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The Particular Psychology of Destroying the Planet Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=35861"><span class="small">Bill McKibben, The New Yorker</span></a>   
Sunday, 23 May 2021 12:41

McKibben writes: "How is it that some people, or corporations, can knowingly perpetuate the damage? Or, as people routinely ask me, 'Don't they have grandchildren?'"

ExxonMobil, the owner of this Louisiana oil refinery, has adopted a tobacco-industry strategy to protect its business model. (photo: Barry Lewis/Getty Images)
ExxonMobil, the owner of this Louisiana oil refinery, has adopted a tobacco-industry strategy to protect its business model. (photo: Barry Lewis/Getty Images)


The Particular Psychology of Destroying the Planet

By Bill McKibben, The New Yorker

23 May 21


What kind of thinking goes into engaging in planetary sabotage?

wo weeks ago, I looked at the question of the anxiety that the climate crisis is causing our psyches. But, if you think about it, there’s an equally interesting question regarding the human mind: How is it that some people, or corporations, can knowingly perpetuate the damage? Or, as people routinely ask me, “Don’t they have grandchildren?”

A reminder that plenty of people have been engaged in this kind of planetary sabotage came last week in a remarkable paper by Harvard’s Geoffrey Supran and Naomi Oreskes. After analyzing nearly two hundred sources, including some internal company documents and “advertorials,” they concluded that Exxon officials had embraced a strategy “that downplays the reality and seriousness of climate change, normalizes fossil fuel lock-in, and individualizes responsibility.” And the authors found a model: “These patterns mimic the tobacco industry’s documented strategy of shifting responsibility away from corporations—which knowingly sold a deadly product while denying its harms—and onto consumers. This historical parallel foreshadows the fossil fuel industry’s use of demand-as-blame arguments to oppose litigation, regulation, and activism.” As Supran explains in a long Twitter thread about the research, “ExxonMobil tapped into America’s uniquely individualist culture and brought it to bear on climate change.”

What kind of thinking goes into adopting a tobacco-industry strategy to protect a business model as you wreck the climate system? (And it’s not just Exxon—here’s an analysis of how Big Meat is playing the same climate tricks.) No one, of course, can peer inside the heads of oil-company executives or those of their enablers in the legal, financial, and political worlds. But there’s an interesting explanation in a new book from the British psychoanalyst Sally Weintrobe. “Psychological Roots of the Climate Crisis” states its argument in its subtitle: “Neoliberal Exceptionalism and the Culture of Uncare.” Weintrobe writes that people’s psyches are divided into caring and uncaring parts, and the conflict between them “is at the heart of great literature down the ages, and all major religions.” The uncaring part wants to put ourselves first; it’s the narcissistic corners of the brain that persuade each of us that we are uniquely important and deserving, and make us want to except ourselves from the rules that society or morality set so that we can have what we want. “Most people’s caring self is strong enough to hold their inner exception in check,” she notes, but, troublingly, “ours is the Golden Age of Exceptionalism.” Neoliberalism—especially the ideas of people such as Ayn Rand, enshrined in public policy by Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher—“crossed a Rubicon in the 1980s” and neoliberals “have been steadily consolidating their power ever since.” Weintrobe calls leaders who exempt themselves in these ways “exceptions” and says that, as they “drove globalization forwards in the 1980s,” they were captivated by an ideology that whispered, “Cut regulation, cut ties to reality and cut concern.” Donald Trump was the logical end of this way of thinking, a man so self-centered that he interpreted all problems, even a global pandemic, as attempts to undo him. “The self-assured neoliberal imagination has increasingly revealed itself to be not equipped to deal with problems it causes,” she writes.

In her conclusion, Weintrobe contrasts this narcissistic entitlement with the “lively” (and psychologically appropriate) entitlement of young people who are now demanding climate action so that they will have a planet on which to live full lives. “They, who will have to live in a damaged world, need our support to stop further damage,” she writes. “The danger is that unless we break with Exceptionalism and mourn our exaggerated sense of narcissistic entitlement, we may pay them lip service with kind words but throw them overboard . . . while we carry on with carbon-intensive life as usual.”

Passing the Mic

The film “The Ants and the Grasshopper” has been a long time in the making. In 2012, Raj Patel, a research professor at the University of Texas, went to Malawi with a film crew to follow the farmer and activist Anita Chitaya and document her work in ending hunger and gender inequality. “We wanted to show that the biggest innovations in the food system were being driven by frontline communities and people of color in the global South,” Patel said. But, “when Anita learned about climate change, and the role of the United States in furthering it, she was shocked. She asked whether she should come over to America, to school us on what climate change was doing to her community. We fund-raised, travelled in 2017, and documented the impact she had on communities from Iowa to Detroit to Oakland to Washington, D.C.”

The film about that trip—charming, infuriating, big-hearted—will début later this month at the Mountainfilm documentary festival, in Telluride, Colorado. You can watch the trailer here, and it’s worth doing to get a sense of Chitaya’s voice so that you can imagine her answering these questions, which Patel and his team forwarded to her in Africa. (They translated the answers from her native Tumbuka, and the interview has been edited.)

What message were you most trying to get across to Americans when you travelled here?

The atmosphere has been damaged because of gas and smoke coming from America. We came to spread the news about how climate change affects us in Malawi, and what we are doing to change how we live to address the problems. We needed to tell them about the struggles that we were facing because it seems they did not know and, if they did not know about us, how could they care about us? I also want to say that it was an honor for us to meet them.

What do you think they heard, and what do you think they didn’t hear?

A lot of people listened and nodded when we talked about climate change in Malawi, but many also didn’t understand. They agreed that the weather was different, but disagreed that it was something that was the result of humans. They said it was impossible for humans to do this to the weather, or said that it was God’s will. This means that, even if their hearts were touched when we told them of our suffering, they did not understand that the way they live is causing that suffering.

If those Midwest farmers came to your community and your farm, what would you like them to learn from the experience?

I would be very happy if they came to my farm. I would teach them how we return the stalks and residue to the soils, how we plant soybeans and add manure from animals to heal the soil. If we take care of the soil, it will yield, and our lives can be healthy, without malnutrition.

But I would also show them how far we have to walk for water. In America, you have so much water. Here, our boreholes are drying up for longer each year. For us, it can be that it takes an hour to walk for water, and then you have to wait in a queue. I would show them how climate change makes life harder for women. If men don’t understand gender equality here, it makes life harder for their wives and daughters, who have to walk farther to find water.

And I would show them how men and women share work here. We have Recipe Days, when men and boys learn to cook, and everyone learns to experiment with new kinds of food. It helps us to bring about gender equality. We did not see as much of that in America as we do in our villages. Some people in America have a very traditional view of what men and women should do. If we are to work together, America needs to let go of its backward thinking.

Climate School

The biggest news of the week was Tuesday’s report from the International Energy Administration (I.E.A.) explaining that, to have any chance of meeting the temperature target set in the Paris accord, new development of coal, gas, and oil has to cease now. This epochal statement will be reverberating for weeks. (I wrote about it here.) For now, this interview with the I.E.A. executive director, Fatih Birol, gets the message across concisely. Putting new money into fossil fuel, Birol said, would be “junk investments.”

The fight over the Line 3 pipeline—which activists conducted as best they could during a long pandemic winter in Minnesota—is slowly nationalizing. The Seattle City Council voted to oppose the pipeline plan, becoming the first non-tribal government to do so. Meanwhile, activists announced plans for what looks to be a large gathering bent on nonviolent direct action along the pipeline route in June. Success would probably require making Line 3 enough of a national issue that the Biden Administration feels the need to intervene. Meanwhile, Governor Gretchen Whitmer, of Michigan, offers an impassioned defense of her efforts to shut down the Line 5 oil pipeline through the Great Lakes.

Department of I Didn’t See That Coming: A new report shows that rising carbon-dioxide emissions are lowering the density of the upper atmosphere and, in the process, could reduce the amount of space junk normally incinerated as it begins to return toward Earth. In a worst-case scenario, the amount of satellite-killing debris in orbit could increase fifty times by 2100—a “more probable outcome” is a tenfold or twentyfold increase.

The Guardian’s environment editor Damian Carrington offers a handy taxonomy for figuring out what’s greenwashing and what’s real progress.

In Sunset Park, Brooklyn, community leaders, including Elizabeth Yeampierre, of UPROSE, were part of a push toward a new clean-energy model for the waterfront, through the development of an offshore wind project. Now, such a project will be built by the Norwegian oil company Equinor. As Inside Climate News reports, the waterfront’s “73 acres of cracked concrete and rusting fences will be cleared away and replaced with the modern port that will anchor the burgeoning offshore wind industry. Crumbling bulkheads will be shored up to support 200-foot cranes. The decrepit piers, which look out over Lower Manhattan and the Statue of Liberty, will be reinforced to hold turbine blades as long as football fields.”

Tasmania was one of the birthplaces of green politics, and Christine Milne, a former senator from the Australian Greens party, is hard at work restoring Lake Pedder, which was vastly expanded in the nineteen-seventies by flooding from a huge hydroelectricity project. As she makes clear in this video, the ancient glacial lake is a prime candidate for restoration to its original state, as the United Nations’ Decade on Ecosystem Restoration, which will run through 2030, commences.

Together with the activist pranksters the Yes Men and the Fixers Fix, the young climate campaigners of Fridays for Future pulled a prank on the U.K.’s Standard Chartered Bank, though it’s sad that a declaration from a bank that it will stop funding fossil fuels is more likely to be a spoof than reality.

Brentwood, California—which is about fifty miles east of Berkeley—decided not to renew a franchise for a pipeline that runs through a corner of the city. Council members and residents, the Mercury News reported, “had many questions concerning safety of the pipeline that flows 1.8 million cubic feet of natural gas daily through the city, including near several subdivisions, which were not built at the time the pipeline was constructed. ‘I’ll be honest, I have concerns,’ Councilwoman Jovita Mendoza said. ‘It’s right by school, and that makes me super uncomfortable.’ ”

Scoreboard

A new study finds that a third of global food production may be at risk by century’s end if greenhouse-gas emissions keep rising at a rapid rate. But, if we meet the targets set in the Paris accord, only five to eight per cent of our harvests may be in danger.

Pressure is building on the investment giant T.I.A.A. to divest from fossil fuels. The asset manager, which handles the pensions of many teachers and university professors, has more clients in the State University of New York system than any other university—and last week members of the University at Albany’s faculty senate followed the lead of their colleagues on other campuses and voted to ask T.I.A.A. to get out of fossil fuels.

A new paper from the Carbon Tracker initiative in London shows that, contrary to a downbeat assessment from the International Energy Agency, there’s enough easily available lithium and other minerals to keep the renewables boom going—and that the switch from fossil fuels should dramatically decrease the total amount of mining activity on the planet. It appears to answer many of the concerns raised in a Wall Street Journal op-ed on the same topic.

Amid the tragic fighting in the Middle East, the outgoing (Jewish) and incoming (Muslim) executive directors of the Arava Institute, perhaps the region’s leading environmental-studies center, issued a plea for peace and for joint work on larger issues. “Instead of turning our attention to the common threats we face from a pandemic still out of control in Gaza and the West Bank, the economic fallout from the pandemic, and the looming impact of climate change, we find ourselves embroiled once again in violence and the historic political conflict. We call on the government of Israel to prevent further violent escalation and implore leaders in the region to reject a return to tribalism and find a path towards peace, reconciliation, security, justice and self-determination for all.”

Warming Up

Bettye LaVette’s version of “Blackbird” is killer anytime, but, just to remind ourselves that people aren’t the only ones with a stake in the climate outcome, here’s an old video of the ecologist Curt Stager playing the same song—for a black bird. It will make you grin.

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Israeli Invasion of Al-Aqsa Mosque Compound Shows Conflict Remains Hot Despite Ceasefire, Angers Muslims Worldwide Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=51519"><span class="small">Juan Cole, Informed Comment</span></a>   
Sunday, 23 May 2021 12:40

Juan Cole writes: "Only half a day after a ceasefire went into effect between the Palestinians in Gaza and the government of Binyamin Netanyahu in Israel, the peace was disturbed in Jerusalem at the flashpoint al-Aqsa Mosque compound."

Friday afternoon in Jerusalem. (photo: Arab 48)
Friday afternoon in Jerusalem. (photo: Arab 48)


Israeli Invasion of Al-Aqsa Mosque Compound Shows Conflict Remains Hot Despite Ceasefire, Angers Muslims Worldwide

By Juan Cole, Informed Comment

23 May 21

 

nly half a day after a ceasefire went into effect between the Palestinians in Gaza and the government of Binyamin Netanyahu in Israel, the peace was disturbed in Jerusalem at the flashpoint al-Aqsa Mosque compound.

Rabi’ Sawaid reports for Arab 48 that confrontations broke out Friday afternoon between worshipers at the al-Aqsa Mosque and Israeli security forces when the latter invaded the environs of the mosque complex after communal Friday prayers. At the same time, confrontations broke out between Palestinian youth and the Israeli Occupation army in numerous sites in the Palestinian West Bank.

Sawaid says that since 13 April there have been regular attacks by Israeli security forces and militant squatter-settler gangs, especially at the al-Aqsa Mosque and the neighborhood of Sheikh Jarrah, in order to quash protests about the ethnic cleansing of 12 Palestinian homes and their surrender to Israeli squatter-settlers.

Al Jazeera says that first, an unusually large crowd of 20,000 worshipers came for dawn prayers. Then thousands of Palestinians gathered at the al-Aqsa compound to pray Friday prayers, and many stayed to celebrate what they viewed as a victory when Israel accepted a ceasefire with Hamas after only 11 days of heavy bombardment. They also conducted mourning prayers for the some 270 Palestinians who were killed by Israeli bombing raids or by live fire.

Wire services say some were waving Palestinian flags, which is strictly prohibited by the Israeli authorities in Jerusalem. Israel has illegally annexed Palestinian East Jerusalem, in contravention of the UN Charter and the Fourth Geneva Convention.

Israeli security forces moved in to break up the celebrations.

Al Jazeera reports, “For his part, the director of Al-Aqsa Mosque, Sheikh Omar Al-Kiswani, said that the occupation forces detained 20 young men at the Lions Gate and 20 others at the Council Gate. He added that the occupation soldiers stormed the Al-Aqsa compound and their arrival at the Dome of the Rock Mosque terrified the worshipers and violated the sanctity of the place.”

Reuters reports that Israeli police say that demonstrators threw stones and some molotov cocktails at Israeli security forces, provoking the invasion of the mosque compound. Arabic language reports say that it was the celebratory rallies that provoked Israeli ire.

The confrontation lasted about an hour. Despite its brief duration, it demonstrates that the underlying causes of the recent Israeli bombardment of Gaza and crack down on Jerusalem and West Bank Palestinians have not changed in the least, and the situation remains volatile.

Muslims around the world have been deeply angered by Israeli incursions into the al-Aqsa compound, the third holiest site in Islam. Rallies were held all over Pakistan (pop. 216 mn.) on Friday, as well as in other Muslim countries.

Israeli actions in Jerusalem were among the reasons given by Usama Bin Laden for the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington, D.C.

Israeli security forces tightened their grip on the nearby Sheikh al-Jarrah neighborhood after Palestinian activists talked of coming into it and holding Friday prayers in the buildings from which several Palestinian families are being expelled in favor of Israeli squatters (the latter were allowed to come and go freely in the neighborhood on Friday). A group of protesters, both Palestinians and leftist Israelis, gathered at the entrance to the quarter to protest the ethnic cleansing move.

The Red Crescent Society said that 82 Palestinians were injured in these confrontations. Their communique said that 4 were wounded by Israeli soldiers’ live fire, 30 by rubber-coated metal bullets, 45 suffered difficulty in breathing from inhaling military-grade tear gas, and 3 were injured by stun grenades or physical beatings.

Twenty-three were injured in the Israeli security forces’ incursion into the compound of the al-Aqsa Mosque after Friday prayers, most by rubber-coated metal bullets, and 2 by stun grenades.

At the entrance to Bethlehem, the Israeli army dispersed a march in support of Gaza with live fire and tear gas. The crowd replied by setting some cars afire in the city. Similar events unfolded in Kafr Qaddum, Nabi Saleh, western Ramallah, and two small towns in Nablus district.

In al-Bireh, a large march began in front of the Abdel Nasser Mosque in the center of the city and set out for Ramallah.

On Thursday and Friday Israeli security forces made a sweep of West Bank towns and arrested some 60 known Hamas activists. Most of the Palestinian West Bank supports the secular nationalist Palestine Liberation Organization, but there are pro-Islam Hamas supporters as well.

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FOCUS | Bob Dylan at 80: He Was So Much Older Then, He's Younger Than That Now Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=59530"><span class="small">Declan Kiberd, The Irish Times</span></a>   
Sunday, 23 May 2021 11:58

Kiberd writes: "'Let me die in my footsteps,' sang the young Bob Dylan - but he hasn't gone yet. Instead, he has made it to 80; and, apart from one serious episode of pericarditis in 1997 ('I thought I was finally going to see Elvis'), he has stayed in good shape."

Bob Dylan in 1963. (photo: Sony Music Entertainment, Ireland)
Bob Dylan in 1963. (photo: Sony Music Entertainment, Ireland)


Bob Dylan at 80: He Was So Much Older Then, He's Younger Than That Now

By Declan Kiberd, The Irish Times

23 May 21


As with WB Yeats, whose muse grew younger as he aged, so too for his fellow Nobel laureate Bob Dylan, who turns 80 having found a new self every decade

ope I die before I get old”, sang The Who – and some of them did. The great fear back in the 1960s was of the loss of creativity that went with ageing. “Let me die in my footsteps,” sang the young Bob Dylan – but he hasn’t gone yet,

Instead, he has made it to 80; and, apart from one serious episode of pericarditis in 1997 (“I thought I was finally going to see Elvis”), he has stayed in good shape.

Old age is often experienced as a punishment for sins a person cannot remember committing; but the Dylan who in one song wished his friends to stay “forever young” has never pretended to be any younger than he is. When his finger-bones stiffened, he gave up playing guitar for most songs and stood instead at the keyboard, adopting the voice of a husky old lounge crooner. Dylan hears voices and is heard in many voices. He is a child of the radio days.

His visit to play for Pope John Paul II in 1997 (the year of the heart attack) baffled many: what was a Jewish boy from Hibbing, Minnesota doing in the Vatican? But it made sense if you saw Dylan as paying homage to an ageing man who insisted on defiantly bearing the signs of his illness in public settings.

When he appeared jointly with Mick Jagger on a video, the oldest swinger in rock jumped, gyrated and swooped around Bob, who kept perfectly still. Jagger has always fancied himself a gymnast (after all his dad was a PE teacher), but the bemused Jokerman surely thought there were other better ways of staying forever young.

Even when first he emerged on LPs like Bob Dylan and Freewheelin’, he sounded old, croaky and cracked – a voice modelled on that of his folk hero Woody Guthrie. He travelled on pilgrimage to Woody’s deathbed, in time to sing for him and receive the apostolic blessing. A remarkable number of those early songs obsess about death, a common enough theme among poor-but-proud field hands (“see that my grave is kept clean”). But it was a theme made all the more urgent to a generation fearful it would perish in nuclear war.

The voices in Talkin’ World War 3 Blues are like the voices in Beckett’s Endgame, who fear they are among the few survivors of a nuclear blast. A Hard Rain’s a-Gonna Fall was a prophecy of a world gone wrong (and a reworking of the old ballad Lord Randal). Too shy to collect his Nobel Prize in person at the ceremony in 2016, Dylan asked Patti Smith to appear and sing Hard Rain on his behalf.

Most old rockers, haunted by thoughts of early or imminent death, identified with figures such as Buddy Holly and James Dean. They affected surprise at surviving another day, another year. “Great to be here,” Keith Richards would say at the start of a show: “Come to think of it, great to be anywhere.” (If you have fallen out of coconut trees or plunged off speeding motorbikes, you might see his point). But talking about death was a sure way of staving it off.

Dylan is one of those modernists who knew all along that he must struggle, and never triumph, and in the end struggle not to triumph. Hence the shape-changing, the aggression towards (mostly) adoring audiences, the nervousness about the Nobel.

The last time Dylan sang in Dublin, he was five lines into Like a Rolling Stone before most fans could recognise it. It was as if he had translated it into a strange new language, known only to a recently-uncovered self:

They do not know what is at stake;
It is myself that I remake.

That line of Yeats was his answer to followers annoyed by his tendency to revise even published versions of his poems. Yeats also constantly invented a new self, which led to the creation of new lyrics, in the light of which older, beloved ones had to be reformulated and defamiliarised.

When I was young, said Yeats, my muse was old; but when I turned old, my muse became young. So also for Dylan, who seemed to find a new self in every decade. He has always defied chronology and straight-line notions of artistic development. Most successful songsters achieve at age 30 a trademark sound which leaves them resistant to criticism – and incapable of change. Not Dylan. At the outset he wrote songs of indignation, but soon realised how ridiculous they would sound to a future self. Instead, he must question linear conventional ideas that youth precedes age; and so in My Back Pages he disowned his early preaching:

Flung down by corpse evangelists
Unthought of, though, somehow:
Ah, but I was so much older then,
I’m younger than that now.

His memoir, Chronicles, is anything but chronological. It sweeps past major life events such as marriage, birth of children or death of parents; and instead uses the technique of a spiralling autobiography, modelled on Stephen Spender’s World Within World. It spirals around those periods when inspiration unaccountably came and those other periods when it just as strangely went. Dylan is as baffled as anyone by those moments which leave him a medium for voices and forms that seem to come from a force beyond himself.

In recent years, by aligning himself with Sinatra and with Christmas songs of the 1950s – and also through the Theme Tune Radio Hour – he has shown himself as someone who allows the entire American song tradition speak through him. It was in fact ever thus, as far back as the cover versions of old songs on Self-Portrait (1970), which caused an irate Greil Marcus, who wanted more novelty, to write “what is this shit?” But there was always something humble about Dylan’s arrogance (he was learning from the greats), even as there was something arrogant about his humility (he was measuring himself against the very best).

And he has been caught in acts of strange humility – lurking like a stalking fan around Neil Young’s boyhood home in Winnipeg. (A durable legend claims he was arrested by a cop whose colleague said “I suppose you’re going to tell us you’re Bob Dylan” to which he replied “As a matter of fact I am”). Dylan is himself a superfan of other singers. During a trip to England, he took the open-top Beatles Bus tour while disguising himself with nothing more portentous than a hoodie.

In London, hoping to recruit Dave Stewart to work with him on an album, he was brought by taxi to the wrong street. “Is Dave in?” he asked a bemused lady, who happened to be married to one of London’s many Daves: “Not now, but if you come in, he’ll be back soon”. The visitor was downing his third cup of tea in the kitchen when Dave (a plumber) got home and was asked by the wife “Did you forget that Bob Dylan wanted to see you?”

There is something very consistent in Dylan’s desire to disappear. Terrified of pursuit by fans in his earlier tours, he would jump into hotel cupboards. Craving silence, he wrote in order to hide and he hid in order to write. Then there was the unexplained motorcycle accident which enabled a more total retreat.

The plagiarism of which he is often accused could be seen by a psychoanalyst as a desire for death. But by resorting to “love and theft”, he may be seeking something more subtle; re-entry to folk tradition under “anon” – the heroic anonymity achieved by “Napoleon in rags” or Odysseus seeking home.

Yet he zealously defends his copyrights against digital predators, wanting to be “there” and “not there” at the same time. Paul Morley and John Bauldie capture his multiple masks. The very list of chapters in The Cambridge World of Bob Dylan shows how he opened forms of modern music through ever-changing phases: pop, folk, protest, electro-rock, country, Christian, lounge-bar croon. He invented video (the flash-cards on Subterranean Homesick Blues); and he anticipated punk with his critiques of his own audience (recognising that those who oppose the age penetrate to essence far more than those who merely reflect it).

Yet, for all these transformations, each of his songs, however anonymous, is also “Dylanesque”. His signature element is often a wild playful audacity with rhyme and meter:

It was raining from the first
And I was dying there of thirst
So I came in here
And your long-time curse hurts
But what’s worse
Is this pain in here.
I can’t stay in here.
Ain’t it clear….

The pile-up of rhyme and half-rhyme first\thirst\curse\hurts\worse uncoiling through a single sentence is astonishing, as is the triple use of “in here” – all conveying a terrifying claustrophobia. In many other songs he rhymes identical words – or dissonant words like “necklace” and “reckless”. And so on…

Robert Shelton was the journalist who first wrote a piece “discovering” Bob Dylan for a wider world. His path-breaking book No Direction Home is reissued in a shrewdly abbreviated text but enhanced by brilliant pictorials and pre- and post-lude from Elizabeth Thomson. Both Shelton and John Bauldie died back in the 1990s, a reminder that Dylan has outlived many interpreters. But the Dean of Dylanology, Clinton Heylin, presses on with a double biography, revising his Behind the Shades in the light of material placed in the archive at Tulsa in 2016. If Bob can rewrite songs, his critics can redo their books.

Dylan once accused universities of being like old folks’ homes, but this has not deterred the professoriat. Under the baton of Sean Latham, who has charge of the Tulsa archive, they have produced 27 wonderful essays on the singer’s contexts in The World of Bob Dylan, a book filled with scholarly scruple and imaginative audacity. A true Dylanfest.

By now the songs can sound like voices from a hidden people; and that is exactly how Irish playwright Conor McPherson presented them in his Girl From the North Country, a dramatised version of songs set seven years before Dylan’s birth on May 24th, 1941. Morley says “it is as though the Dylan songs existed before he did”. Which, in some ways, they had.

The most modest book saluting the birthday as it comes is also the most challenging: a pocket street-guide, Troubadour Tales: Bob Dylan in London, by Jackie Lees and KG Miles. After two decades of people insisting on the artist’s Americana, this opens a new front, bringing it all back to the old world.

It shows how Martin Carthy taught him Scarborough Fair, which morphed into Girl from the North Country; how jittery Dylan was with Dominic Behan , because The Patriot Game by a living Behan had been thieved and turned into With God on Our Side; and how the jester’s first London gig was in a club called King and Queen “in a coat he borrowed from James Dean”. Carthy says nobody has fully documented the debt to English and Irish art and folksong in Dylan’s work.

Every fan thinks that he (less often she) owns Bob Dylan. This has led to spats. Is Miss Lonely Edie Sedgwick, or Marianne Faithful, or all the women he knew? Is Murder Most Foul about the Kennedy assassination or something else? Dylan knows too much to argue or to judge. He knows literally Nothing. Once, on a house-viewing mission with Leonard Cohen, he said “Lennie, you’ll always be number one”. As Cohen thoughtfully smiled, Dylan simply added: “Yes, and I’m zero”.

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FOCUS: Is Arizona a Fresh Start for Trump Dead-Enders? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=49764"><span class="small">Eric Lutz, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Sunday, 23 May 2021 10:59

Lutz writes: "Back in November, on the same day Joe Biden defeated Donald Trump in the 2020 election, Alabama Republican Mo Brooks announced that he would fight the results of the vote—and urged his colleagues to do the same."

Supporters of Donald Trump rally May 1 in Arizona, where a partisan audit is underway that could undermine confidence in the 2020 election results. (photo: Courtney Pedroza/Getty Images)
Supporters of Donald Trump rally May 1 in Arizona, where a partisan audit is underway that could undermine confidence in the 2020 election results. (photo: Courtney Pedroza/Getty Images)


Is Arizona a Fresh Start for Trump Dead-Enders?

By Eric Lutz, Vanity Fair

23 May 21


Even local Republicans are demanding that Maricopa County stop its dangerous “audit.” But Trump and his allies are pushing for other states to use the partisan proceeding as a blueprint to undermine the 2020 results.

ack in November, on the same day Joe Biden defeated Donald Trump in the 2020 election, Alabama Republican Mo Brooks announced that he would fight the results of the vote—and urged his colleagues to do the same. “There’s no way I’ll vote in the House to ratify the Electoral College votes of states where illegal votes distorted the will of the people in those states who voted legally,” the congressman wrote November 7. “This election was stolen by the socialists engaging in extraordinary voter fraud and election theft measures,” Brooks said weeks later. “In my judgment, based on what I know to be true, Joe Biden was the largest beneficiary of illegally cast votes in the history of the United States.”

The remarks were, like Trump’s own relentless fraud claims, the desperate conspiratorial ramblings of a man unable to accept reality—and may have been easy to dismiss as such, were it not for the four years of lies and delusions that preceded them. Other Republicans quickly took up the charge, making clear that they had no interest in turning down the temperature, but rather in helping to fan the flames. By New Year’s, Brooks’ election protest had found voice in the upper chamber, where Josh Hawley and Ted Cruz announced they, too, would object to the certification of Biden’s win. The groundswell continued to build, with Trump encouraging his supporters to flood Washington the day of the certification for a “wild” demonstration. After two months of all this, the country was clearly headed to a dangerous place. And yet, what ultimately happened January 6 still somehow managed to shock: Trump, Brooks, and others whipped the armed MAGA faithful into a frenzy and directed them to march to the Capitol, where lawmakers were beginning to formalize Biden’s win. The rioters stormed Congress, stalking the halls in search of Mike Pence, Nancy Pelosi, and other officials Trump had rallied his supporters against. And though the insurrection was ultimately quelled and the chambers would later reconvene to finish the work of democracy, the lies that led to the deadly attack continued to spread, laying the foundation for the myriad voter suppression bills GOP-led legislatures across the country have gone on to push.

The episode underscored how quickly and easily one dangerous falsehood can snowball into something much larger and harder to contain—and should be a lesson for Democrats and anyone who believes in American democracy, as Trumpworld attempts to use the grotesque “recount” effort underway in Arizona as a blueprint to help undermine confidence in the election results in other states. As was the case with Trump’s original fraud claims, which he began harping on before the election even happened, the whole thing is an absolute farce—a clown show being overseen by a company called “Cyber Ninjas” and that even local officials in the conservative-stronghold of Maricopa County just want to be done with. “Our state has become a laughingstock,” the county’s GOP-led Board of Supervisors wrote in a letter to the Arizona Senate, which ordered the partisan review. “Worse, this ‘audit’ is encouraging our citizens to distrust elections, which weakens our democratic republic.”

But that, of course, is precisely the point of all the crap Arizona Republicans are pulling—and the absurdity of the exercise doesn’t mean it won’t catch on. Trump, who previously suggested in a rambling monologue to Mar-a-Lago guests that the Arizona effort could be the first step to reversing the results of an election settled months ago, called for a similar audit in Georgia, where he spent much of the interregnum urging Brad Raffensperger and other officials to throw the results in his favor. His allies are amplifying his demands: “Georgians still have questions about irregularities found in the 2020 election and they deserve answers,” Vernon Jones, who is mounting a primary challenge against Republican Governor Brian Kemp, said in a statement Wednesday. “We must get to the bottom of all of this.” Trump supporters, meanwhile, are mounting pressure campaigns in their own states, with efforts by the MAGA faithful in places like Michigan, New Hampshire, and California to trigger election audits. “I think there is clearly a justification to do that type of audit that they’re doing in Maricopa County,” Ken Eyring, a pro-Trump activist in Windham, New Hampshire, told the Washington Post. “That’s what I wanted to see done here.”

The Arizona recount may be a joke, but it could have serious consequences. We’ve already seen what can happen when a lie, even a laughably transparent one, takes root: The one Trump and Brooks told last November grew into a deadly insurrection by January. The ongoing audit in Maricopa County is, indeed, “comical,” as the Board of Supervisors described it in their blistering rebuke of Karen Fann, president of Arizona’s state senate. But it still has the potential to become something bigger and even more dangerous as Trump, his allies, and his supporters rally behind it.

Many officials and lawmakers, concerned about the implications for democracy, have recognized that, and are working to combat the assaults on voting rights, hyper-partisan redistricting plans, and other GOP schemes to chip away at the pillars of democracy and enshrine minority rule. Maddeningly, though, those efforts to fight Republican malfeasance are being undercut by those who stubbornly refuse to recognize the gravity of the situation. Just this week, the red state Democrat Joe Manchin published an open letter with Lisa Murkowski, a moderate Republican, calling for lawmakers to work on a “bipartisan” basis to protect the right to vote—a nice sentiment that ignores the obvious fact that Republicans right now are the very reason the franchise needs to be protected. To keep a GOP largely unified in its disdain for democracy from succeeding in its project, Democrats need to be prepared to take drastic measures to secure and improve the electoral process; right now, though, they can’t even seem to get Manchin to see that Republicans are openly trying to subvert it. “Joe Manchin says voting rights legislation must have bipartisan supermajority in Senate while Republicans at state level are ruthlessly trying to prevent Dems from ever winning another fair election,” as Mother JonesAri Berman put it on Twitter this week. “Total asymmetric warfare.”

It is tempting to dismiss the desperate efforts by Trump and his allies to continuously relitigate a an election that occurred seven months ago: Biden is in office, the Democrats have majorities in the House and Senate, and Trump is farting around at his golf club as a glorified blogger. But it is imperative that Democrats, and those who want democracy to prevail over Trumpism, treat this as the emergency it is now. To do anything else is to allow yet another risible stunt to build into something far more serious, something far harder to subdue.

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Republicans' Grip on Minority Rule Extends Far Beyond Their Voter Suppression Bills Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=36361"><span class="small">Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page</span></a>   
Sunday, 23 May 2021 08:20

Reich writes: "Joe Manchin has recently made headlines for his 'surprisingly bold' proposal to tackle Republicans' wave of voter suppression bills. In his proposal, the preclearance requirement in the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act would apply to all 50 states and territories - not just states and locales with histories of voter suppression."

Former Clinton labor secretary Robert Reich. (photo: Steve Russell/Toronto Star)
Former Clinton labor secretary Robert Reich. (photo: Steve Russell/Toronto Star)


Republicans' Grip on Minority Rule Extends Far Beyond Their Voter Suppression Bills

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page

23 May 21

 

oe Manchin has recently made headlines for his “surprisingly bold” proposal to tackle Republicans’ wave of voter suppression bills. In his proposal, the preclearance requirement in the John Lewis Voting Rights Advancement Act would apply to all 50 states and territories — not just states and locales with histories of voter suppression. The Supreme Court gutted the preclearance requirement in its 2013 decision in Shelby County v. Holder, which required states with a history of voter suppression to get any new voting law approved by the Department of Justice or a federal court in Washington, D.C. That decision opened the floodgates for the voting restrictions we’re seeing today.

This is a great idea. But here’s where it gets tricky: Manchin is proposing this as an alternative to the For the People Act — not in addition to it. This preclearance requirement wouldn’t deal with partisan gerrymandering, the dominance of big money, and would be essentially worthless when the Department of Justice is under Republican control and can “clear” anything.

Republicans’ grip on minority rule extends far beyond their voter suppression bills. That’s why the For the People Act is the only way to unrig their entrenched power and make our democracy work for everyone.

That’s my view. What do you think?

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