RSN Fundraising Banner
FB Share
Email This Page
add comment
Politics
It's Not Over: Trump Is Stalked by Investigations He Tried to Stonewall Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=49734"><span class="small">David R. Lurie, The Daily Beast</span></a>   
Wednesday, 04 September 2019 08:32

Lurie writes: "With all the focus on how a largely symbolic impeachment might affect Donald Trump's re-election prospects, numerous investigations and lawsuits concerning the president and his associates seem to have dropped off the political radar. But they are still going - and could affect the result of the next election."

Summer Zervos, center, has sued President Trump for defamation in a New York State court. (photo: Jefferson Siegel/Sipa/AP)
Summer Zervos, center, has sued President Trump for defamation in a New York State court. (photo: Jefferson Siegel/Sipa/AP)


It's Not Over: Trump Is Stalked by Investigations He Tried to Stonewall

By David R. Lurie, The Daily Beast

04 September 19


Fall is here. Congress is back. The president isn’t out of trouble. A look at the post-Mueller probes.

ith all the focus on how a largely symbolic impeachment might affect Donald Trump’s re-election prospects, numerous investigations and lawsuits concerning the president and his associates seem to have dropped off the political radar. But they are still going—and could affect the result of the next election.

Trump has done his best to stonewall many of these matters, particularly those before Congress, by litigating almost every demand for testimony and other evidence. That strategy of maximum resistance could backfire. 

That’s because the string could well run out on many of Trump’s defenses in the coming months, and the investigations—and accompanying revelations—could accelerate immediately before Election Day 2020, making Trump’s misconduct a renewed focus of public attention as voters prepare to go to the polls. 

A review of only the most high-profile investigations serves to highlight the political dangers and uncertainties Trump faces. 

Obstruction of Justice

In the months since the Mueller Report was released, Trump and the Department of Justice have largely stymied the House Judiciary Committee’s investigation into the multiple acts of presidential obstruction of justice detailed in the special counsel’s report by denying legislators access to critical witnesses and evidence. 

Trump’s unprecedented resistance is exemplified by his effort to bar former White House Counsel Don McGahn from testifying about his efforts to force the firing of Robert Mueller, in what McGahn recognized would have amounted to a repeat of Richard Nixon’s “Saturday Night Massacre.” 

McGahn’s account of Trump’s audaciously criminal conduct is recounted in detail in the Mueller Report, making an executive-privilege claim regarding much of his testimony difficult to sustain. Yet the DOJ has argued that a purported absolute immunity doctrine, applicable to advisers who are presidential “alter egos,” allows the White House to bar McGahn from sharing even his already largely public record evidence with Congress. Further, the White House appears prepared to assert in court that the same immunity claimed for McGahn attaches to lower level White House employees who reportedly witnessed Trump’s wrongdoing, an assertion that has even less support in applicable law. 

The Judiciary Committee also recently subpoenaed informal Trump adviser Corey Lewandowski, who, per the Mueller Report, was directed by Trump to tell then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions to fire Mueller. Trump is reportedly considering making a claim of executive privilege to bar Lewandowski from testifying or to limit his testimony, but the proposition that such a privilege (let alone an immunity from congressional inquiry) attaches to Trump’s communications with a person who was not a government employee is quite weak. 

Trump plainly hopes that the Supreme Court will back his stonewalling by upholding his audacious privilege and immunity claims, or simply delaying a resolution for the better part of two years, thereby allowing him to skirt any effect on the election. 

It is, however, more than possible that Chief Justice John Roberts will not choose to make the court into an open aider and abettor of Trump’s defiance of Congress, and will vote in favor of ordering some or all of the witnesses to testify. If so, damaging witnesses like Lewandowski and McGahn could well end up appearing before Congress in the latter half of 2020, soon before the election, thereby placing Trump’s obstruction back in the headlines during the campaign’s final months. 

Financial Corruption

Another active area of litigation has been spawned by Trump’s assiduous efforts to shroud his taxes and other financial records in a veil of secrecy. Having set the dubious precedent of being the first president to refuse to release any of his tax returns since Nixon, Trump is now embroiled in multiple lawsuits directed at preventing government agencies, banks, and accountants from disclosing his records to Congress.

Federal appeals courts in New York and Washington recently heard arguments on subpoenas issued by the House Financial Services Committee for Trump family records held by Trump’s banks and his accountants, respectively. Trump’s lawyers, once again backed up by the DOJ, have argued that Congress does not have a legitimate “legislative purpose” to seek these records, a claim that has little to no support in Supreme Court case law. 

The stakes of these cases increased last week when Deutsche Bank, one of the subpoena recipients, acknowledged that it possesses one or more of the tax returns Trump has sought to hide.

Meanwhile, Trump is doing his best to prevent government agencies from turning over his returns, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin has refused to comply with a House demand for the documents, despite a federal law that expressly mandates that he do so. The president also brought a lawsuit to prevent the House from availing itself of a newly enacted New York law allowing Congress to seek certain tax-return information from Trump’s home state.

Once again, Trump is playing a delay game, seeking to hold off the day by which he will, inevitably, be forced to disclose much of the financial information he has been so determined to hide. Yet, once again, the delay may not ultimately work to Trump’s benefit. Particularly given the make-weight nature of many of his arguments, Trump might only succeed in deferring such disclosures until closer to the climax of the presidential campaign. 

Influence Peddling

Trump’s associates raised the unprecedented sum of $107 million for his inaugural festivities, an amount that was more than double the cost of other recent inaugurals. Since that time, both the sources of the funds and the recipients have been the subject of a growing number of investigations, implicating some of Trump’s closes associates, and possibly his wife and family.

The longest running, and most serious, inquiry is being conducted by federal prosecutors in Brooklyn, who reportedly recently interviewed longtime Trump friend and confidant Thomas Barrack, who played a central role in raising large-dollar contributions for Trump’s campaign and inaugural celebration. Barrack has close business ties to the Saudi royal family and other Middle Eastern regimes, and prosecutors are reportedly focused on whether foreign funds made their way into the inaugural accounts, as well as whether Barrack and others (including convicted felon Elliott Broidy) have leveraged their relationships with Trump to further their business interests, or those of foreign clients.

Barrack is far from the only person close to Trump who was involved in questionable transactions in connection with the inauguration. For example, Melania Trump friend Stephanie Winston Wolkoff, whose firm was hired to manage the events, reportedly has detailed records regarding how the massive sums were spent. Presumably those documents include information on the approximately $1.5 million that was said to have been paid for events at the Trump hotel in Washington, D.C., at rates that one planner allegedly believed were inflated.

It is difficult to predict whether any charges would be filed in this matter. But one thing is clear: Trump himself is concerned enough that he has reportedly cut off ties with Barrack. 

Profiting From the Presidency

Trump’s increasingly audacious efforts to profit from the presidency have also been the focus of multiple lawsuits, including by state governments and House Democrats, most alleging that Trump is in violation of the “foreign emoluments clause” of the Constitution, which, on its face, bars federal officials from receiving gifts or profits from foreign nations and officials. 

These suits have all been met with skepticism or outright rejection by federal trial or appellate courts, largely because the plaintiffs were deemed to lack standing, i.e., the personal stake in a dispute required to maintain a federal lawsuit. In the wake of Trump’s recent suggestion that he might hold next year’s G-7 summit at his own Florida resort, however, House Judiciary Committee Chairman Jerrold Nadler announced that Trump’s profiteering is becoming a subject of the broader inquiry into potential grounds for impeachment.

As a legal matter, it will be difficult for Trump to argue that Congress cannot inquire into such matters in connection with a potential impeachment. Indeed, the failure of the lawsuits brought to date confirms that such proceedings in Congress are the only mechanism available for enforcing the Constitution’s limitations on the receipt of gifts and profits by the president from foreign leaders, as well as U.S. citizens.  

Defamation

Government investigations are not the only source of litigation challenges for Trump; he also faces potential private civil liabilities. Most notably, in January 2017, former Apprentice contestant Summer Zervos filed a defamation lawsuit against him in a New York court, alleging that Trump had lied about sexually assaulting her in 2007. Trump’s efforts to dismiss that action have failed to date, and in March 2019 an intermediate appellate court upheld Zervos’ demand to force Trump to testify under oath, leaving it to New York’s highest court to decide the issue. 

The case bears many similarities to the defamation lawsuit Paula Jones brought against President Bill Clinton. It was similarly premised on a claim that Clinton had lied about his effort to coerce Jones into having sex with him. After the Supreme Court refused to hold the case in abeyance, Clinton gave false testimony about his sexual relationship with Monica Lewinsky that formed the foundation for the impeachment proceedings against him. 

Given Trump’s proclivity for mendacity, it is unsurprising that his lawyers are doing all they can to avoid him facing similar questioning. If the highest New York court rules that Trump must submit to interrogation, his lawyers may make a last-ditch effort to have the case heard by the Supreme Court. Absent such extraordinary intervention, however, in the months before the election, Trump could well find himself having to choose between giving testimony about his long history of sexual-assault allegations and losing the lawsuit—and effectively being deemed to have lied about his encounter with Zervos.

While Trump has so far succeeded in holding investigators at bay, he could well find himself defending against new revelations about his misconduct at the time he is facing a challenging bid for re-election.

e-max.it: your social media marketing partner
 
The US Deal With the Taliban Already Looks Like a Disaster Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=50188"><span class="small">David Gilbert, VICE</span></a>   
Wednesday, 04 September 2019 08:32

Gilbert writes: "On Monday night, Zalmay Khalilzad, the top U.S. negotiator in Afghanistan, went on TV in Kabul and said he had agreed to a deal 'in principle' to end America's longest-running war and see the U.S. withdraw 5,400 troops from the country by the start of next year."

Afghanistan. (photo: Vice)
Afghanistan. (photo: Vice)


The US Deal With the Taliban Already Looks Like a Disaster

By David Gilbert, Vice

04 September 19


As the U.S.'s top negotiator went on Kabul TV to announce a troop withdrawal deal, the Taliban was preparing a suicide bombing that killed 16 and wounded 100.

n Monday night, Zalmay Khalilzad, the top U.S. negotiator in Afghanistan, went on TV in Kabul and said he had agreed to a deal “in principle” to end America’s longest-running war and see the U.S. withdraw 5,400 troops from the country by the start of next year.

Within hours of the interview being broadcast, a Taliban suicide bomber strapped a bomb to a tractor and drove it into an international compound in Kabul. The resulting explosion killed 16 people and injured 100. The Taliban quickly claimed credit, saying the attack was designed to target foreigners as retribution for U.S. attacks on Afghan civilians.

The U.S. has held nine rounds of talks with the Taliban in an effort to end the 18-year conflict. But Monday's attack was a clear message that the Taliban has no intention of ending the cycle of daily violence that has taken a huge toll on Afghan civilians

Zalmay Khalilzad, the State Department’s special representative for Afghanistan reconciliation, told Tolo News that in exchange for the troop withdrawal, the Taliban agreed that Afghanistan would never again be used as a base for militant groups seeking to attack the U.S. and its allies.

“We have agreed that if the conditions proceed according to the agreement, we will leave within 135 days five bases in which we are present now,” Khalilzad said in his televised interview. The deal was the result of nine rounds of peace talks that have been held in the Gulf state of Qatar, and still requires the approval of U.S. President Donald Trump.

The U.S. currently has around 14,000 troops in Afghanistan and the withdrawal of the remaining U.S. troops would be on the condition of talks between the Taliban and the Afghan government, as well as a ceasefire, the BBC reports.

However, Monday’s explosion was a grim reminder of the unrelenting bloodshed the country has experienced in recent years.

The target of the blast was the Green Village compound, which houses several international organizations and guesthouses. After the explosion, security forces evacuated some 400 foreigners from the area.

A Taliban spokesman told the Associated Press the latest attack was a response to raids by U.S. and Afghan forces on civilians in other parts of the country.

The blast, which left a large crater in the street, was greeted with anger by local residents who called on the government to expel all foreigners immediately.

“This is not the first time we suffer because of them," resident Abdul Jamil told news agency AFP. "We don't want them here any more.”

The Taliban now controls a huge swath of the country, more than at any time since the 2001 U.S. invasion of Afghanistan. The militant group has so far refused to negotiate with the Afghan government, whom they view as American puppets.

“As far as the Taliban are concerned, they will keep bombing,” Ejaz Malikzada, a researcher at the Afghan Institute for Strategic Studies in Kabul, told the BBC. “They say: 'we'll fight even if we sign an agreement with the Americans we'll keep fighting and we'll kill, no matter what'. So the Taliban have not changed, the only change that I can see is their bombs have got bigger.”

Email This Page

e-max.it: your social media marketing partner
 
The Air Conditioning Trap: How Cold Air Is Heating the World Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=51532"><span class="small">Stephen Buranyi, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Wednesday, 04 September 2019 08:32

Buranyi writes: "There are just over 1bn single-room air conditioning units in the world right now - about one for every seven people on earth. Numerous reports have projected that by 2050 there are likely to be more than 4.5bn, making them as ubiquitous as the mobile phone is today."

Wall-mounted air conditioning units in Hong Kong. (photo: Andrew Aitchison/In Pictures/Getty Images)
Wall-mounted air conditioning units in Hong Kong. (photo: Andrew Aitchison/In Pictures/Getty Images)


The Air Conditioning Trap: How Cold Air Is Heating the World

By Stephen Buranyi, Guardian UK

04 September 19


The warmer it gets, the more we use air conditioning. The more we use air conditioning, the warmer it gets. Is there any way out of this trap?

n a sweltering Thursday evening in Manhattan last month, people across New York City were preparing for what meteorologists predicted would be the hottest weekend of the year. Over the past two decades, every record for peak electricity use in the city has occurred during a heatwave, as millions of people turn on their air conditioning units at the same time. And so, at the midtown headquarters of Con Edison, the company that supplies more than 10 million people in the New York area with electricity, employees were busy turning a conference room on the 19th floor into an emergency command centre.

Inside the conference room, close to 80 engineers and company executives, joined by representatives of the city’s emergency management department, monitored the status of the city power grid, directed ground crews and watched a set of dials displaying each borough’s electricity use tick upward. “It’s like the bridge in Star Trek in there,” Anthony Suozzo, a former senior system operator with the company, told me. “You’ve got all hands on deck, they’re telling Scotty to fix things, the system is running at max capacity.”

Power grids are measured by the amount of electricity that can pass through them at any one time. Con Edison’s grid, with 62 power substations and more than 130,000 miles of power lines and cables across New York City and Westchester County, can deliver 13,400MW every second. This is roughly equivalent to 18m horsepower.

On a regular day, New York City demands around 10,000MW every second; during a heatwave, that figure can exceed 13,000MW. “Do the math, whatever that gap is, is the AC,” Michael Clendenin, a company spokesman, told me. The combination of high demand and extreme temperature can cause parts of the system to overheat and fail, leading to blackouts. In 2006, equipment failure left 175,000 people in Queens without power for a week, during a heatwave that killed 40 people.

This year, by the evening of Sunday 21 July, with temperatures above 36C (97F) and demand at more than 12,000MW every second, Con Edison cut power to 50,000 customers in Brooklyn and Queens for 24 hours, afraid that parts of the nearby grid were close to collapse, which could have left hundreds of thousands of people without power for days. The state had to send in police to help residents, and Con Edison crews dispensed dry ice for people to cool their homes.

As the world gets hotter, scenes like these will become increasingly common. Buying an air conditioner is perhaps the most popular individual response to climate change, and air conditioners are almost uniquely power-hungry appliances: a small unit cooling a single room, on average, consumes more power than running four fridges, while a central unit cooling an average house uses more power than 15. “Last year in Beijing, during a heatwave, 50% of the power capacity was going to air conditioning,” says John Dulac, an analyst at the International Energy Agency (IEA). “These are ‘oh shit’ moments.”

There are just over 1bn single-room air conditioning units in the world right now – about one for every seven people on earth. Numerous reports have projected that by 2050 there are likely to be more than 4.5bn, making them as ubiquitous as the mobile phone is today. The US already uses as much electricity for air conditioning each year as the UK uses in total. The IEA projects that as the rest of the world reaches similar levels, air conditioning will use about 13% of all electricity worldwide, and produce 2bn tonnes of CO2 a year – about the same amount as India, the world’s third-largest emitter, produces today.

All of these reports note the awful irony of this feedback loop: warmer temperatures lead to more air conditioning; more air conditioning leads to warmer temperatures. The problem posed by air conditioning resembles, in miniature, the problem we face in tackling the climate crisis. The solutions that we reach for most easily only bind us closer to the original problem.

The global dominance of air conditioning was not inevitable. As recently as 1990, there were only about 400m air conditioning units in the world, mostly in the US. Originally built for industrial use, air conditioning eventually came to be seen as essential, a symbol of modernity and comfort. Then air conditioning went global. Today, as with other drivers of the climate crisis, we race to find solutions – and puzzle over how we ended up so closely tied to a technology that turns out to be drowning us.

Like the aqueduct or the automobile, air conditioning is a technology that transformed the world. Lee Kuan Yew, the first prime minister of independent Singapore, called it “one of the signal inventions of history” that allowed the rapid modernisation of his tropical country. In 1998, the American academic Richard Nathan told the New York Times that, along with the “civil rights revolution”, air conditioning had been the biggest factor in changing American demography and politics over the previous three decades, enabling extensive residential development in the very hot, and very conservative, American south.

A century ago, few would have predicted this. For the first 50 years of its existence, air conditioning was mainly restricted to factories and a handful of public spaces. The initial invention is credited to Willis Carrier, an American engineer at a heating and ventilation company, who was tasked in 1902 with reducing humidity in a Brooklyn printing factory. Today we assume that the purpose of air conditioning is to reduce heat, but engineers at the time weren’t solely concerned with temperature. They wanted to create the most stable possible conditions for industrial production – and in a print factory, humidity curled sheets of paper and smudged ink.

Carrier realised that removing heat from the factory air would reduce humidity, and so he borrowed technology from the nascent refrigeration industry to create what was, and still is, essentially a jacked-up fridge. Then as now, air conditioning units work by breathing in warm air, passing it across a cold surface, and exhaling cool, dry air. The invention was an immediate success with industry – textile, ammunition, and pharmaceutical factories were among the first adopters – and then began to catch on elsewhere. The House of Representatives installed air conditioning in 1928, followed by the White House and the Senate in 1929. But during this period, most Americans encountered air conditioning only in places such as theatres or department stores, where it was seen as a delightful novelty.

It wasn’t until the late 1940s, when it began to enter people’s homes, that the air conditioner really conquered the US. Before then, according to the historian Gail Cooper, the industry had struggled to convince the public that air conditioning was a necessity, rather than a luxury. In her definitive account of the early days of the industry, Air-Conditioning America, Cooper notes that magazines described air conditioning as a flop with consumers. Fortune called it “a prime public disappointment of the 1930s”. By 1938 only one out of every 400 American homes had an air conditioner; today it is closer to nine out of 10.

What fuelled the rise of the air conditioning was not a sudden explosion in consumer demand, but the influence of the industries behind the great postwar housing boom. Between 1946 and 1965, 31m new homes were constructed in the US, and for the people building those houses, air conditioning was a godsend. Architects and construction companies no longer had to worry much about differences in climate – they could sell the same style of home just as easily in New Mexico as in Delaware. The prevailing mentality was that just about any problems caused by hot climates, cheap building materials, shoddy design or poor city planning could be overcome, as the American Institute of Architects wrote in 1973, “by the brute application of more air conditioning”. As Cooper writes, “Architects, builders and bankers accepted air conditioning first, and consumers were faced with a fait accompli that they merely had to ratify.”

Equally essential to the rise of the air conditioner were electric utilities – the companies that operate power plants and sell electricity to consumers. Electric utilities benefit from every new house hooked up to their grid, but throughout the early 20th century they were also looking for ways to get these new customers to use even more electricity in their homes. This process was known as “load building”, after the industry term (load) for the amount of electricity used at any one time. “The cost of electricity was low, which was fine by the utilities. They simply increased demand, and encouraged customers to use more electricity so they could keep expanding and building new power plants,” says Richard Hirsh, a historian of technology at Virginia Tech.

The utilities quickly recognised that air conditioning was a serious load builder. As early as 1935, Commonwealth Edison, the precursor to the modern Con Edison, noted in its end-of-year report that the power demand from air conditioners was growing at 50% a year, and “offered substantial potential for the future”. That same year, Electric Light & Power, an industry trade magazine, reported that utilities in big cities “are now pushing air conditioning. For their own good, all power companies should be very active in this field.”

By the 1950s, that future had arrived. Electric utilities ran print, radio and film adverts promoting air conditioning, as well as offering financing and discount rates to construction companies that installed it. In 1957, Commonwealth Edison reported that for the first time, peak electricity usage had occurred not in the winter, when households were turning up their heating, but during summer, when people were turning on their air-conditioning units. By 1970, 35% of American houses had air conditioning, more than 200 times the number just three decades earlier.

At the same time, air-conditioning-hungry commercial buildings were springing up across the US. The all-glass skyscraper, a building style that, because of its poor reflective properties and lack of ventilation, often requires more than half its electricity output be reserved for air conditioning, became an American mainstay. Between 1950 and 1970 the average electricity used per square foot in commercial buildings more than doubled. New York’s World Trade Center, completed in 1974, had what was then the world’s largest AC unit, with nine enormous engines and more than 270km of piping for cooling and heating. Commentators at the time noted that it used the same amount of electricity each day as the nearby city of Schenectady, population 80,000.

The air-conditioning industry, construction companies and electric utilities were all riding the great wave of postwar American capitalism. In their pursuit of profit, they ensured that the air conditioner became an essential element of American life. “Our children are raised in an air-conditioned culture,” an AC company executive told Time magazine in 1968. “You can’t really expect them to live in a home that isn’t air conditioned.” Over time, the public found they liked air conditioning, and its use continued to climb, reaching 87% of US households by 2009.

The postwar building spree was underpinned by the idea that all of these new buildings would consume incredible amounts of power, and that this would not present any serious problems in the future. In 1992, the journal Energy and Buildings published an article by the British conservative academic Gwyn Prins, arguing that the American addiction to air conditioning was a symbol of its profound decadence. Prins summarised America’s guiding credo as: “We shall be cool, our plates shall overflow and gas shall be $1 a gallon, Amen.”

During the time that air conditioning was reshaping America’s cities, it had little effect elsewhere. (With some exceptions – Japan, Australia and Singapore were early adopters.) Now, however, air conditioning is finally sweeping across the rest of the world. If the march of air conditioning across the US tracked its postwar building and consumption boom, its more recent expansion has followed the course of globalisation. As the rest of the world adopts more Americanised ways of building and living, air conditioning follows.

In the 1990s, many countries across Asia opened up to foreign investment and embarked on an unprecedented urban building spree. Over the past three decades, about 200 million people in India have moved to cities; in China, the number is more than 500 million. From New Delhi to Shanghai, heavily air-conditioned office buildings, hotels and malls began to spring up. These buildings were not only indistinguishable from those in New York or London, but were often constructed by the same builders and architects. “When you had this money coming in from the rest of the world for high-end buildings, it often came with an American or European designer or consultancy attached,” says Ashok Lall, an Indian architect who focuses on housing and low-energy design. “And so it comes as a package with AC. They thought that meant progress.”

As the rate and scale of building intensified, traditional architectural methods for mitigating hot temperatures were jettisoned. Leena Thomas, an Indian professor of architecture at the University of Technology in Sydney, told me that in Delhi in the early 1990s older forms of building design – which had dealt with heat through window screens, or facades and brise-soleils – were slowly displaced by American or European styles. “I would say that this international style has a lot to answer for,” she said. Just like the US in the 20th century, but on an even greater scale, homes and offices were increasingly being built in such a way that made air conditioning indispensable. “Developers were building without thinking,” says Rajan Rawal, a professor of architecture and city planning at Cept University in Ahmedabad. “The speed of construction that was required created pressure. So they simply built and relied on technology to fix it later.”

Lall says that even with affordable housing it is possible to reduce the need for air conditioning by designing carefully. “You balance the sizes of opening, the area of the wall, the thermal properties, and shading, the orientation,” he says. But he argues that, in general, developers are not interested. “Even little things like adequate shading and insulation in the rooftop are resisted. The builders don’t appear to see any value in this. They want 10- to 20-storey blocks close to one another. That’s just how business works now, that’s what the cities are forcing us to do. It’s all driven by speculation and land value.”

This reliance on air conditioning is a symptom of what the Chinese art critic Hou Hanru has called the epoch of post-planning. Today, planning as we traditionally think of it – centralised, methodical, preceding development – is vanishingly rare. Markets dictate and allocate development at incredible speed, and for the actual inhabitants, the conditions they require to live are sourced later, in a piecemeal fashion. “You see these immense towers go up, and they’re already locking the need for air conditioning into the building,” says Marlyne Sahakian, a sociologist who studies the use of air conditioning in the Philippines.

Over coffee recently in London, the influential Malaysian architect Ken Yeang lamented what he viewed as the loss of an entire generation of architects and builders to a dependency on fossil fuels to control the environment. “So much damage has been done by those buildings,” he says, “I have entirely lost hope in my generation; perhaps the next one can design a rescue mission.”

To its proponents, air conditioning is often presented as a simple choice that consumers make to improve their lives as they climb the economic ladder. “It’s no longer a luxury product but a necessity,” an executive at the Indian branch of the Japanese air-conditioner manufacturing giant Daikin told the Associated Press last year. “Everyone deserves AC.”

This refrain is as familiar in Rajasthan now as it was in the US 70 years ago. Once air conditioning is embedded in people’s lives, they tend to want to keep it. But that fact obscures the ways that consumers’ choices are shaped by forces beyond their control. In her 1967 book Vietnam, Mary McCarthy reflected on this subtle restriction of choice in American life. “In American hotel rooms,” she wrote, “you can decide whether or not to turn on the air conditioning (that is your business), but you cannot open the window.”

One step towards solving the problem presented by air conditioning – and one that doesn’t require a complete overhaul of the modern city – would be to build a better air conditioner. There is plenty of room for improvement. The invention of air conditioning predates both the first aeroplane and the first public radio broadcast, and the underlying technology has not changed much since 1902. “Everything is still based on the vapour compression cycle; same as a refrigerator. It’s effectively the same process as a century ago,” says Colin Goodwin, the technical director of the Building Services Research and Information Association. “What has happened is we’ve expanded the affordability of the air conditioner, but as far as efficiency, they’ve improved but they haven’t leaped.”

One scheme to encourage engineers to build a more efficient air conditioner was launched last year by the Rocky Mountain Institute (RMI), a US-based energy policy thinktank, and endorsed by the UN environment programme and government of India. They are offering $3m to the winner of the inaugural Global Cooling prize. The aim is to design an air conditioner that is five times more efficient than the current standard model, but which costs no more than twice as much money to produce. They have received more than a hundred entries, from lone inventors to prominent universities, and even research teams from multibillion-dollar appliance giants.

But, as with other technological responses to climate change, it is far from certain that the arrival of a more efficient air conditioner will significantly reduce global emissions. According to the RMI, in order to keep total global emissions from new air conditioners from rising, their prize-winning efficient air conditioner would need to go on sale no later than 2022, and capture 80% of the market by 2030. In other words, the new product would have to almost totally replace its rivals in less than a decade. Benjamin Sovacool, professor of energy policy at Sussex University and a lead author on the next Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) report, describes this ambition as not impossible, but pretty unlikely.

“This idea of technology saving us is a narrative that we want to believe. Its simplicity is comforting,” he says. It has proven so comforting, in fact, that it is often discussed as if it is our first and best response to climate change – even as the timeframe for inventing and implementing such technologies becomes so narrow as to strain credulity.

New air-conditioner technology would be welcome, but it is perhaps “the fourth, or maybe fifth thing on the list we should do” to reduce the emissions from air conditioning, says Diana Ürge-Vorsatz, a professor of climate change and energy policy at Central European University, and a lead author on the forthcoming IPCC report. Among the higher priorities that she mentions are planting trees, retrofitting old buildings with proper ventilation, and no longer building “concrete and glass cages that can’t withstand a heatwave”. She adds: “All of these things would be cheaper too, in the long run.” 

But while these things are technically cheaper, they require changes in behaviour and major policy shifts – and the open secret of the climate crisis is that nobody really knows how to make these kind of changes on the systematic, global scale that the severity of the crisis demands.

If we are not about to be rescued by technology, and worldwide policy changes look like a distant hope, there remains a very simple way of reducing the environmental damage done by air conditioning: use less of it. But, as the ecological economist and IPCC author Julia Steinberger has written, any serious proposals to change our lifestyles – cutting down on driving, flying or imported avocados – are considered “beyond the pale, heretic, almost insane”. This is especially true of air conditioning, where calls to use it less are frequently treated as suggestions that people should die in heatwaves, or evidence of a malicious desire to deny other people the same comforts that citizens in wealthy countries already enjoy.

This summer, the publication of a New York Times article asking “Do Americans need air conditioning?” touched off a thousand furious social media posts, uniting figures from the feminist writer and critic Roxane Gay (“You wouldn’t last a summer week in Florida without it. Get a grip”) to the conservative professor and pundit Tom Nichols (“Air conditioning is why we left the caves … You will get my AC from me when you pry it from my frozen, frosty hands”).

Despite this backlash, there is a reasonable case to be made that we are over-reliant on air conditioning and could cut back. The supposedly ideal indoor temperature has long been determined by air-conditioning engineers, using criteria that suggest pretty much all humans want the same temperature range at all times. The underlying idea is that comfort is objective, and that a building in Jakarta should be the same temperature as one in Boston. In practice, says Leena Thomas, this means that the temperature in most air-conditioned buildings is usually “low-20s plus/minus one”.

But not everyone has accepted the notion that there is such as thing as the objectively “right” temperature. Studies have suggested that men have different ideal temperatures from women. In offices around the world, “Men toil in their dream temperatures, while women are left to shiver,” argued a 2015 article in the Telegraph, one of many suggesting that the scientific research had simply confirmed something millions of women already knew.

Researchers have also shown that people who live in hotter areas, even for a very short time, are comfortable at higher indoor temperatures. They contend that, whether it is a state of mind or a biological adjustment, human comfort is adaptive, not objective. This is something that seems obvious to many people who live with these temperatures. At a recent conference on air conditioning that I attended in London, an Indian delegate chided the crowd: “If I can work and function at 30C, you could too – believe you me.”

Adding to the weight of evidence against the idea of the “ideal” temperature, Frederick Rohles, a psychologist and member of the American Society of Heating, Refrigerating and Air-Conditioning Engineers, has conducted studies showing that subjects who were shown a false thermometer displaying a high temperature felt warm, even if the room was cool. “These are the sorts of things that drive my engineering colleagues crazy,” he wrote in 2007. “Comfort is a state of mind!”

Ashok Lall points out that once people are open to the idea that the temperature in a building can change, you can build houses that use air conditioning as a last resort, not a first step. “But there is no broad culture or regulation underpinning this,” he says. At the moment, it is the deterministic camp that has control of the levers of power – and their view continues to be reflected in building codes and standards around the world.

How, then, can we get ourselves out of the air-conditioning trap? On the continuum of habits and technologies that we need to reduce or abandon if we are to avoid the worst effects of the climate crisis, the air conditioner probably falls somewhere in the middle: harder to reduce than our habit of eating meat five times a week; easier than eliminating the fossil-fuel automobile.

According to Nick Mabey, a former senior civil servant who runs the UK-based climate politics consultancy E3G, air conditioning has – like many consumer products that are deeply embedded in society and, in aggregate, drive global warming – escaped the notice of most governments. There is little precedent for top-down regulation. “There is no department that handles this, there’s no guy you can just go talk to who controls air conditioning,” he says.

The key, Mabey says, is to find the places it can be controlled, and begin the push there. He is supporting a UN programme that aims to improve the efficiency – and thus reduce the emissions – of all air conditioners sold worldwide. It falls under the unglamorous label of consumer standards. Currently, the average air conditioner on the market is about half as efficient as the best available unit. Closing that gap even a little bit would take a big chunk out of future emissions.

At the local level, some progress is being made. The New York City council recently passed far-reaching legislation requiring all large buildings in the city to reduce their overall emissions by 40% by 2030, with a goal of 80% by 2050, backed with hefty fines for offenders. Costa Constantinides, the city council member spearheading the legislation, says it is “the largest carbon-emissions reduction ever mandated by any city, anywhere”. The Los Angeles mayor’s office is working on similar plans, to make all buildings net-zero carbon by 2050.

Other cities are taking even more direct action. In the mid-1980s, Geneva, which has a warmer climate than much of the US, the local government banned the installation of air conditioning except by special permission. This approach is relatively common across Switzerland and, as a result, air conditioning accounts for less than 2% of all electricity used. The Swiss don’t appear to miss air conditioning too much – its absence is rarely discussed, and they have largely learned to do without.

In countries where air conditioning is still relatively new, an immense opportunity exists to find alternatives before it becomes a way of life. The aim, in the words of Thomas, should be to avoid “the worst of the west”. Recently, the Indian government adopted recommendations by Thomas, Rawal and others into its countrywide national residential building code (“an immensely powerful document” says Rawal). It allows higher indoor temperatures based on Indian field studies – Indian levels of comfort – and notes the “growing prevalence” of buildings that use air conditioning as a technology of last resort.

Cutting down on air conditioning doesn’t mean leaving modernity behind, but it does require facing up to some of its consequences. “It’s not a matter of going back to the past. But before, people knew how to work with the climate,” says Ken Yeang. “Air conditioning became a way to control it, and it was no longer a concern. No one saw the consequences. People see them now.”

Email This Page

e-max.it: your social media marketing partner
 
The Star of the Annual Muslim Convention Was a Jewish Man From Brooklyn Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=51531"><span class="small">Dean Obeidallah, CNN</span></a>   
Tuesday, 03 September 2019 13:30

Obeidallah writes: "Well-known Muslim Americans, including Democratic Rep. Rashida Tlaib and Women's March organizer Linda Sarsour, spoke to large crowds. The most popular person, however, was a 77-year-old Jewish man born and bred in Brooklyn. I'm speaking of 2020 presidential candidate Sen. Bernie Sanders, of course."

U.S. Democratic presidential candidate Bernie Sanders with Debbie Almontaser, founding principal of Khalil Gibran International Academy at the Islamic Society of North America's Convention in Houston, Texas. (photo: Reuters)
U.S. Democratic presidential candidate Bernie Sanders with Debbie Almontaser, founding principal of Khalil Gibran International Academy at the Islamic Society of North America's Convention in Houston, Texas. (photo: Reuters)


The Star of the Annual Muslim Convention Was a Jewish Man From Brooklyn

By Dean Obeidallah, CNN

03 September 19

 

his Labor Day weekend, thousands of Muslim Americans descended on Houston, Texas, for the annual three-day Islamic Society of North America (ISNA) convention. This year's ISNACON featured many well-known figures, such as Trevor Noah, who shared his story of growing up in South Africa and joked about the ups and downs of "The Daily Show."

Noah wasn't the only draw. Well-known Muslim Americans, including Democratic Rep. Rashida Tlaib and Women's March organizer Linda Sarsour, spoke to large crowds. The most popular person, however, was a 77-year-old Jewish man born and bred in Brooklyn. I'm speaking of 2020 presidential candidate Sen. Bernie Sanders, of course. While Noah, Tlaib and Sarsour attracted the attention of many, Sanders packed the venue that held nearly 7,000 -- receiving several standing ovations. 

Fellow 2020 Democratic presidential candidate Julian Castro also spoke. This was part of ISNA's first ever presidential forum, as the Muslim community strives to engage in politics on all levels. Castro, a Catholic, received a great reception from the audience, especially when he declared, "Muslim Americans for generations have been part of the fabric of our American family. They have helped make America the great nation it is, and we need to fully embrace it." 

But the night truly belonged to Sanders, or "Uncle Bernie," as many Muslims affectionately refer to the junior senator from Vermont. And the reason for that is simple: Sanders has worked hard to earn the support of the Muslim community. It began during the 2016 presidential primary when he was running against Hillary Clinton. Many in the Muslim community were wary of Clinton, given her support of the Iraq War. Sanders opposed the war -- a fact of which he reminded the audience on Saturday, earning him loud applause. 

And, during the 2016 campaign, Sanders was very passionate in standing up for our community and opposing then-candidate Donald Trump's hateful lies about Muslims. For example, in December 2015, when Trump repeated the debunked tale that Muslims in New Jersey had cheered the 9/11 attack, Sanders slammed Trump as a "pathological liar." 

Sanders also did something not often heard from mainstream politicians -- and that's speak of Palestinians as human beings. He told the audience at an April 2016 debate with Clinton that if we ever want to achieve peace in the Middle East, "we are going to have to treat the Palestinian people with respect and dignity." 

It's no surprise that in the 2016 Michigan Democratic primary, a state that boasts a sizable Muslim population, the Muslim community came out in large numbers for Sanders and were credited with playing a role in his upset victory over Clinton. 

And, since 2016, Sanders has also been outspoken on issues that have impacted the Muslim community, including Trump's travel ban, which Sanders slammed as "a racist and anti-Islamic attempt to divide us up." At Saturday's event, he renewed his commitment to rescind that measure if elected president. He also added, "We must speak out at hate crimes and violence targeted at the Muslim community and call it what it is: domestic terrorism," generating even more applause for the 2020 presidential candidate. 

Sanders' enthusiastic embrace by the Muslim community serves as a visible contrast to Trump's vile attacks on Rep. Tlaib and Democratic Rep. Ilhan Omar, the two female Muslim members of Congress, whom the President recently accused of hating "all Jewish people" because they question some of the policies of the Israeli government. (Both Tlaib and Omar deny any accusations of anti-Semitism.) Numerous Muslims I spoke to at ISNA expressed the concern that Trump's true goal in attacking the two congresswomen is to divide Muslims and Jews. But the love shown to Sanders by this Muslim crowd was an inspiring rejection of Trump's efforts.

In my conversations over the past few days with a large swath of attendees at ISNA about who they were supporting in 2020, Sanders' name was continually, although not exclusively, cited. Many mentioned interest in Democratic Sen. Elizabeth Warren, with a few mentioning support for former Vice President Joe Biden. And all were greatly appreciative that Castro attended. 

But there's no denying that on Saturday night, the audience belonged to a feisty Jewish politician from Brooklyn. He has made a concerted effort to meet with and listen to members of the Muslim community, and he has been at the forefront of advocating for our rights. Other 2020 candidates could benefit from taking a cue from him. 

Email This Page

e-max.it: your social media marketing partner
 
How Much Destruction Is Needed for Us to Take Climate Change Seriously? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=43002"><span class="small">Kate Aronoff, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Tuesday, 03 September 2019 13:30

Aronoff writes: "Rising temperatures don't make hurricanes more frequent, but they do help make them more devastating."

'We have more than enough money to fight the climate crisis, at home and abroad. It's just going to all the wrong places.' (photo: Noaa/AFP/Getty Images)
'We have more than enough money to fight the climate crisis, at home and abroad. It's just going to all the wrong places.' (photo: Noaa/AFP/Getty Images)


How Much Destruction Is Needed for Us to Take Climate Change Seriously?

By Kate Aronoff, Guardian UK

03 September 19


Whether human civilization stays intact amid this worsening weather depends on recognizing our shared humanity – and designing policy accordingly

ews of Hurricane Dorian’s first casualty came early on Monday morning from the Bahamas Press. A seven-year old boy named Lachino Mcintosh drowned as his family attempted to find safer ground than their home on the Abaco islands. Dorian is reportedly the strongest hurricane to have ever hit the Bahamas and the second most powerful Atlantic storm on record. Five deaths have been reported so far, and more are likely. The Bahamian MP and minister of foreign affairs, the Honorable Darren Henfield, offered a bleak update form the area he represents to reporters: “We have reports of casualties, we have reports of bodies being seen.”

Rising temperatures don’t make hurricanes more frequent, but they do help make them more devastating. Each of the last five years have seen Category 5 storms pass through the Atlantic, brewed over hotter than usual waters. How many more people have to die before political leaders treat climate change like the global catastrophe it is?

Donald Trump has been rightly criticized for golfing as Dorian devastated the Bahamas and drifted toward the US. But it’s as good a metaphor as any for the way elites across political lines have approached the crisis they have helped create and continue to fuel. One of the cruelest realities of global warming is that the people whohave done the least to contribute to it tend to be among the first and worst hit. Nations like the United States have amassed tremendous wealth both by burning fossil fuels and exploiting land and labor from the places most threatened by rising temperatures through slavery, colonialism and their living legacies. Similar inequalities play out within nations, including in the US, where most people’s own carbon footprints are dwarfed by those of the billionaires and fossil fuel executives best equipped to insulate themselves from heavy weather.

Internationally, climate-vulnerable countries have for decades made the case that more ambition is needed, focusing policymakers’ concerns on to issues of equity. The Bahamas is part of a group within the UN known as the Alliance of Small Island States (Aosis), comprising countries already being hammered by climate impacts who have got comparatively few financial resources to deal with them. The Aosis chair and Maldives energy minister, Thoriq Ibrahim, argued at COP 24 last year that it would “be suicide not to use every lever of power we have to demand what is fair and just: the support we need to manage a crisis that has been thrust upon us”.

That support has not been forthcoming. In its special report released last year, the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change found that keeping warming below 1.5 degrees Celsius – a level already dangerous for low-lying states – would require an annual investment in decarbonization of $3tn through 2050. And that’s just to mitigate warming. Trillions more will be required to adapt to the climate impacts already locked in, ensuring that when hurricanes like Dorian do hit they do less damage. Repairing the loss and damage of storms and other disasters is expected to cost $300bn a year by 2030, jumping to $1.2tn a year by 2060. As the world’s largest historical emitter of greenhouse gases and its biggest economy, the United States has both the ability and an outsized responsibility to decarbonize rapidly and make it possible for countries do the same – a climate debt.

Back in 2009, industrialized nations pledged to mobilize $100bn toward mitigation and adaptation efforts by 2020, a response to persistent demands from climate justice organizers. As of last September, only $3.5bn had actually been allocated to the fund and just $10.3bn pledged to the multilateral body that’s supposed to be the main vehicle for dispersing that money, the Green Climate Fund (GCF). Before he left office, Obama promised $3bn toward the GCF. Just $1bn of that ever materialized before Trump withdrew that vow. That’s a fraction of the estimated $15bn a year the federal government spends subsidizing fossil fuel development. At the end of August, the US Import-Export Bank approved $5bn in financing for a natural gas project in Mozambique. We have more than enough money to fight the climate crisis, at home and abroad. It’s just going to all the wrong places.

Greenhouse gases don’t fit neatly within borders. Efforts to curb them can’t either. Like other wealthy countries, the US has a responsibility to pay its fair share for the damage it’s caused to the planet – not through predatory loans or disastrously managed charity but through solidarity. Bernie Sanders’ plan for a Green New Deal pledges $200bn to the GCF, makes climate a centerpiece of American trade and foreign policy and ends fossil fuel financing through institutions like the Import-Export Bank. An extensive, recently released blueprint of a Green New Deal for Europe lays out a rapid and just transition away from fossil fuels, accounting for the emissions rich countries export abroad through trade and the need for a thoroughly democratic response to the climate crisis that doesn’t let the governments who have engineered this crisis call all the shots on how the world handles it.

It’ll be tempting, as Dorian drifts toward Florida, for observers in the US to forget the death and destruction it has left behind elsewhere. That would be a mistake. Jeff Bezos’s escape plans notwithstanding, we’re all stuck on this warming planet together. Whether human civilization stays intact amid all this worsening weather depends on recognizing our shared humanity – and designing policy accordingly. Platitudes for the planet won’t cut it.

Email This Page

e-max.it: your social media marketing partner
 
<< Start < Prev 771 772 773 774 775 776 777 778 779 780 Next > End >>

Page 773 of 3432

THE NEW STREAMLINED RSN LOGIN PROCESS: Register once, then login and you are ready to comment. All you need is a Username and a Password of your choosing and you are free to comment whenever you like! Welcome to the Reader Supported News community.

RSNRSN