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So That's Over, and What's Next? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=47905"><span class="small">Garrison Keillor, Garrison Keillor's Website</span></a>   
Friday, 29 March 2019 13:02

Keillor writes: "Anger is justified when you see an utter fraud in the White House, a dull, dishonest, indifferent man with the manner of a Mafia don, but anger is toxic and in the political arena it so often takes a bad bounce."

Garrison Keillor. (photo: MPR)
Garrison Keillor. (photo: MPR)


So That's Over, and What's Next?

By Garrison Keillor, Garrison Keillor's Website

29 March 19

 

inally it’s coming to an end, two years of speculation, more than what’s been written about the future of American higher education, the American novel, and the planet Earth combined, thanks to that long angular face with the sharp Puritan nose and the stone jaw, a man famous for his silence, and why is the name pronounced MULL-er and not MYOO-ler like all the Muellers I know — what’s going on here? Why the secrecy?

Russian subversion is not high on my list of problems. Winter was. I’m 76 and my wife worries about me slipping on an icy sidewalk and banging my head and losing some crucial memory capacity such as my encyclopedic knowledge of the great girl groups of the Fifties, the Chiffons, the Chenilles, the Chinchillas, Chandeliers, and Chardonnays, or my memory of her name, which begins with a J and rhymes with “antennae.” But now April is at the door and the ice, as George Harrison said, is slowly melting and the Miller Report is finished and Russian confusion is their problem, not ours.

My computer has driven me to the brink several times with senseless icons and pop-ups (“You have been selected to take part in a survey”)  and then the other day the screen went to black for no reason and it was unresponsive and I contemplated Applecide by ball-peen hammer.

I am not an angry man. I have sometimes, when driving, spoken sharply to other drivers about their incredible stupidity, but mostly I’m a pleasant and mannerly passive-aggressive Midwesterner. I am tender and loving to my wife, Penny. I am 76 — did I already say that? — and I believe the cure for anger is euphoria. I don’t drink anymore and I never got high from reefer or cocaine and due to physical cowardice I never skied or dove from planes and so for euphoria I turn to the arts, mainly music.

I was in New York last week and got to hear Renée Fleming sing Richard Strauss at Carnegie Hall and see “Rigoletto” at the Met and attend a Rodgers & Hart revival, “I Married An Angel,” and all three had moments that threw me out of the plane and opened my parachute.

I was transported by Miss Fleming’s golden soprano, a passage in which she decrescendos to a whisper and the audience stops breathing and the hall is filled with a whisper, and the next night by the father-daughter duet of Rigoletto and Gilda and then, Friday night, live on stage, a fabulous tap dance number, twenty hoofers, ten dudes and their sweet patooties, tapping their hearts out, step step step shuffle scuffle slap and slide jump click clunk paradiddle paddle turn pullback and roll.

The audience went to pieces, it was so astonishing. Twenty dancers, in a line of work with 92 percent unemployment, had worked two weeks to create five minutes of anonymous synchronized perfection such as I, at 76, had never seen done onstage before and how can a man not be changed by that? I was.

Three transcendent moments in one week. To me, an old man, this is more meaningful than having a common crook in power. He’s not even the most interesting crook — Nixon was, by far — meanwhile the golden soprano whispers to us, and the Gilda (Nadine Sierra of Fort Lauderdale) and her dad (Roberto Frontali of Rome) sing their hearts out about their love for each other — he sings, “You are my life! Without you, I have nothing” (Mia vita sei! Senza te in terra qual bene avrei?) and we fathers of daughters get choked up, and the twenty hoofers lavish on us the happy rhythms of 1938 when the world was about to fall apart. And then there was Saturday night with Leni, but wild horses couldn’t, etcetera and so forth. Never mind.

Anger is justified when you see an utter fraud in the White House, a dull, dishonest, indifferent man with the manner of a Mafia don, but anger is toxic and in the political arena it so often takes a bad bounce. Spring is here, or almost here, and Mary Oliver’s poetry and Mahler’s Fourth Symphony are probably somewhere in your computer and you will learn things from them that the Special Counsel can’t tell you. “Let the soft animal of your body love what it loves,” said Mary Oliver. A day without euphoria is a wasted day, so find it and love it. A man is tweeting on his phone and primping his hairdo while at the wheel of our national government careening down the highway. Let’s get off at the next exit.

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Even for the West Bank, This Is a Shocking Story Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=50464"><span class="small">Gideon Levy and Alex Levac, Haaretz</span></a>   
Friday, 29 March 2019 13:01

Excerpt: "A young Palestinian's attempt to help a stranger shot by Israeli troops costs him his life."

Jamal, Ahmad Manasra's father. A mourning poster for Ahmad is in the background. (photo: Alex Levac/Haaretz)
Jamal, Ahmad Manasra's father. A mourning poster for Ahmad is in the background. (photo: Alex Levac/Haaretz)


Even for the West Bank, This Is a Shocking Story

By Gideon Levy and Alex Levac, Haaretz

29 March 19


A young Palestinian's attempt to help a stranger shot by Israeli troops costs him his life

t was appallingly cold, rainy and foggy on Monday of this week at the southern entrance to Bethlehem. A group of young people stood on the side of the road, gazing at something. Gloomy and toughened, they formed a circle around the concrete cube in which are sunken the spikes of a large billboard – an ad for Kia cars that stretches across the road. They were looking for signs of blood, as though they were volunteers in Zaka, the Israeli emergency response organization. They were looking for bloodstains of their friend, who was killed there five days earlier. Behind the concrete cube they found what they were looking for, a large bloodstain, now congealed. The stain held fast despite the heavy rain, as though refusing to be washed away, determined to remain there, a silent monument.

This is where their friend tried, in his last moments, to find protection from the soldiers who were shooting at him, probably from the armored concrete tower that looms over the intersection a few dozen meters away. It was to here that he fled, already wounded, attempting to take cover behind the concrete cube. But it was too late. His fate was sealed by the soldiers. Six bullets slashed into his body and killed him. He collapsed and died next to the concrete cube by the side of the road.

Even in a situation in which anything is possible, this is an unbelievable story. It’s 9 P.M. Wednesday March 20. A family is returning from an outing. Their car breaks down. The father of the family, Ala Raida, 38, from the village of Nahalin, who is legally employed paving roads in Israel, steps out of his Volkswagen Golf to see what has happened. His wife, Maisa, 34, and their two daughters, Sirin, 8, and Lin, 5, wait in the car. Suddenly the mother hears a single shot and sees her husband lean back onto the car. Emerging from the car, she discovers to her astonishment that he’s wounded in the stomach. She shouts hysterically for help, the girls in the car are crying and screaming.

Another car, a Kia Sportage, arrives at the intersection. Its occupants are four young people from the nearby village of Wadi Fukin. They’re on the way home from the wedding of their friend Mahmoud Lahruv, held that evening in the Hall of Dreams in Bethlehem. At the sight of the woman next to the traffic light appealing for help, they stop the car and get out to see what they can do. Three of them quickly carry the wounded man to their car and rush him to the nearest hospital, Al-Yamamah, in the town of Al-Khader. The fourth young man, Ahmad Manasra, 23, stays behind to calm the woman and the frightened girls. Manasra tries to start the stalled car in order to move it away from the dangerous intersection, but the vehicle doesn’t respond. He then gets back out of the car. The soldiers start firing at him. He tries to get to the concrete cube but is struck by the bullets as he runs. Three rounds hit him in the back and chest, the others slam into his lower body. He dies on the spot.

The army says that stones were thrown. All the eyewitnesses deny that outright. Nor is it clear what the target of the stones might have been. The armored concrete tower? And even if stones were thrown at cars heading for the settlement of Efrat, is that a reason to open fire with live ammunition on a driver whose car broke down, with his wife and young daughters on board? Or on a young man who tried to get the car moving and to calm the mother and her daughters? Shooting with no restraint? With no pity? With no law?

We visit the skeleton of an unfinished apartment on the second floor of a house in Wadi Fukin. It’s an impoverished West Bank village just over the Green Line, whose residents fled in 1949 and were allowed to return in 1972, and which is now imprisoned between the giant ultra-Orthodox settlement of Betar Ilit and the town of Tzur Hadassah, which is just inside the Green Line. A wood stove tries to rebuff the bitter cold in the broad space between the unplastered walls and the untiled floor. A grim-looking group of men are sitting around the fire, trying to warm themselves. They are the mourners for Manasra; this was going to be his apartment one day, when he got married. That will never happen now.

Only the memorial posters remain in the unbuilt space. A relative and fellow villager, Adel Atiyah, an ambassador in the Palestinian delegation to the European Union, calls from Brussels to offer his shocked condolences. One of the mourners, Fahmi Manasra, lives in Toronto and is here on a visit to his native land. The atmosphere is dark and pained.

The bereaved father, Jamal, 50, is resting in his apartment on the ground floor. When he comes upstairs, it’s clear he’s a person deeply immersed in his grief though impressive in his restraint. He’s a tiler who works in Israel with a permit. He last saw his son as he drove along the main street in Bethlehem as his son was going to his friend’s wedding. Jamal was driving his wife, Wafa, home from another wedding. That was about two hours before Ahmad was killed. In the last two days of his life they worked together, Jamal and his son, in the family vineyard, clearing away cuttings and spraying. Now he wistfully remembers those precious moments. Ahmad asked to borrow his father’s car to drive to the wedding, but Jamal needed it to visit the doctor, and Ahmad joined the group in Wahib Manasra’s SUV.

Quiet prevails in the shell of the unfinished apartment. Someone says that Manasra was already planning the layout of his future home – the living room would be here, the kitchen there. Maisa Raida, the wife of the wounded driver, is at her husband’s bedside at Hadassah Medical Center, Ein Karem, Jerusalem, where he’s recovering from his severe stomach wound. He was brought there from Al-Khader because of the seriousness of his condition. Major damage was done to internal organs in his abdomen and he needed complicated surgery, but he seems to be on the mend.

Maisa told a local field investigator from a human rights group that at first she didn’t realize that her husband was wounded. Only after she stepped out of the car did she see that he was leaning on the vehicle because of the wound. She yelled for help, and after the young men stopped and took her husband to the hospital, she got back into the car with Manasra, whom she didn’t know. While they were in the car with her daughters, and he was trying get it started, she heard another burst of gunfire aimed at their car from the side, but which didn’t hit them.

She had no idea that Manasra was shot and killed when he got out of the car, moments later. She stayed inside, trying to calm the girls. It wasn’t until she called her father and her brother-in-law and they arrived and took her to Al-Yamamah Hospital that she heard that someone had been killed. Appalled, she thought they meant her husband but was told that the dead person had been taken to Al-Hussein Hospital in Beit Jala.

Eventually, she realized that the man who was killed was the same young man who tried to help her and her daughters; he was dead on arrival. Before Maisa and her daughters were taken from the scene, an officer and soldiers from the Israel Defense Forces came to the stalled car and tried to calm them.

Manasra was dead by then, sprawled next to the concrete cube. He was a Real Madrid fan and liked cars. Until recently he worked in the settlement of Hadar Betar, inside Betar Ilit. His little brother, 8-year-old Abdel Rahman, wanders among the mourners in a daze.

After Jamal Manasra returned home, his phone began ringing nonstop. He decided not to answer. He says he was afraid to answer, he had forebodings from God. He and his wife drove to the hospital in Beit Jala. He has no rational explanation for why they went to the hospital. From God. “I was the last to know,” he says in Hebrew. At the hospital, he was asked whether he was Ahmad’s father. Then he understood. He and his wife have two more sons and a daughter. Ahmad was their firstborn.

We asked the IDF Spokesperson’s Unit a number of questions. Why did the soldiers shoot Ala Raida and Ahmad Manasra with live ammunition? Why did they go on shooting at Manasra even after he tried to flee? Did the soldiers fire from the armored watchtower? Do the security cameras show that stones were indeed thrown? Were the soldiers in mortal danger?

This was the IDF’s response to all these questions: “On March 21, a debriefing was held headed by the commander of the Judea and Samaria Division, Brig. Gen. Eran Niv, and the commander of the Etzion territorial brigade, Col. David Shapira, in the area of the event that took place on Thursday [actually, it was a Wednesday] at the Efrat junction and at the entrance to Bethlehem. From the debriefing it emerges that an IDF fighter who was on guard at a military position near the intersection spotted a suspect who was throwing stones at vehicles in the area and carried out the procedure for arresting a suspect, which ended in shooting. As a result of the shooting, the suspect was killed and another Palestinian was wounded.

“The possibility is being examined that there was friction between Palestinians, which included stone-throwing.

“The inquiry into the event continues, parallel to the opening of an investigation by the Military Police.”

After the group of young people found what they were looking for – bloodstains of their friend, Ahmad – they reconstructed for us the events of that horrific evening. It was important for them to talk to an Israeli journalist. They’re the three who came out alive from the drive home after the wedding. One of them, Ahmad Manasra – he has the same name as the young man who was killed – wouldn’t get out of the car when we were there. He’s still traumatized. Wahib Manasra, the driver of the SUV, showed us where the stalled VW had been, and where they stopped when they saw a woman shouting for help.

Soldiers and security cameras viewed us even now, from the watchtower, which is no more than 30 meters from the site. Wahib says that if there was stone-throwing, or if they had noticed soldiers, they wouldn’t have stopped and gotten out of the car. Raida, the wounded man, kept mumbling, “My daughters, my daughters,” when they approached him. He leaned on them and they put him in their car. By the time they reached the gas station down the road, he had lost consciousness. Before that, he again mumbled, “My daughters.”

Wahib and the other Ahmad, the one who was alive, returned quickly from the hospital, which is just a few minutes from the site. But they could no longer get close to the scene, as a great many cars were congregated there. They got out of the car and proceeded on foot. A Palestinian ambulance went by. Looking through the window, Wahib saw to his horror his friend, Ahmad Manasra, whom they had left on the road with the woman and her girls, lying inside. He saw at once that Ahmad was dead.

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FOCUS: I'll Fight for Farmers Against Powerful Agribusiness Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=45508"><span class="small">Bernie Sanders, The Des Moines Register</span></a>   
Friday, 29 March 2019 11:02

Sanders writes: "Whether it's in Iowa, my home state of Vermont or anywhere else, the crisis in America's small towns and rural communities is the result of deliberate policy choices by a political class that neglects rural America, rather than investing in it."

Senator Bernie Sanders arrives for a town hall meeting in Davenport, Iowa, May 28, 2015. (photo: Daniel Acker/Bloomberg)
Senator Bernie Sanders arrives for a town hall meeting in Davenport, Iowa, May 28, 2015. (photo: Daniel Acker/Bloomberg)


I'll Fight for Farmers Against Powerful Agribusiness

By Bernie Sanders, The Des Moines Register

29 March 19

 

his past month, hardworking farmers in Iowa saw historic floods kill livestock and topple grain silos in an instant, losing their livelihoods and their way of life. It was just the latest blow to rural communities that have seen farmers’ incomes cut in half, hospitals shut down, school districts consolidated, drinking wells tainted and downtowns decimated by layoffs.

But, despite what the pundits might say, this was not inevitable — and it’s completely unacceptable.

Whether it’s in Iowa, my home state of Vermont or anywhere else, the crisis in America’s small towns and rural communities is the result of deliberate policy choices by a political class that neglects rural America, rather than investing in it.

In the end, the desperation felt by families in rural communities is about basic economic rights and freedom. Farmers have been systematically stripped of their ability to control their own futures and no longer know whether their hard work will earn them future success and stability. Storefronts are empty and farmers have been forced to sell their land that has been kept in families for generations to massive corporations.

For the massive agribusinesses that control much of rural America, it’s a different story. These corporations have seen profits skyrocket and compensation packages for CEOs increase to record levels.

Last year alone, the CEO of Smithfield’s parent company was given a $291 million pay package. The average farmer on the other hand actually lost an average of $1,548 last year.

It’s not just the CEOs who are getting paid, either. Agribusiness giants like Tyson and Hormel have spent tens of millions of dollars to employ powerful lobbyists in the past few years. And it has worked out pretty well for these corporations.

Hormel had its tax bill cut by more than half last year. And Tyson — the nation’s largest meat packer, which rakes in tens of billions of dollars a year — effectively paid nothing in federal taxes last year.

While massive corporations get richer, the farmers who grow our food are getting only 15 cents of every dollar that a consumer spends on their product — less than half of what they were getting in 1980.

But nothing sums up our rigged agricultural industry quite like the Bayer-Monsanto megamerger.

The prices for corn seed have doubled and prices for chemicals used in farming have roughly tripled in the last 30 years. Yet, the Trump administration was happy to give these two conglomerates 78 percent of the corn seed market. While that deal could end up further jacking up seed prices for Iowa corn farmers, the CEO of Monsanto was rewarded with a golden parachute worth up to $32 million.

This massive transfer of wealth from working people in America’s heartland to corporate CEOs is having more than just a financial toll on rural America. It has led to personal pain as entire rural communities are devastated by opioid addiction and a too-often-ignored mental health crisis has led to a spike in farmer suicides.

This is not happening by accident. It is the result of Washington putting the interests of the top 1 percent first. That is why, now more than ever, we need policies that represent the needs of working people and family farmers, not big agribusiness and multinational corporations.

When we are in the White House, we are going to strengthen antitrust laws that defend farmers from the corporate middlemen that stand between the food grower and the consumer, and have now become so big and powerful that they can squeeze farmers for everything they’re worth. We must end the absurd situation where the top four packing companies now control more than 80 percent of the beef market, 63 percent of the pork market, and 53 percent of the chicken market. We must help communities where there is a single buyer, meaning farmers are at the mercy of a corporation that’s effectively forcing them to use only the company’s feed and livestock.

When we are in the White House, we will reverse the Trump administration’s elimination of President Obama’s rule to let small farmers take legal action when they are abused by big corporate middlemen. The same goes for Trump’s elimination of the agency inside the USDA that enforces antitrust laws in the meatpacking industry.

When we are in the White House, we will also enact a federal jobs guarantee, to ensure that everyone is guaranteed a stable job, and to make sure that our young people have decent jobs so they do not have to leave the towns they grew up in and love.

When we are in the White House, we will pass the Green New Deal to fight against climate change, which is destroying farms across the state. This will put people to work rebuilding rural Iowa’s infrastructure and support family farms in implementing regenerative farming practices. It’ll mean clean water for all as we stop corporate polluters from poisoning Iowa waterways.

This is about taking on the incredibly powerful institutions that control the economic and political life of this country. They will spend hundreds of millions of dollars trying to defeat us. But we have something they don't have. We have the people. If we stand together, this country has an extraordinary future. Let's make it happen.

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RSN: Mad Respect for Chelsea Manning Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=36478"><span class="small">John Kiriakou, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Friday, 29 March 2019 10:46

Kiriakou writes: "Chelsea Manning is serving an indeterminate period of incarceration because she refused to testify before a grand jury. And to make matters worse, she apparently is being held in solitary confinement. What she is doing, in my view, is heroic for myriad reasons."

Chelsea Manning. (photo: Getty)
Chelsea Manning. (photo: Getty)


Mad Respect for Chelsea Manning

By John Kiriakou, Reader Supported News

29 March 19

 

helsea Manning, the Army whistleblower who released hundreds of thousands of pages of classified documents to WikiLeaks in 2011 and who called attention to war crimes committed by US troops, is back in jail. Manning is being held in the federal lockup in Alexandria, Virginia, not for providing classified information to the media. Indeed, she was already sentenced to 35 years in a military prison for doing that. (She served seven years before President Obama commuted her sentence.) Instead, she is serving an indeterminate period of incarceration because she refused to testify before a grand jury. And to make matters worse, she apparently is being held in solitary confinement. What she is doing, in my view, is heroic for myriad reasons.

There is no need to rehash what Chelsea Manning did in 2011. You don’t have to like Chelsea to admit, correctly, that she’s a whistleblower. There’s a legal definition of whistleblowing. It is bringing to light any evidence of waste, fraud, abuse, illegality, or threats to public health or public safety. That’s exactly what she did. And the price that she has paid has been very high. Chelsea spent two of her seven years in prison in solitary confinement, a situation the United Nations has characterized as a form of torture. Her supporters contend that she is once again in solitary confinement in Alexandria. She twice attempted suicide the first time she was in solitary. And she was forced to remain naked for a year in solitary because she was a suicide risk. Authorities were afraid that she would use her clothes to hang herself.

In early March, Chelsea was subpoenaed to appear before a grand jury in the federal court for the Eastern District of Virginia. The media reported that the Justice Department’s prosecutors wanted her to testify about her relationship with WikiLeaks cofounder Julian Assange and how she was able to pass classified documents to him in 2011. Manning contended that she had already testified to those questions in her own trial in 2012 and that all the feds had to do was to enter into the record the transcript of her trial.

The feds wouldn’t relent. But neither would Manning. She said she would invoke her 5th amendment right against self-incrimination. But the feds offered her qualified immunity. Nothing she said before the grand jury would be used against her (except if she contradicted her 2011 testimony. That’s a trick the feds love to use to charge people with perjury or with making a false statement. More on that in a minute.). Manning held firm, however. Even with the qualified immunity offer, she said that she would invoke her 1st amendment right to freedom of speech, her 4th amendment right against illegal search and seizure, and her 6th amendment right to due process. She wouldn’t budge, and the Justice Department asked the judge to hold her indefinitely in contempt of court. That is how Manning has found herself behind bars again.

When Manning was arrested and charged with contempt of court, I tweeted, “Mad respect today for @xychelsea, who showed greater toughness than anybody involved in the so-called Russiagate collusion case. She went back to jail rather than turn rat. That’s the very definition of resolve. And it’s in the face of the ‘Espionage Court.’”

I said this — and I believe every word of it — because Manning’s actions remind me of those of folk singer and legendary activist Pete Seeger, a personal hero of mine.

Pete Seeger was a member of the Communist Party USA from the early 1940s until 1949, when he split with the party over Josef Stalin’s atrocities. Still, he remained friendly with many Party members. In 1955 Seeger, along with folksingers and members of his band The Weavers, Lee Hayes, Mil Lampell, and Ronnie Gilbert, were subpoenaed to testify before the notorious House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), where they were asked to name names. Hayes, Lampell, and Gilbert all pleaded the 5th so as not to incriminate themselves. They urged Seeger to do the same. But he refused.

Instead, Seeger went before the HUAC and refused to answer any questions, citing his constitutional rights under the 1st amendment. He told the Committee, “I am not going to answer any questions as to my associations, my philosophical or religious beliefs or my political beliefs, or how I voted in any election, or any of these private affairs. I think these are very improper questions for any American to be asked, especially under such compulsion as this.”

Seeger was charged with ten felony counts of contempt of Congress, similar to Manning’s charge of contempt of court, and was convicted and sentenced to ten concurrent one-year terms in federal prison. The conviction was overturned a year later on a technicality.

Like Manning, Seeger could have taken the easy way out. But he didn’t. He could have just taken the 5th. He could have answered each question with “I don’t recall.” But he chose to make a political point, to take a stand. That was courageous in 1955 and it is courageous in 2019.

Seeger was caught up in the anti-Communist hysteria of the 1950s. The situation for Manning, though, is more sinister. Contrary to popular belief, President Obama did not pardon Chelsea Manning in the final days of his administration. Instead, he commuted Manning’s sentence, simply releasing her from prison. The conviction still stands, and Manning is still in legal jeopardy if prosecutors decide to charge her with crimes related to the original charges. With that said, was Manning’s subpoena a ham-handed attempt to get her to contradict herself in new testimony, thus inviting a new felony charge for perjury or making a false statement? Were prosecutors trying to get Manning to implicate herself in some process felony? Or were they simply trying to force her to turn rat on Julian Assange?

Again, Manning could have taken the easy way out. She could have simply answered each question with “I don’t recall.” She would have been home in time for dinner. Instead, she made a political point — one that all of us should want to emulate. That point is “Don’t tread on me.” That point is “I’m willing to jeopardize my freedom to protect yours.”

I say often that in my time at the CIA I learned that CIA culture is such that employees are taught that everything in life is a shade of gray. But that is simply not true. Some things are black and white, right or wrong. This is one of those things. It’s the government that’s the enemy here, not Manning or Assange.

Remember, the American people own the information that Manning and Assange are accused of releasing. We have a right to know what our government is doing in our name. We have a right to know if the government is covering up crimes. We have a right to know when — and why — those Americans who commit war crimes or crimes against humanity are not being prosecuted. The mainstream media doesn’t tell us. But WikiLeaks does.

Remember also that it is illegal to classify a crime for the purpose of keeping the information from the America people. It is also illegal to classify information simply because it is embarrassing to the American government. We wouldn’t know about some of the most heinous war crimes of the past two decades without Chelsea Manning and Julian Assange. You don’t have to like them. You don’t have to share their politics. You don’t have to want to go out and have a beer with them. But you do have to respect what they’ve done for us.

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John Kiriakou is a former CIA counterterrorism officer and a former senior investigator with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. John became the sixth whistleblower indicted by the Obama administration under the Espionage Act – a law designed to punish spies. He served 23 months in prison as a result of his attempts to oppose the Bush administration's torture program.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Trump's Kakistocracy Is Also a Hackistocracy Print
Friday, 29 March 2019 08:31

Krugman writes: "It's no secret that Donald Trump has appointed a lot of partisan, unqualified hacks to key policy positions."

Stephen Moore, President Trump's latest choice for the Federal Reserve Board, is good at being wrong. (photo: Andrew Harrer/Bloomberg)
Stephen Moore, President Trump's latest choice for the Federal Reserve Board, is good at being wrong. (photo: Andrew Harrer/Bloomberg)


Trump's Kakistocracy Is Also a Hackistocracy

By Paul Krugman, The New York Times

29 March 19


The invasion of hucksters has reached the Federal Reserve.

t’s no secret that Donald Trump has appointed a lot of partisan, unqualified hacks to key policy positions. A few months ago my colleague Gail Collins asked readers to help her select Trump’s worst cabinet member. It was a hard choice, because there were so many qualified applicants.

The winner, by the way, was Wilbur Ross, the commerce secretary. That looks like an even better call now: Ross’s department has reportedly prepared a report declaring that imports of European cars threaten U.S. national security. This is both ludicrous and dangerous. It gives Trump the right to start a new phase in his trade war that would inflict severe economic damage while alienating our allies — and, as a result, undermine national security.

Until recently, however, one agency had seemed immune to the continuing hack invasion: the Federal Reserve, the single institution most crucial to economic policymaking. Trump’s Fed nominees, have, by and large, been sensible, respected economists. But that all changed last week, when Trump said he planned to nominate Stephen Moore for the Fed’s Board of Governors.

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