting enraged by rape. I’m over reading my insanely crowded inbox of rape horror stories every hour of every single day.

I am over being polite about rape. It’s been too long now, we have been too understanding. We need it to end now.

We need people to truly try and imagine ? once and for all ? what it feels like to have your body invaded, your mind splintered, your soul shattered.

And really deeply, truly, I am over the passivity of good men. Where the hell are you? You live with us, work with us, make love with us, father us, befriend us, brother us, get nurtured and mothered and eternally supported by us, so why aren’t you standing with us? Why aren’t you driven to the point of madness and action by the rape and harassment, degradation and humiliation of us?

Why aren’t you rising in droves, going beyond apologies and confessions, realizing this issue is your issue not ours? Why don’t you see yet if you were to stand as one fierce band of insistent, consistent, loving men speaking to your brothers, calling out your brothers, interrogating yourselves, dismantling patriarchy in every board room, audition hall, hotel, hospital, office, farm, school, locker room, this whole thing would change overnight?

There are approximately one billion women on the planet who have been violated.

ONE BILLION WOMEN.

Can we rise together? Can we change the paradigm? Can we rebirth the culture because we know that when women are free, safe, equal and allowed to be alive in all their intensity the whole story will finally change?


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FOCUS: Trump's Disrespect for Troops, Another Emotional Dead End Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=20877"><span class="small">William Boardman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Thursday, 19 October 2017 10:53

Boardman writes: "The issue is a matter of honoring the sacrifice of the dead, not one of how hard a job that might be for the commander who got them killed. Well, that used to be the issue, but now we have a president who wants us to focus our sympathy on himself, a man who never saw combat, a man who never served in the military, but a man who serves up gobs of public self-pity for how hard it is for him to make a few phone calls. This is Trumplandia."

Myeshia Johnson meets the body of her husband, Sgt. La David Johnson, who died from wounds sustained during enemy contact in Niger. (photo: ABC)
Myeshia Johnson meets the body of her husband, Sgt. La David Johnson, who died from wounds sustained during enemy contact in Niger. (photo: ABC)


Trump's Disrespect for Troops, Another Emotional Dead End

By William Boardman, Reader Supported News

18 October 17

 

I felt very, very badly about that. I always feel badly. The toughest calls I have to make are the calls where this happens. Soldiers are killed. It’s a very difficult thing. Now, it gets to a point where, you know, you make four or five of them in one day. It’s a very, very tough day. For me, that’s by far the toughest.

ffering official, token comfort to the families of fallen American soldiers has been a virtually reflexive ritual since George Washington, and rightly so. The dead are men and women who gave their brief lives for belief in the country, even when their government let them die for a lie or a fraud. The issue is a matter of honoring the sacrifice of the dead, not one of how hard a job that might be for the commander who got them killed. Well, that used to be the issue, but now we have a president who wants us to focus our sympathy on himself, a man who never saw combat, a man who never served in the military, but a man who serves up gobs of public self-pity for how hard it is for him to make a few phone calls. This is Trumplandia.

When a reporter asked him on October 16 why he had not talked publicly about the October 4 ambush in Niger that killed four American soldiers, Trump responded with some of his standard techniques: he didn’t answer the question, he changed the subject, and he lied. Trump lied about President Obama and others, saying they didn’t call, or didn’t call as much as he does, or didn’t call General Kelly. The pushback was immediate (except from General Kelly), with one former Obama aide calling the statement a “fucking lie” and Trump a “deranged animal.” Now the story has legs and continues to grow as reporters motivated by the president’s disrespect go out of their way to tell true stories to impeach the president’s credibility. Turns out Trump has reached out to something like half of the families of the soldiers killed so far on his watch, and some of those interactions have not gone so well.

The four soldiers killed in Niger were all sergeants: La David Johnson, 25, of Miami Gardens, Florida; Bryan C. Black, 35, of Puyallup, Washington; Jeremiah Johnson, 39, of Springboro, Ohio; and Dustin M. Wright, 29, of Lyons, Georgia. As of October 18, Trump had apparently called only one of these four families, with disastrous results.

Trump called the pregnant widow and mother of two, Myeshia Johnson, as she was riding in a car to meet the plane carrying her husband’s flag-draped casket. Unfortunately for the president, his call was on speakerphone and there were witnesses, including her two children, Sgt. Johnson’s mother, and their congresswoman, Frederica S. Wilson. Rep. Wilson later criticized Trump for his insensitivity, never using the sergeant’s name, just calling him “your guy” over and over, and telling Mrs. Johnson, “Well, I guess he knew what he signed up for, but I guess it still hurt."

Trump responded by lying in a tweet, saying Rep. Wilson fabricated the conversation. He also lied saying, “I have proof.” Then Sgt. Johnson’s mother, Cowanda Jones-Johnson confirmed that Trump had said that Sgt. Johnson “must have known what he signed up for.” But Trump kept on lying, joined by press secretary Sarah Huckabee Sanders.

All this has inflamed the already fevered speculation about Trump’s mental state, awareness of reality, fitness to serve, and of course the helplessness of almost anyone to do anything about it. As one commenter put it, “Trump’s Obama-bashing was so gratuitous — if this was a hockey game he’d get a penalty.”

Others focused on why Trump was silent about the Niger ambush fatalities for twelve days and only sort of addressed them when a reporter asked about them. One suggestion was that Trump thought that Niger was in Puerto Rico and the soldiers were Puerto Ricans. Other in and out of the White House offered a variety of speculations, not always with complete seriousness, that Trump took 12 days to offer any condolences because:

  • He thought that was the Islamic mourning period

  • They were on a training mission, so how could they get killed?

  • Two of the four are Blacks

  • They were only sergeants

  • They’re not voters anymore

  • Acknowledging his betters is anathema

  • Four is a lot of calls for 1 guy to make

  • He wanted to wait 3 days for each

  • Bad staff work

  • Ivanka was trying to decide what dresses to send the widows

  • He was waiting for a re-supply of paper towels

  • That’s not what he signed up for

So far, the White House has yet to offer a credible explanation for the 12-day Presidential Blackout, although there has been some attempt to use “bad staff work,” suggesting that they were slow over at the Pentagon. Some have pointed out in Trump’s defense that this incident is better than when the draft dodger criticized Sen. John McCain for getting captured, but that argument carries the implication that Trump is saying “at least these guys got killed” or some such thing. Not that you’d ever see him meeting a military coffin at Dover Air Force Base

Obviously no one can know what’s in Trump’s mind, perhaps not even the president himself. Until more compelling evidence is available, the best explanation for this episode and all the other White House oddities, high crimes, and misdemeanors is that Trump never really had any idea what he was signing up for.



William M. Boardman has over 40 years experience in theatre, radio, TV, print journalism, and non-fiction, including 20 years in the Vermont judiciary. He has received honors from Writers Guild of America, Corporation for Public Broadcasting, Vermont Life magazine, and an Emmy Award nomination from the Academy of Television Arts and Sciences.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.


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All the Other Harvey Weinsteins Print
Thursday, 19 October 2017 08:47

Ringwald writes: "The tale of Harvey Weinstein is now a thread that has tangled its way through Hollywood, connecting women, mostly actresses, in a depressingly common way."

Actor Molly Ringwald. (photo: Universal Pictures)
Actor Molly Ringwald. (photo: Universal Pictures)


All the Other Harvey Weinsteins

By Molly Ringwald, The New Yorker

19 October 17

 

he tale of Harvey Weinstein is now a thread that has tangled its way through Hollywood, connecting women, mostly actresses, in a depressingly common way. We all seem to have a Harvey story, each one a little different but with essentially the same nauseating pattern and theme. Women were bullied, cajoled, manipulated, and worse, and then punished.

My Harvey story is different, mostly because of timing. I was in one of the first films that Weinstein produced. I accepted a supporting role in a small movie based on “Loser Takes All,” the short novel by Graham Greene. I was twenty years old. The idea of playing a supporting role in a small British movie appealed to me after having just made a big splash in the John Hughes movies. Plus, I was an enormous fan of Greene’s writing. When we began filming, in France, I was warned about the producer, but I had never heard of him and had no reason to fear him. The feeling on the set was that he and his brother Bob were becoming powerful and were difficult to work with, and that it was inadvisable to cross them. During a dinner at the Chčvre d’Or, in a tiny medieval village, there was a tense, awkward moment when Harvey became testy toward our British co-workers and accused them of thinking of us Americans as just the “little guys in the colonies.” It was sort of meant as a joke, I suppose, but it made everyone cringe, and all I could think was that the guy was volatile.

Thankfully, I wasn’t cajoled into a taxi, nor did I have to turn down giving or getting a massage. I was lucky. Or perhaps it was because, at that moment in time, I was the one with more power. “The English Patient,” Weinstein’s first Best Picture winner, was still a few years away. The worst I had to contend with was performing new pages that Harvey had someone else write, which were not in the script; my co-star, Robert Lindsay, and I had signed off to do a film adapted and directed by one person, and then were essentially asked to turn our backs on him and film scenes that were not what we had agreed to. We hadn’t even finished filming, and the movie was already being taken away from the director.

After that, the film was completely taken away, recut, and retitled. Weinstein named it “Strike It Rich,” because he insisted that Americans couldn’t stand to have the word “loser” in a title. He also changed the poster: he had my head stuck onto another body, dressed in a form-fitting, nineteen-fifties-pinup-style dress, with a hand reaching out to accept a diamond, like Marilyn Monroe in “Gentlemen Prefer Blondes.” I wouldn’t have posed for a picture like that, since it had nothing to do with the character I portrayed; it struck me as ridiculous false advertising. (I was always a little mystified that Harvey had a reputation as a great tastemaker when he seemed so noticeably lacking in taste himself. But he did have a knack for hiring people who had it, and I figured that’s what passes for taste in Hollywood.) In any case, the film tanked. I had a percentage of the gross, and, as it turned out, you still make money if you have a gross percentage. I found this out about a year later, when my lawyer called to tell me that I had been denied the percentage owed to me. She asked if it was O.K. if she went after the Weinsteins. I ended up suing them for the money, which I got, and I never worked with Harvey or the company again.

While my own Harvey story may be different, I have had plenty of Harveys of my own over the years, enough to feel a sickening shock of recognition. When I was thirteen, a fifty-year-old crew member told me that he would teach me to dance, and then proceeded to push against me with an erection. When I was fourteen, a married film director stuck his tongue in my mouth on set. At a time when I was trying to figure out what it meant to become a sexually viable young woman, at every turn some older guy tried to help speed up the process. And all this went on despite my having very protective parents who did their best to shield me. I shudder to think of what would have happened had I not had them.

In my twenties, I was blindsided during an audition when I was asked by the director, in a somewhat rhetorical manner, to let the lead actor put a dog collar around my neck. This was not remotely in the pages I had studied; I could not even fathom how it made sense in the story. The actor was a friend of mine, and I looked in his eyes with panic. He looked back at me with an “I’m really sorry” expression on his face as his hands reached out toward my neck. I don’t know if the collar ever made it on me, because that’s the closest I’ve had to an out-of-body experience. I’d like to think that I just walked out, but, more than likely, there’s an old VHS tape, disintegrating in a drawer somewhere, of me trying to remember lines with a dog collar around my neck in front of a young man I once had a crush on. I sobbed in the parking lot and, when I got home and called my agent to tell him what happened, he laughed and said, “Well, I guess that’s one for the memoirs. . . .” I fired him and moved to Paris not long after.

After I moved to Paris, I put my career on the back burner, but I came back to the U.S. occasionally to work. The magazine Movieline decided to feature me on its cover, I guess because anyone who leaves Hollywood after having success seems intriguing on some level. In that article, the head of a major studio—and, incidentally, someone who claims himself to be horrified by the Harvey allegations—was quoted as saying, “I wouldn’t know [Molly Ringwald] if she sat on my face.” I was twenty-four at the time. Maybe he was misquoted. If he ever sent a note of apology, it must have gotten lost in the mail.

I could go on about other instances in which I have felt demeaned or exploited, but I fear it would get very repetitive. Then again, that’s part of the point. I never talked about these things publicly because, as a woman, it has always felt like I may as well have been talking about the weather. Stories like these have never been taken seriously. Women are shamed, told they are uptight, nasty, bitter, can’t take a joke, are too sensitive. And the men? Well, if they’re lucky, they might get elected President.

My hope is that Hollywood makes itself an example and decides to enact real change, change that would allow women of all ages and ethnicities the freedom to tell their stories—to write them and direct them and trust that people care. I hope that young women will one day no longer feel that they have to work twice as hard for less money and recognition, backward and in heels. It’s time. Women have resounded their cri de coeur. Listen.


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