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Politics
Enough Print
Wednesday, 25 October 2017 08:42

Flake writes: "We have again forgotten who we are supposed to be. There is a sickness in our system - and it is contagious."

Senator Jeff Flake said on Oct. 24 that he will not seek reelection in 2018. (photo: Drew Angerer/Getty)
Senator Jeff Flake said on Oct. 24 that he will not seek reelection in 2018. (photo: Drew Angerer/Getty)


Enough

By Jeff Flake, The Washington Post

25 October 17

s I contemplate the Trump presidency, I cannot help but think of Joseph Welch.

On June 9, 1954, during the Army-McCarthy hearings, Welch, who was the chief counsel for the Army, famously asked the committee chairman if he might speak on a point of personal privilege. What he said that day was so profound that it has become enshrined as a pivotal moment in defense of American values against those who would lay waste to them. Welch was the son of a small prairie town in northwest Iowa, and the plaintive quality of his flat Midwestern accent is burned into American history. After asking Sen. Joseph McCarthy for his attention and telling him to listen with both ears, Welch spoke:

“Until this moment, senator, I think I never really gauged your cruelty, or your recklessness.”

And then, in words that today echo from his time to ours, Welch delivered the coup de grace: “You’ve done enough. Have you no sense of decency, sir, at long last? Have you left no sense of decency?”

The moral power of Welch’s words ended McCarthy’s rampage on American values, and effectively his career as well.

After Welch said his piece, the hearing room erupted in applause, those in attendance seemingly shocked by such bracing moral clarity in the face of a moral vandal. Someone had finally spoken up and said: Enough.

By doing so, Welch reawakened the conscience of the country. The moment was a shock to the system, a powerful dose of cure for an American democracy that was questioning its values during a time of global tumult and threat. We had temporarily forgotten who we were supposed to be.

We face just such a time now. We have again forgotten who we are supposed to be.

There is a sickness in our system — and it is contagious.

How many more disgraceful public feuds with Gold Star families can we witness in silence before we ourselves are disgraced?

How many more times will we see moral ambiguity in the face of shocking bigotry and shrug it off?

How many more childish insults do we need to see hurled at a hostile foreign power before we acknowledge the senseless danger of it?

How much more damage to our democracy and to the institutions of American liberty do we need to witness in silence before we count ourselves as complicit in that damage?

Nine months of this administration is enough for us to stop pretending that this is somehow normal, and that we are on the verge of some sort of pivot to governing, to stability. Nine months is more than enough for us to say, loudly and clearly: Enough.

The outcome of this is in our hands. We can no longer remain silent, merely observing this train wreck, passively, as if waiting for someone else to do something. The longer we wait, the greater the damage, the harsher the judgment of history.

I have been so worried about the state of our disunion that I recently wrote a book called “Conscience of a Conservative: A Rejection of Destructive Politics and a Return to Principle.” I meant for the book to be a defense of principle at a time when principle is in a state of collapse. In it, I traced the transformation of my party from a party of ideas to a party in thrall to a charismatic figure peddling empty populist slogans. I tried to make the case for the sometimes excruciating work of arguing and compromise.

This was part of the reason I wanted to go to the Senate — because its institutional strictures require you to cross the aisle and do what is best for the country. Because what is best for the country is for neither party’s base to fully get what it wants but rather for the factions that make up our parties to be compelled to talk until we have a policy solution to our problems. To listen to the rhetoric of the extremes of both parties, one could be forgiven for believing that we are each other’s enemies, that we are at war with ourselves.

But more is now required of us than to put down our thoughts in writing. As our political culture seems every day to plumb new depths of indecency, we must stand up and speak out. Especially those of us who hold elective office.

To that end, and to remove all considerations of what is normally considered to be safe politically, I have decided that my time in the Senate will end when my term ends in early January 2019. For the next 14 months, relieved of the strictures of politics, I will be guided only by the dictates of conscience.


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The Military Has a Serious White Nationalist Problem Print
Wednesday, 25 October 2017 08:38

Osberg writes: "A study published on Monday presents alarming new evidence about something that has, so far, been anecdotally reported: the U.S. military has a white nationalist problem, and it's getting worse."

U.S. Military. (photo: Getty Images)
U.S. Military. (photo: Getty Images)


The Military Has a Serious White Nationalist Problem

By Molly Osberg, Splinter

25 October 17

 

study published on Monday presents alarming new evidence about something that has, so far, been anecdotally reported: the U.S. military has a white nationalist problem, and it’s getting worse.

For more than a decade, reports have linked high-profile racist extremists to veterans organizations and the military. This latest study suggests there’s a problem more far-ranging than the occasional “bad apple” or enlisted figurehead.

In September, about a month after white supremacists descended on Charlottesville, VA, for the “Unite the Right” rally, Army Times conducted a confidential online survey of more than 1,000 active-duty troops. The publication released the results of that poll late Monday afternoon.

The Times found that nearly one in four survey respondents had witnessed concrete instances of white nationalism among fellow troops. Unsurprisingly, the number of “non-white” troops who witnessed such behavior was much higher, at around 42%. Among active-duty troops at large, however, homegrown white nationalism was ranked as a more pressing national security threat than Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, “U.S. protest movements,” and “civil disobedience.”

Perhaps more troublingly, while the majority of service members did recognize the threat of white nationalism in the service and the nation at large, a fringe faction (around 5%) wrote comments disparaging the methodology of the poll and complaining that groups like Black Lives Matter weren’t included as an example of an encroaching extremist threat. (To its credit, the Times refers to BLM’s goal as being to raise “awareness of violence and discrimination towards black people.”)

In these written responses to the survey, anonymous members of the command reflected opinions of white nationalism typically only held by, well, white nationalists:

“White nationalism is not a terrorist organization,” wrote one Navy commander, who declined to give his name.

“You do realize white nationalists and racists are two totally different types of people?” wrote another anonymous Air Force staff sergeant.

The oddly pervasive belief among white people that they’re being actively discriminated against aside, the military’s white nationalist problem has troubling consequences for nearly every other major fissure in America today. For example: While some military commanders went on the record to counter Trump’s “nice-people-on-all-sides” apologist whimper in Charlottesville’s wake, it has become clear over the last year’s violent protests how much white nationalist and neo-Nazi groups rely on former service members for protection, tactical advice, and recruiting. This has been the result of a long-term, intentional campaign.

As far back as 2009, the Department of Homeland Security warned of right wing extremists targeting “disgruntled” former service members. These people “will attempt to recruit and radicalize returning veterans in order to exploit their skills and knowledge derived from military training and combat,” DHS wrote. So we shouldn’t have been surprised when leaders of white supremacist groups in Charlottesville were later identified as former Marines—and one, even, as a Corps recruiter.

Nor, as these trends intensify, should we be surprised when Charlottesville cops stand and watch a white supremacist shoot a gun into a crowd. Those same 1-in-20 Military Times respondents who espouse white nationalist thought are very likely, once they leave the service, to find themselves as members of the increasingly unregulated, militarized power structure in this country.

As ICE and Border Patrol struggle to keep pace with their Trump-era hiring mandates, the agencies will continue to aggressively recruit military veterans, waiving some requirements in order to fast-track them; the American Law Enforcement Heroes Act, signed by the president in June, incentivizes local police forces to hire even more veterans, though by some estimates one in five officers are already coming into the force from Afghanistan, Iraq, or another military assignment.

White nationalist groups, neo-Nazis, and the so-called “alt-right” have recently bragged of infiltrating academia, politics, the media, even the tech industry. But in infiltrating the military, they’ve acquired much more terrifying means.


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Trump Says He Is Only President in History With Courage to Stand Up to War Widows Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=9160"><span class="small">Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker</span></a>   
Tuesday, 24 October 2017 15:13

Borowitz writes: "Calling himself 'unbelievably brave,' Donald Trump said on Monday that he is the only President in U.S. history with the courage to stand up to war widows."

Donald Trump. (photo: Pete Marovich/Bloomberg/Getty Images)
Donald Trump. (photo: Pete Marovich/Bloomberg/Getty Images)


Trump Says He Is Only President in History With Courage to Stand Up to War Widows

By Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker

24 October 17


The article below is satire. Andy Borowitz is an American comedian and New York Times-bestselling author who satirizes the news for his column, "The Borowitz Report."


alling himself “unbelievably brave,” Donald Trump said on Monday that he is the only President in U.S. history with the courage to stand up to war widows.

“You look at guys like Obama and Clinton and the Bushes, when it came to war widows, they all blinked,” he said. “For years, we weren’t winning at widows.”

In contrast, Trump said, he has made defeating war widows one of his top priorities as President. “Forget about Iran and China and Little Rocket Man,” he said. “This country has been pushed around by war widows for far too long.”

Trump said that Senator John McCain, who has mocked the President’s draft-dodging during Vietnam, has “never shown an ounce of courage when it comes to fighting war widows.”

“McCain can talk about what he did in Vietnam all he wants,” Trump said. “But the guys who have gone toe to toe with a war widow, contradicted her version of events, and refused to back down—we are the true heroes.”


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War Isn't Winning Print
Tuesday, 24 October 2017 14:58

Bennis writes: "Remember when President Barack Obama said there was 'no military solution to terrorism?' Despite the expulsion of the Islamic State group from Raqqa, the capital of its self-declared 'caliphate' and the last significant population center under its control, it turns out he was right."

Members of the Syrian Democratic Forces greeted one another after returning from the frontline in east Raqqa last week. (photo: Ivor Prickett/NYT)
Members of the Syrian Democratic Forces greeted one another after returning from the frontline in east Raqqa last week. (photo: Ivor Prickett/NYT)


War Isn't Winning

By Phyllis Bennis, U.S. News

24 October 17


The Islamic State group lost its capital, but U.S. military action has done more harm than good.

emember when President Barack Obama said there was "no military solution to terrorism?" Despite the expulsion of the Islamic State group from Raqqa, the capital of its self-declared "caliphate" and the last significant population center under its control, it turns out he was right.

What we're seeing is the decline of the Islamic State group as an organization that holds territory and governs people. But the end of the group itself? Not even close. The end of terrorism? An illusion.

Instead, this is simply the group's latest organizational transformation – a shift from a more or less conventional army holding territory as part of an extremist dictatorship, back to its origins as an old-fashioned terrorist organization known for brutal acts of up-close and personal violence.

Even as Islamic State group fighters are driven out, a Pentagon think tank holds the organization responsible for at least 1,500 attacks in 16 towns and cities across Iraq and Syria. That's likely to continue. An escalation of terror attacks further abroad remains a likely result, too – particularly as foreign recruits return to their home countries.

All that's to say: The U.S.-led military assault on Raqqa failed to either destroy the Islamic State group or to end terrorism. Add one more notch to the long list of failures of the now 16-year-old war on terror.

Leaving behind rubble. It's a good thing that millions have been freed from the cruelty and violence imposed by the Islamic State group. But as in Ramadi, Fallujah, Mosul and other cities from which the group was previously expelled, we have to ask: At what cost was Raqqa "liberated"?

In the city itself, more than 1,000 civilians were killed by U.S. airstrikes during the months-long assault. The New York Times reports that "much of the city has been devastated by American-led airstrikes," which have displaced some 270,000 residents and destroyed thousands of homes. Photographs show blocks of roofless houses, bullet-pocked buildings with walls blown out and bomb-cratered streets empty of people.

So U.S. force destroyed the city – in order to "save" it?

Such destruction paves the way for deeper political dysfunction, especially when exacerbated by sectarian politics.

Take the case of Fallujah, the first major Iraqi city to fall to the extremists. The Islamic State group lost Fallujah in June of last year, but only after extensive battles involving Iraqi government forces and U.S. troops. And before that, it was the site of heavy fighting between al-Qaida, other Iraqi forces and U.S. Marines in 2004.

Even a year after the Islamic State group fighters were expelled from Fallujah, virtually no reconstruction of the devastated city had even begun, no aid was coming from Baghdad and the government was focusing instead on the need for "more security." Anger towards the Shiite-dominated sectarian government in Bahgdad, especially from Fallujah's majority Sunnis, is on the rise. And not surprisingly, as The New York Times reported earlier this year, Islamic State group-linked insurgents are re-emerging there.

Beyond Fallujah, similar patterns may play out in the devastated Iraqi Sunni-majority cities of Mosul and Ramadi, among others where the Islamic State group was expelled, whole populations displaced and only rubble left behind. On the Syrian side, similarly devastated cities like Raqqa face a deeply uncertain future amid divisions between Kurds and Arabs, and between U.S.-backed forces, other rebel groups and the Russian- and Iranian-backed Syrian government.

Overlapping conflicts. Extremist groups flourish in this sort of chaos. The Islamic State group emerged in direct response to the U.S. occupation of Iraq and was strengthened by the civil war in Syria. Unfortunately, the military expulsion of the group from cities across Iraq and Syria is setting the stage for continuing violence and dysfunction.

The U.S. role in both wars is increasing political and military chaos, even now as Washington uses the defeat of the Islamic State group to consolidate power for itself and its local allies. That effort includes arming many military players across the region, often giving arms to both sides of the numerous conflicts.

Syrian Kurds armed and backed by the U.S. face new challenges as their primacy in Washington's anti-Islamic State group coalition is ending. Tensions between U.S.-backed Iraqi Kurds and the U.S.-backed Iraqi government in Baghdad are rising as ISIS diminishes as a military force. The recent move by Iraqi troops to retake Kirkuk — an oil-rich, mixed city seized by Kurdish fighters early in the anti-ISIS campaign — is just the latest skirmish in which both sides have been armed, trained, and supported by the United States for years.

Meanwhile, the broader proxy war between Iran and Saudi Arabia continues, with devastating consequences for civilian populations.

As U.S.-backed fighters were cautiously declaring victory over the Islamic State group, Brett McGurk – the head of Washington's "anti-ISIS coalition" – traveled to Raqqa to meet with a council the United States had established to govern the Syrian city after the Islamic State group. In a move guaranteed to further exacerbate regional tensions, he was accompanied by a high-ranking Saudi Arabian official.

The Iranian-backed Syrian authorities, who remain in power in Damascus despite U.S. efforts and despite a legacy of horrific repression, presumably did not authorize entry to the country of a top minister of one of their major regional antagonists in the war — let alone the creation of a local Syrian city government bought and paid for by the United States. The Saudis have played a major role in stoking the conflict and some of its most extreme elements, so any role they play in post-Islamic State group Raqqa will certainly be destabilizing.

Who pays the price. The vast territory the Islamic State group controlled for the last four years is still riven by political and sectarian fault lines. And the conditions that allowed the group to seize power remain largely unchanged.

Iraqi Sunnis blame their sectarian Shiite government – which enjoys the backing of both the U.S. and Iran – for continuing repression against Sunni communities. Those same conditions resulted in many Iraqi Sunnis turning to the Islamic State group or its predecessors, as the lesser evil against the entrenched corruption of the government.

In Syria, the complicated interlocking wars continue, pitting Iran against Saudi Arabia, Turkey against the Kurds, the United States against Russia and Israel against Syria. And that's not to mention the various U.S.-, Saudi-, Turkey-, United Arab Emirates-backed fighters arrayed against the Syrian government, which is in turn backed by Iran and Russia.

The conflicts are complicated, but the results simple: Syrian civilians pay the price.

Like in Iraq, the violent chaos that allowed the Islamic State group to run rampant across Syria continues there despite shifts in the military balance of forces. And as in Iraq, the United States is arming and supporting forces on many different sides – setting the stage for a long-term, potentially permanent military intervention throughout the region.

But the fact that there is no military solution – not to terrorism, not to the Syrian war, not to any of the crises still engulfing Iraq or beyond. Sixteen years of war against terror has failed. Diplomacy is harder, less telegenic, less politically exciting, but it's the only alternative we've got. And way too many lives are at risk not to fight for it.


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FOCUS: The Democrats Must Begin the Process of Impeachment Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=36361"><span class="small">Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page</span></a>   
Tuesday, 24 October 2017 12:26

Reich writes: "It is not necessary for a President to have been convicted of a crime for him to be impeached and removed from office. There only must be sufficient grounds for an inquiry into impeachment, undertaken by the House of Representatives, followed by a tribunal in the Senate."

Robert Reich. (photo: Getty)
Robert Reich. (photo: Getty)


The Democrats Must Begin the Process of Impeachment

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page

24 October 17

 

f course Democrats in our nation’s capital should be in favor of impeaching Trump. So should Republicans. He has committed at least 4 impeachable acts:

  1. Taking money from foreign powers, in violation of the emoluments clause of the Constitution (Article I, Section 9) – when they stay at his hotels and grant him business licenses and patents.

  2. Failing to faithfully execute the laws, in violation of Article II, Section 3) – when he refuses to implement the Affordable Care Act.

  3. Obstruction of justice, in violation of the laws of the United States -- when he fired the head of the FBI for proceeding to investigate his possible connections to Russian interference in our election.

  4. Violation of the First Amendment – when he threatens the free press. And if it’s determined that Trump knew about or was involved in Russia’s interference in our elections, he should be impeached under Article III, Section defining “treason against the United States.”

It is not necessary for a President to have been convicted of a crime for him to be impeached and removed from office. There only must be sufficient grounds for an inquiry into impeachment, undertaken by the House of Representatives, followed by a tribunal in the Senate.

If Republicans won’t begin such a proceeding, Democrats must – and the 2018 midterm election should be a referendum on their doing so. Your thoughts?


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