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FOCUS: Bernie Sanders Isn't Kidding About Medicare for All Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=49253"><span class="small">Jack Crosbie, Splinter</span></a>   
Wednesday, 27 March 2019 10:47

Crosbie writes: "What Bernie is talking about is a more radical 'Medicare for All' plan that doesn't include the stopgap measure of a 'public option,' or a system in which people can keep their private insurance but have a universal public option they can use."

Senator Bernie Sanders. (photo: Reuters/Brian Snyder)
Senator Bernie Sanders. (photo: Reuters/Brian Snyder)


Bernie Sanders Isn't Kidding About Medicare for All

By Jack Crosbie, Splinter

27 March 19

 

ne of the biggest arguments against Medicare for All or single-payer healthcare is that it would disrupt or destroy the current existing system of employer-provided private health insurance. This isn’t a good argument, of course, but it’s one that gets a lot of air time from the shrill handwringing crowd that wants to make sure the profits from private companies are safe.

Case in point, this clip of Bernie Sanders, hoovered up by the “RNC Research” wing, where the Vermont senator and presidential candidate puts it pretty simply: “get rid of the insurance companies.”

Bernie... yes.

Here’s his quote in a bit more context: “You are not going to be able in the long run to have cost effective universal health care unless you change the system, unless you get rid of the insurance companies, unless you stand up to the greed of the drug companies and lower prescription drug costs.” This is largely true!

What Bernie is talking about is a more radical “Medicare for All” plan that doesn’t include the stopgap measure of a “public option,” or a system in which people can keep their private insurance but have a universal public option they can use. Doing away with this system and replacing it with a fully public-funded universal option is really the only way we progress, and the idea is catching on; here’s Kamala Harris saying basically the same thing at a town hall in January:

Harris eventually walked this back and said she was interested in a public option plan, which is disappointing but understandable. Democrats are often cagey about going full-on into “kill the insurance companies” because it’s scary to introduce a system that does away with people’s private insurance (which they may like or be scared to lose, for good reason).

The hurdle then becomes convincing the public to take that leap of faith into single-payer’s arms. How we’ll do that, most likely, is with more candidates doing... some version of this. Just coming out and saying it. Kill the insurance companies. Replace them with a federal system. You don’t have to shop on the private market for firefighters when your house burns down, and there’s no reason you should have to when you break a leg.

Sanders’ own Medicare for All bill isn’t perfect, but it’s pretty close to what the country needs. And if accurately diagnosing the problem on national TV is the best opposition research the RNC can find, he’s in pretty good shape.

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Jamie Dimon, Spare Us Your Crocodile Tears About Inequality Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=9643"><span class="small">Robert Reich, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Wednesday, 27 March 2019 08:29

Reich writes: "If I may be so bold as to try to lure your attention away from Trump and Mueller for a moment, consider Jamie Dimon's lament, delivered a few days before Mueller delivered his report."

Robert Reich. (photo: unknown)
Robert Reich. (photo: unknown)


Jamie Dimon, Spare Us Your Crocodile Tears About Inequality

By Robert Reich, Guardian UK

27 March 19


If the CEO of JP Morgan really cared about American workers, he would put an end to corporate executives like him rigging the system

f I may be so bold as to try to lure your attention away from Trump and Mueller for a moment, consider Jamie Dimon’s lament, delivered a few days before Mueller delivered his report.

Dimon is the chief executive of JP Morgan Chase, and wrongdoing by him and the CEOs of other big corporations is more responsible for Trump’s election than anything Russia dreamed of, as I’ll explain.

“A big chunk of [Americans] have been left behind,” Dimon said, unveiling a new $350m program to train workers for the jobs of the future. “Forty percent of Americans make less than $15 an hour, 40% … can’t afford a $400 bill, whether it’s medical or fixing their car; 15% of Americans make minimum wages, 70,000 die from opioids.”

All true, but $350m over five years isn’t even a drop in the ocean of Americans who have been left behind. Nor is it a large sum for JP Morgan, America’s biggest bank, whose profits last year alone amounted to $35bn. The annual budget of the US Department of Education is $70bn.

Dimon’s own compensation package was $31m last year, and his reported net worth is $1.3bn.

Besides running JP Morgan, Dimon also chairs the Business Roundtable, composed of the CEOs of America’s largest corporations, whose 2018 profits broke all records.

Due to vast amounts they spend lobbying and donating to politicians, these CEOs also have more influence over what happens in Washington than any other group of people.

They were instrumental in gaining passage of the Trump tax cuts, which they predicted would generate a wave of corporate investment and boost wages. Instead, the tax cuts generated a tsunami of stock buybacks (more than $910bn last year, an all-time high) that boosted their own pay and the stock prices of their companies, but have done little for average workers.

The Business Roundtable’s motto – “More than Leaders. Leadership” – suggests some higher purpose than making the rich richer, but CEOs like Dimon say their hands are tied. Their responsibility is to their shareholders.

But why, exactly? If Dimon and the others were serious about helping most American workers – whose real wages have been going nowhere for decades and job security is dwindling – they could use their outsized political influence to push for laws requiring CEOs to consider all their stakeholders, not just shareholders.

Rather than make it harder for workers to unionize, they could fight to make it easier, and to give workers larger voice in management decisions and a greater share of the profits.

Rather than reflexively seek tax cuts, they could push to raise taxes on corporations and wealthy Americans like themselves, so there’d be more school funding to prepare American kids for the jobs of the future.

They could seek a higher minimum wage, a larger Earned Income Tax Credit, universal healthcare, and other measures to make left-behind Americans more secure.

If this sounds far-fetched, that’s only because we’ve come such a long way from the era of the 1950s to the 1970s when the heads of big American businesses viewed themselves as “corporate statesmen” and lobbied for measures to improve the wellbeing of all Americans.

Those CEOs supported civil rights, argued that unions “serve the common good”, urged stronger environmental protections, and even backed campaign finance reform.

But then came the 1980s – corporate raiders, Wall Street “greed is good” manipulators, Ronald Reagan’s market fundamentalism, union-busting, and a gusher of corporate money into politics.

Since then, most Americans have come to believe the system is rigged in favor of big corporations and the Street, and they’re right. But nothing is stopping Dimon and other major CEOs from putting an end to the rigging.

They could reduce the need for candidates to raise funds from corporate Pacs and the wealthy by supporting the House Democrats’ first bill, HR1, providing public financing for campaigns backed by small donors.

They could push for stricter limits on the “revolving door” between industry and government, and laws requiring full disclosure of the sources of all campaign funding.

Why shouldn’t Dimon and other CEOs be in the vanguard seeking a constitutional amendment to limit lobbying and campaign spending? The answer is: nothing is stopping them except their own parched, self-serving notion of leadership as maximizing profits and shareholder value.

Yet as heads of institutions with the greatest influence over American politics, they also have a duty to the common good and are uniquely positioned to advance it.

For 40 years, CEOs of America’s largest corporations and Wall Street banks have abdicated this responsibility.

We are now living with the consequences. Jamie Dimon and the Business Roundtable can see those consequences as well as anyone.

Rather than announce token jobs programs, they’d be better served seeking to increase the economic and political power of left-behind Americans – many of whom will otherwise continue to vote for demagogues who only make them feel powerful.

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Trump's Latest Response to Hurricane Maria Victims Provides Insight Into His Views of Latinos Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=48386"><span class="small">Eugene Scott, The Washington Post</span></a>   
Wednesday, 27 March 2019 08:29

Scott writes: "More than two years after taking office, the president continues to provide critics with new examples that shed light on where Latinos rank in importance to him."

Houses damaged by Hurricane Maria in Naranjito, Puerto Rico, on Oct. 23, 2017. (photo: Ricardo Arduengo/AFP/Getty Images)
Houses damaged by Hurricane Maria in Naranjito, Puerto Rico, on Oct. 23, 2017. (photo: Ricardo Arduengo/AFP/Getty Images)


ALSO SEE: Trump Is Reportedly Still Angry About
Having to Help Puerto Rico

Trump's Latest Response to Hurricane Maria Victims Provides Insight Into His Views of Latinos

By Eugene Scott, The Washington Post

27 March 19

 

resident Trump has long been viewed by some of his critics as seeing Latinos as lesser than white Americans. During his campaign launch, he villainized immigrants crossing the U.S.- Mexican border. That worldview along with other comments are part of why the majority of Latinos voted against Trump in 2016.

More than two years after taking office, the president continues to provide critics with new examples that shed light on where Latinos rank in importance to him. Some have noted how differently the response from the president was to victims of Hurricane Maria in Puerto Rico than to his treatment of tornado victims in Alabama, a state where the president is popular.

While the White House has consistently pushed back on the idea that the president has treated Puerto Rico insufficiently, the most recent decisions coming from the Trump administration have furthered criticism about his response to the natural disaster.

The Washington Post’s Jeff Stein and Josh Dawsey reported:

The federal government provided additional food-stamp aid to Puerto Rico after the hurricane, but Congress missed the deadline for reauthorization in March as it focused on other issues before leaving for a week-long recess. Federal lawmakers have also been stalled by the Trump administration, which has derided the extra aid as unnecessary.

Now, about 43 percent of Puerto Rico’s residents are grappling with a sudden cut to a benefit they rely on for groceries and other essentials.

Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) blamed Trump for this ongoing crisis harming thousands. Sanders tweeted:

“An estimated 3,000 Puerto Ricans died as a result of Hurricane Maria. Since then, our fellow Americans on the island have dealt with neglect and mismanagement by the Trump administration, and now they are facing major cuts to nutrition assistance. We must act to end this crisis.”

The move has been viewed as harsh and unpresidential by many of his critics.

MSNBC’s Chris Hayes tweeted:

“As far as I can tell, Trump is punishing the island of Puerto Rico because he's mad at them for dying in such large numbers during Maria that it made him look bad?”

Republican strategist Ana Navarro-Cárdenas, whose family immigrated to the United States from Nicaragua, frequently criticizes Trump’s treatment of people of color. She tweeted:

“Again and again, we have seen Trump treat Puerto Ricans like second-class citizens. Hmmmm .?.?. I wonder why?”

Trump’s response is supposedly rooted in his view of Puerto Rico as being irredeemable. According to The Post’s reporting, Trump sees the island as “fundamentally broken” and weighed down with unfixable systemic problems:

“He describes in meetings that large swaths of the island never had power to begin with and that it is ‘ridiculous’ how much money is going to Puerto Rico in food-stamp aid, according to the senior official. He has occasionally groused about how ungrateful political officials in Puerto Rico were for the administration’s help, the official said.”

What the president prioritizes is subjective. Which problems he attempts to solve give the American public a message about which places and individuals are worth saving. The idea that he may not see Puerto Rico as a community of people worth rescuing from a crisis does little to change the perception that Trump’s desire to make America great does not include all Americans.

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8 Must-Reads by Women Who Take on White Supremacy and Patriarchal Power Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=50449"><span class="small">Zenobia Jeffries Warfield, YES! Magazine</span></a>   
Wednesday, 27 March 2019 08:29

Jeffries Warfield writes: "In honor of Women's History Month, I've compiled a list of books by women authors whose writings challenge global White supremacist, capitalist, patriarchal power structures that many of us work to dismantle every day."

Women have always been significant actors in the pursuit of social justice. (photo: YES! Magazine)
Women have always been significant actors in the pursuit of social justice. (photo: YES! Magazine)


8 Must-Reads by Women Who Take on White Supremacy and Patriarchal Power

By Zenobia Jeffries Warfield, YES! Magazine

27 March 19


These authors pull no punches in tackling head-on the topics of race, gender, and justice.

he first time I read the phrase “year of the woman” was in relation to the 1992 election. That year the most women ever—four—had been elected to serve in the U.S. Senate. Today, there are 25.

And after millions of women across the world marched in protest of Donald Trump’s presidency, the explosion of the #MeToo movement, and last year’s record-breaking election of women to Congress—particularly women of color—the label endures.

Truth is, every year is the “year of the woman.” Women have always been significant actors in the pursuit of social justice. And though their status has not been upheld and recognized by those in power, their work has been documented for us to use as a compass for navigating today’s global perils.

In honor of Women’s History Month, I’ve compiled a list of books by women authors whose writings challenge global White supremacist, capitalist, patriarchal power structures that many of us work to dismantle every day.

The Source of Self-Regard: Selected Essays, Speeches, and Meditations by Toni Morrison (2019)

No list of literary works—by women or men, Black or White—is complete without Toni Morrison. Winner of the Nobel Prize in literature, and known mostly for her 11 novels, Morrison just released her most recent piece of nonfiction, providing insight into the fertile and expansive mind that gave birth to characters such as Pecola Breedlove of The Bluest Eye, Sethe of Beloved, Hagar of Song of Solomon, and Sula and Nel of Sula.

Divided in parts, The Source of Self-Regard is Morrison taking on the socio-cultural-political justice issues that have spanned the ages. In the introduction, aptly named “Peril,” she writes, “Certain kinds of trauma visited on people are so deep, so cruel, that unlike money, unlike vengeance, even unlike justice, or rights, or the goodwill of others, only writers can translate such trauma and turn sorrow into meaning, sharpening the moral imagination.”

Thick: And Other Essays by Tressie McMillan Cottom (2019)

Want an honest, unfiltered opinion of what is right and wrong in the world? Settle in for Cottom’s second published work that explores identity, pop culture, social media, and, of course, Donald Trump. Cottom is fearless on her musings across the eight pieces that constitute Thick. In them, she gives us something to ponder, weaponry of sorts to engage in transformative dialogue.

It should come as no surprise that the two essays that resonated with me most address race. I feel a kinship with Cottom in her essay “Know Your Whites.” It’s always been my position that Black people would do well to study White people. Our very existence has been shaped by a structure of White superiority, and it is imperative that we understand it—and that they also understand it. Cottom writes, “To know our whites is to understand the psychology of white people and the elasticity of whiteness. … To know our whites is to survive without letting bitterness rot your soul.”

In “Black Is Over (or, Special Black),” she explores what she calls a false choice between types of Black people. Ever heard it said of someone, “S/he’s different, they’re not like other Black people”?

This idea suggests that other Black people are basic Black, or what Cottom refers to as “black-black or regular black.” On the other hand, those who are “different” are the special Black people, or Black ethnics, who are not descendants of slavery or the Great Migration. It’s this type of Black person, Cottom says, whose voice has been valued or viewed as more credible lately in mainstream discourse and academic spaces (think: Trevor Noah, Luvvie Ajayi).

As Long as Grass Grows: The Indigenous Fight for Environmental Justice From Colonization to Standing Rock by Dina Gilio-Whitaker (2019)

Borrowing a phrase from President James Monroe’s 1817 promise to the Cherokee Indians for its title, As Long as Grass Grows explores the history of Indigenous peoples’ struggles—from treaty violations, genocide, and human trafficking to food and water security struggles and protection of sacred sites.

The world became aware of current-day Native resistance to multiple injustices only a few years ago when the Standing Rock protests dominated news cycles and social media threads. As Long as Grass Grows connects the dots to the history that led up to Standing Rock and explores where we need to go as a nation to achieve full environmental justice.

Gilio-Whitaker writes that the purpose and goal of the book is to highlight the importance of building alliances across social and racial divides. “To do this requires an honest interrogation of the history of the relationships between the environmental movement and Indian Country.”

How to Be Less Stupid About Race: On Racism, White Supremacy, and the Racial Divide by Crystal M. Fleming (2018)

How to Be Less Stupid About Race is as straightforward as it sounds and is not for the faint of heart. In it, Fleming pulls no punches in her analysis of racism and White supremacy. How to Be Less Stupid About Race is sometimes academic (Fleming teaches sociology at Stony Brook University) and sometimes broken-down. She draws on critical race theory and uses personal anecdotes that even a kindergartner can understand, and peppers How to Be Less Stupid About Race with wry humor, because sometimes you have to laugh to keep from crying—or doing something you may regret.

It is a hard, in-your-face lesson on what is race and racism, how it is institutionally, systemically, and systematically upheld, how we all participate in upholding it, and what we can do to be more literate about it.

And, yes, there’s a call to action for those who are serious about challenging the structures of racism. 

White Fragility: Why It’s So Hard for White People to Talk About Racism by Robin DiAngelo (2018)

So, maybe you’re not ready for Fleming. It’s often said in some circles, “If a White person said it (something significant), then folks would listen.” So, then maybe DiAngelo is more digestible for you.

In White Fragility, she offers a message to fellow White progressives on a matter that until recently had been solely considered a non-White problem: race, or, more specifically, racism. Because being White has historically been normalized, bringing attention to the harm caused by racism and White supremacy often causes discomfort to most White people. As a result, they “perceive any attempt to connect [them] to the system of racism as an unsettling and moral offense.”

This book is not only a must-read—it’s necessary for White people who want to work collectively to fight against racism and White supremacy.

Trailblazer: A Pioneering Journalist’s Fight to Make the Media Look More Like America by Dorothy Butler Gilliam (2019)

Over the past 60 years, social justice movements have had their peaks and valleys, and Dorothy Butler Gilliam has covered them all. Falling in love with journalism at the age of 16, Gilliam was the first Black woman to be hired at the Washington Post.

In her memoir, Trailblazer, she shares her journey of breaking down the color barrier in an industry dominated by White men.

The Dark Fantastic: Race and the Imagination From Harry Potter to the Hunger Games by Ebony Elizabeth Thomas (2019)

There has been much public discourse lately about the lack of diversity in books, particularly children’s books; over 85 percent of all published books for children and young adults feature White characters.

Author and educator Ebony Elizabeth Thomas refers to this “diversity crisis” as an imagination gap. The gap she explains extends far beyond the mere lack of representation of characters of color, but also shows up in “stereotyping, caricature, and marginalization of people of color, poor and working-class children and families, gender and sexual minorities, immigrants, and other minoritized groups.”

In Dark Fantastic she offers a scholarly analysis of this phenomenon, providing critical counterstorytelling. Unlike Afrofuturism, Black fantastic, or speculative Blackness—genres that counter traditional science fiction stories and are written by Black authors—Dark Fantastic considers the work of White authors, television writers, and other storytelling creatives through networked communities, such as fandoms.

Pleasure Activism: The Politics of Feeling Good by adrienne maree brown (2019)

I consider all adrienne maree brown’s writings think pieces. When interviewing her for her book Emergent Strategy, I wrote that I had to put the book down a few times to sit with something she’d written. Pleasure Activism is no different.

Although I was highly anticipating Pleasure Activism, I wasn’t ready for it. At first. There’s a lot of talk about sex. But the book isn’t about sex, exactly. It really is, as the title suggests, about pleasure.

To be sure, social justice activism can be unpleasurable. After all, we often use phrases like “fighting for justice” and being “in the struggle”—suggesting something harsh and violent. If we’re always struggling and fighting, how can we muster the capacity to consider “what feels good about this.”

But if we can unashamedly identify and embrace what pleases us when we get naked, literally, then we can bear all while working toward justice, equity and equality for all, and actually feel good while doing it.

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William Barr Reads "Moby Dick," Finds No Evidence of Whales Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=9160"><span class="small">Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker</span></a>   
Tuesday, 26 March 2019 13:17

Borowitz writes: "Attorney General William Barr has just read the classic American novel 'Moby-Dick,' by Herman Melville, and found that the book contains 'no evidence whatsoever of whales,' Barr stated on Tuesday."

William Barr. (photo: Alex Wroblewski/Bloomberg/Getty Images)
William Barr. (photo: Alex Wroblewski/Bloomberg/Getty Images)


William Barr Reads "Moby Dick," Finds No Evidence of Whales

By Andy Borowitz, The New Yorker

26 March 19

 

The article below is satire. Andy Borowitz is an American comedian and New York Times-bestselling author who satirizes the news for his column, "The Borowitz Report."


ttorney General William Barr has just read the classic American novel “Moby-Dick,” by Herman Melville, and found that the book contains “no evidence whatsoever of whales,” Barr stated on Tuesday.

The Attorney General issued his statement on the absence of whales in the Melville classic in a two-paragraph book report released to the news media.

“Those who read ‘Moby-Dick’ looking for whales will be sorely disappointed,” Barr wrote. “There are no whales here.”

To illustrate his point, Barr quoted the book’s first sentence: “Call me Ishmael.”

“As you can clearly see, that sentence does not have a whale in it,” Barr wrote.

The Attorney General indicated that he hoped his report would put an end to “reckless speculation” about the existence of whales in “Moby-Dick.” “It’s time to move on,” he wrote.

Barr disclosed that, after waiting years to read “Moby-Dick,” he was able to finish reading it in approximately fifteen minutes.

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