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In Place of Berlin's Wall Now Stands a Barrier of Sullen Resentment Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=52151"><span class="small">Neal Ascherson, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Monday, 11 November 2019 09:26

Ascherson writes: "Reunification has only fed resentment and alienation among the 'losers' of the old East Germany."

East German citizens climb the Berlin Wall after the opening of the border was announced in November 1989. (photo: STR/Reuters)
East German citizens climb the Berlin Wall after the opening of the border was announced in November 1989. (photo: STR/Reuters)


In Place of Berlin's Wall Now Stands a Barrier of Sullen Resentment

By Neal Ascherson, Guardian UK

11 November 19


Reunification has only fed resentment and alienation among the ‘losers’ of the old East Germany


But then, once in a lifetime
The longed-for tidal wave
Of justice can rise up
And hope and history rhyme.

he night the Berlin Wall opened was like that. Thirty years on, I know people who were there and whose eyes fill with tears when they try to talk about it. Seamus Heaney understood how the “moment of rhyme”, when the right thing suddenly and unexpectedly and enormously happens, can last for a lifetime. The unrepeatable shock of recognition.

I have always liked the story of the English girl who flew to Berlin one winter evening to see her German lover. He lived in Kreuzberg, in the west part of the city but near the wall. After a happy night and day, she said: “Aren’t you starving? I must go out and find us something to eat.” It was late and dark. But she was back in a few minutes, saying: “It’s weird. The street’s full of shabby people all laughing and eating bananas.” “Oh, my God!” said her man. “Oh, my God! I know what’s happened…”

Some voices, print and broadcast, have started talking about how the wall was overthrown by a popular rising. They use the pictures from the next days and nights, as delirious young men and women took pickaxes and hammers to the wall while the guards looked on. But it wasn’t quite like that. It was Heaney’s “longed-for tidal wave”, brimming up, overflowing obstacles and sea-walls, seeping into steel-hard party minds and turning them to waterlogged bundles of uncertainty.

When the government spokesman Günter Schabowski gave his idiotic press conference that day, mumbling to the foreign correspondents that new orders sort of meant that new crossing-points from the German Democratic Republic were probably sort of open, he was already afloat in that wave. Everything was disintegrating around him. Who’s in charge? Don’t tell me it’s up to me now. But the labels were washing off all the tins. There had indeed been a popular rising, but earlier and elsewhere. Hundreds of thousands of people had defied the state with weekly protest marches through the main streets of Leipzig. “We are the people!” The state’s armed forces turned out. Once, they would have obeyed the order to open fire. This time, they didn’t. Somebody decided not to give the order. Soon, millions were gathering in Berlin, talking about free speech, free elections, punishment for criminal tyrants. Some had begun to chant: “We are one people!”

The tide was European. Long before the wall opened, the Soviet empire had begun to liquefy. In Poland that June, the Communist party had been defeated in almost-free elections and a gentle Catholic intellectual had become prime minister. In August, the peoples of the Baltic republics formed a human chain from Vilnius to Tallinn, calling for independence. The astute Communist leadership in Hungary had seen what was coming and – for a time – hijacked the movement for change; they surfed the rising tide in a hasty ark built to carry liberal dissidents as well as repentant Stalinists.

But the moon that dragged the tide forward was Mikhail Sergeyevich Gorbachev. “Life itself teaches,” he loved to say. Life was teaching him that the gigantic Soviet presence in eastern Europe, military and political, was nothing but an obstacle to his plans to end the arms race and reform the Soviet Union. Life itself, on the other hand, seemed to be teaching some Communist leaders absolutely nothing.

What creeps they were, Gorbachev plainly thought: Erich Honecker, General Jaruzelski, Miloš Jakeš… ? By making it clear that the Soviet Union would no longer rescue them if they got into trouble, he doomed them to open their societies or perish. Some did both, drowned by reforms they had permitted. Others, like the Czech and East German leaderships, merely perished.

When the wall went up in August 1961, the western allies – the US, Britain and France – were hotly criticised for doing nothing to knock it down. In reality, they were vastly relieved. The sheer cruelty of the wall, dividing families and holding a population captive, made excellent propaganda. But, more importantly, the west’s nightmare had been that flight through the open Berlin frontier would lead to the collapse of the East German state. Then the West Germans would try to intervene, which would draw in Soviet armed forces, then Nato… then Armageddon. When the East Germans odiously boasted that their “antifascist defence wall” was preserving the peace of Europe, western diplomats – deep in their souls – didn’t entirely disagree.

Nobody likes to remember that. In the same way, nobody likes the suggestion that within the cold war there was a cold civil war – between the two nations. The Berlin Wall only helped the slow alienation of one Germany from the other. The easterners (Ossis) longed to travel to the west but, after 40 years under a different social system, had only a diminishing wish to live there. West Germans grew increasingly ignorant and patronising about the east. It was as if two nations were emerging: twins, but not identical twins.

Unification in 1990 only intensified the “cold civil war” parallel. It recalled – eerily – the “reconstruction” period after the American civil war: the West German “victors” took over and exploited the “losers” until it felt more like an annexation than a reunification. The whole economy and social structure were purged and pillaged. “Carpetbaggers” crowded in from Hamburg and Frankfurt to loot the closing factories and public utilities of East Germany, decayed and unsustainable as they were. Even the local trade unions were now staffed by bright young things flown in from the DGB, West Germany’s union confederation.

I remember travelling about Mecklenburg in those months. Big Audi and BMW saloons rushed past on the potholed roads, carrying pink-cheeked young men and women on their way to shut down another power station. Silently watching in the rain stood men and women holding their bicycles – people who until a few weeks ago had been in secure work.

Is it any wonder that, like the American south, the German east has settled into sullen alienation? Extreme rightwing politics flourish. There’s a sense of a lost social culture, which was certainly founded on lies and a police state but offered a sort of identity. What remains is resentment, a sense of disrespected difference, a deeply conservative worldview. Willy Brandt, when mayor of West Berlin, said that walls might come down but walls in the mind took much longer to demolish.

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The Greatest Scam in History: How the Energy Companies Took Us All Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=52150"><span class="small">Naomi Oreskes, TomDispatch</span></a>   
Monday, 11 November 2019 09:26

Oreskes writes: "It's a tale for all time. What might be the greatest scam in history or, at least, the one that threatens to take history down with it. Think of it as the climate-change scam that beat science, big time."

An Exxon-Mobile refinery in Baytown, TX. (photo: commercial real estate news)
An Exxon-Mobile refinery in Baytown, TX. (photo: commercial real estate news)


The Greatest Scam in History: How the Energy Companies Took Us All

By Naomi Oreskes, TomDispatch

11 November 19

 


[Note for TomDispatch Readers: Today’s author, Naomi Oreskes, who's done yeoman’s work on climate-change issues over the years, has a new book, Why Trust Science? Here are two recommendations for it from figures I admire: Naomi Klein says, “How do we get to the truth? How do we safeguard scientific knowledge (and ourselves) from those whose interests are threatened by it? With her trailblazing work on climate denial and much else, Naomi Oreskes offers essential perspective on these questions. She tackles them head-on in this clear, utterly compelling book.” Elizabeth Kolbert (author of The Sixth Extinction) agrees, saying the book “should be read by progressives, conservatives, and everyone in between. It’s an important, timely, and utterly compelling book.” Tom]

I saw the piece in the Guardian in July 2018 and must admit I was stunned by it. It wasn’t that, on the issue of climate change, I hadn’t already read plenty of bad news about what was to come for humanity. Somehow, though, this story got to me -- maybe because, once upon a time in another universe, I was a China-scholar-to-be. The headline read: “Unsurvivable heatwaves could strike heart of China by end of century.” As a result, the Guardian reported, parts of the heavily populated North China plain -- populated by 400 million people today -- could become “uninhabitable” by 2100 or even earlier.

I mean, tell me that isn’t shocking. Or to jump to the present, what about the recent study that recalibrated what sea-level rise would mean for coastal communities and found, according to the New York Times, that “some 150 million people are now living on land that will be below the high-tide line by midcentury.” That's just 30 years from now!  Look at the accompanying maps in that piece and, as you’ll see, southern Vietnam “could all but disappear.” Talk about “uninhabitable.” The same obviously applies, for example, to parts of Florida (where the president is now moving his residence to escape taxes). That state, after all, has five of the 20 urban areas in this country expected to suffer the most from rising sea levels: Miami, Miami Beach, Panama City, St. Petersburg, and Tampa.

Back in 2013, I coined the term "terrarists" to describe the men who run what may be the most profitable corporations on the planet, giant energy companies like ExxonMobil, Chevron, and Shell,  and to capture what they were doing to the rest of us. Today, Naomi Oreskes, author of the new book Why Trust Science?, offers a genuinely shocking account of how those companies invested significant sums from the money they made broiling this planet and much effort into the promotion of misinformation and disinformation about the harm fossil fuels are doing -- and how effective they’ve been at it. Just look at the Republican Party, once considered the party of the environment and now a party of pyromaniacs. It’s truly a tale from hell, one that threatens the wellbeing of all our children and grandchildren.

-Tom Engelhardt, TomDispatch


t’s a tale for all time. What might be the greatest scam in history or, at least, the one that threatens to take history down with it. Think of it as the climate-change scam that beat science, big time.

Scientists have been seriously investigating the subject of human-made climate change since the late 1950s and political leaders have been discussing it for nearly as long. In 1961, Alvin Weinberg, the director of the Oak Ridge National Laboratory, called carbon dioxide one of the “big problems” of the world “on whose solution the entire future of the human race depends.” Fast-forward nearly 30 years and, in 1992, President George H.W. Bush signed the U.N. Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), promising “concrete action to protect the planet.”

Today, with Puerto Rico still recovering from Hurricane Maria and fires burning across California, we know that did not happen. Despite hundreds of scientific reports and assessments, tens of thousands of peer-reviewed scientific papers, and countless conferences on the issue, man-made climate change is now a living crisis on this planet. Universities, foundations, churches, and individuals have indeed divested from fossil fuel companies and, led by a 16-year-old Swedish girl, citizens across the globe have taken to the streets to express their outrage. Children have refused to go to school on Fridays to protest the potential loss of their future. And if you need a measure of how long some of us have been at this, in December, the Conference of Parties to the UNFCCC will meet for the 25th time.

Scientists working on the issue have often told me that, once upon a time, they assumed, if they did their jobs, politicians would act upon the information. That, of course, hasn’t happened. Anything but, across much of the planet. Worse yet, science failed to have the necessary impact in significant part because of disinformation promoted by the major fossil-fuel companies, which have succeeded in diverting attention from climate change and successfully blocking meaningful action.

Making Climate Change Go Away

Much focus has been put on ExxonMobil’s history of disseminating disinformation, partly because of the documented discrepancies between what that company said in public about climate change and what its officials said (and funded) in private. Recently, a trial began in New York City accusing the company of misleading its investors, while Massachusetts is prosecuting ExxonMobil for misleading consumers as well.

If only it had just been that one company, but for more than 30 years, the fossil-fuel industry and its allies have denied the truth about anthropogenic global warming. They have systematically misled the American people and so purposely contributed to endless delays in dealing with the issue by, among other things, discounting and disparaging climate science, mispresenting scientific findings, and attempting to discredit climate scientists. These activities are documented in great detail in How Americans Were Deliberately Misled about Climate Change, a report I recently co-authored, as well as in my 2010 book and 2014 film, Merchants of Doubt.

A key aspect of the fossil-fuel industry’s disinformation campaign was the mobilization of “third-party allies”: organizations and groups with which it would collaborate and that, in some cases, it would be responsible for creating.

In the 1990s, these allied outfits included the Global Climate Coalition, the Cooler Heads Coalition, Informed Citizens for the Environment, and the Greening Earth Society. Like ExxonMobil, such groups endlessly promoted a public message of denial and doubt: that we weren’t really sure if climate change was happening; that the science wasn’t settled; that humanity could, in any case, readily adapt at a later date to any changes that did occur; and that addressing climate change directly would wreck the American economy. Two of these groups -- Informed Citizens for the Environment and the Greening Earth Society -- were, in fact, AstroTurf organizations, created and funded by a coal industry trade association but dressed up to look like grass-roots citizens’ action organizations.

Similar messaging was pursued by a network of think tanks promoting free market solutions to social problems, many with ties to the fossil-fuel industry. These included the George C. Marshall Institute, the Cato Institute, the Competitive Enterprise Institute, the American Enterprise Institute, and the Heartland Institute. Often their politically motivated contrarian claims were presented in formats that make them look like the scientific reports whose findings they were contradicting.

In 2009, for instance, the Cato Institute issued a report that precisely mimicked the format, layout, and structure of the government’s U.S. National Climate Assessment. Of course, it made claims thoroughly at odds with the actual report’s science. The industry also promoted disinformation through its trade associations, including the American Legislative Exchange Council, the American Petroleum Institute, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the National Black Chamber of Commerce, and the National Association of Manufacturers.

Both think tanks and trade organizations have been involved in personal attacks on the reputations of scientists. One of the earliest documented was on climate scientist Benjamin Santer at the Lawrence Livermore National Laboratory who showed that the observed increase in global temperatures could not be attributed to increased solar radiation. He served as the lead author of the Second Assessment Report of the U.N.’s prestigious Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, or IPCC, responsible for the 1995 conclusion that “the balance of evidence suggests a discernible human impact on the climate system.” Santer became the target of a vicious, arguably defamatory attack by physicists from the George C. Marshall Institute and the Global Climate Coalition, who accused him of fraud. Other climate scientists, including Michael Mann, Jonathan Overpeck, Malcolm Hughes, Ray Bradley, Katharine Hayhoe, and, I should note, myself, have been subject to harassment, investigation, hacked emails, and politically motivated freedom-of-information attacks.

How to Play Climate Change for a Fool

When it came to industry disinformation, the role of third-party allies was on full display at the House Committee on Oversight hearings on climate change in late October. As their sole witness, the Republicans on that committee invited Mandy Gunasekera, the founder and president of Energy45, a group whose purpose, in its own words, is to “support the Trump energy agenda.”

Energy45 is part of a group known, bluntly enough, as the CO2 Coalition and is a perfect example of what I’ve long thought of as zombie denialism in which older players spouting industry arguments suddenly reappear in new forms. In this case, in the 1990s and early 2000s, the George C. Marshall Institute was a leader in climate-change disinformation. From 1974-1999, its director, William O’Keefe, had also been the executive vice president and later CEO of the American Petroleum Institute. The Marshall Institute itself closed in 2015, only to re-emerge a few years later as the CO2 Coalition.

The comments of Republican committee members offer a sense of just how deeply the climate-change disinformation campaign is now lodged in the heart of the Trump administration and congressional Republicans as 2019 draws to an end and the planet visibly heats. Consider just six of their “facts”:

1) The misleading claim that climate change will be “mild and manageable.” There is no scientific evidence to support this. On the contrary, literally hundreds of scientific reports over the past few decades, including those U.S. National Climate Assessments, have affirmed that any warming above 2 degrees Centigrade will lead to grave and perhaps catastrophic effects on “health, livelihoods, food security, water supply, human security, and economic growth.” The U.N.’s IPCC has recently noted that avoiding the worst impacts of global warming will “require rapid and far-reaching transitions in energy... infrastructure... and industrial systems.”

Recent events surrounding Hurricanes Sandy, Michael, Harvey, Maria, and Dorian, as well as the devastating wildfire at the ironically named town of Paradise, California, in 2018 and the fires across much of that state this fall, have shown that the impacts of climate change are already part of our lives and becoming unmanageable. Or if you want another sign of where this country is at this moment, consider a new report from the Army War College indicating that “the Department of Defense (DoD) is precariously unprepared for the national security implications of climate change-induced global security challenges.” And if the Pentagon isn’t prepared to manage climate change, it’s hard to imagine any part of the U.S. government that might be.

2) The misleading claim that global prosperity is actually being driven by fossil fuels. No one denies that fossil fuels drove the Industrial Revolution and, in doing so, contributed substantively to rising living standards for hundreds of millions of people in Europe, North America, and parts of Asia. But the claim that fossil fuels are the essence of global prosperity today is, at best, a half-truth because what is at stake here isn’t the past but the future. Disruptive climate change fueled by greenhouse gas emissions from the use of oil, coal, and natural gas now threatens both the prosperity that parts of this planet have already achieved and future economic growth of just about any sort. Nicholas Stern, the former chief economist of the World Bank and one of the foremost experts on the economics of climate change, has put our situation succinctly this way: “High carbon growth self-destructs.”

3) A misleading claim that fossil fuels represent “cheap energy.” Fossil fuels are not cheap. When their external costs are included -- that is, not just the price of extracting, distributing, and profiting from them, but what it will cost in all our lives once you add in the fires, extreme storms, flooding, health effects, and everything else that their carbon emissions into the atmosphere will bring about -- they couldn’t be more expensive. The International Monetary Fund estimates that the cost to consumers above and beyond what we pay at the pump or in our electricity bills already comes to more than $5 trillion dollars annually. That’s trillion, not billion. Put another way, we are all paying a massive, largely unnoticed subsidy to the oil, gas, and coal industry to destroy our civilization. Among other things, those subsidies already “damage the environment, caus[e]... premature deaths through local air pollution, [and] exacerbat[e] congestion and other adverse side effects of vehicle use.”

4) A misleading claim about poverty and fossil fuels. That fossil fuels are the solution to the energy needs of the world’s poor is a tale being heavily promoted by ExxonMobil, among others. The idea that ExxonMobil is suddenly concerned about the plight of the global poor is, of course, laughable or its executives wouldn’t be planning (as they are) for significant increases in fossil-fuel production between now and 2030, while downplaying the threat of climate change. As Pope Francis, global justice leader Mary Robinson, and former U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon -- as well as countless scientists and advocates of poverty reduction and global justice -- have repeatedly emphasized, climate change will, above all, hurt the poor. It is they who will first be uprooted from their homes (and homelands); it is they who will be migrating into an increasingly hostile and walled-in world; it is they who will truly feel the heat, literal and figurative, of it all. A fossil-fuel company that cared about the poor would obviously not be committed, above all else, to pursuing a business model based on oil and gas exploration and development. The cynicism of this argument is truly astonishing.

Moreover, while it’s true that the poor need affordable energy, it is not true that they need fossil fuels. More than a billion people worldwide lack access (or, at least, reliable access) to electricity, but many of them also lack access to an electricity grid, which means fossil fuels are of little use to them. For such communities, solar and wind power are the only reasonable ways to go, the only ones that could rapidly and affordably be put in place and made available.

5) Misleading assertions about the costs of renewable energy. The cheap fossil fuel narrative is regularly coupled with misleading assertions about the allegedly high costs of renewable energy. According to Bloomberg News, however, in two-thirds of the world, solar is already the cheapest form of newly installed electricity generation, cheaper than nuclear, natural gas, or coal. Improvements in energy storage are needed to maximize the penetration of renewables, particularly in developed countries, but such improvements are happening quickly. Between 2010 and 2017, the price of battery storage decreased a startling 79% and most experts believe that, in the near future, many of the storage problems can and will be solved.

6) The false claim that, under President Trump, the U.S. has actually cut greenhouse gas emissions. Republicans have claimed not only that such emissions have fallen but that the United States under President Trump has done more to reduce emissions than any other country on the planet. One environmental reporter, who has described herself as “accustomed to hearing a lot of misinformation” about climate change, characterized this statement as “brazenly false.” In fact, U.S. CO2 emissions spiked in 2018, increasing by 3.1% over 2017. Methane emissions are also on the rise and President Trump’s proposal to rollback methane standards will ensure that unhappy trend continues.

Science Isn’t Enough

And by the way, when it comes to the oil companies, that’s just to start down a far longer list of misinformation and false claims they’ve been peddling for years. In our 2010 book, Merchants of Doubt, Erik Conway and I showed that the strategies and tactics used by Big Energy to deny the harm of fossil-fuel use were, in many cases, remarkably similar to those long used by the tobacco industry to deny the harm of tobacco use -- and this was no coincidence. Many of the same PR firms, advertising agencies, and institutions were involved in both cases.

The tobacco industry was finally prosecuted by the Department of Justice, in part because of the ways in which the individual companies coordinated with each other and with third-party allies to present false information to consumers. Through congressional hearings and legal discovery, the industry was pegged with a wide range of activities it funded to mislead the American people. Something similar has occurred with Big Energy and the harm fossil fuels are doing to our lives, our civilization, our planet.

Still, a crucial question about the fossil-fuel industry remains to be fully explored: Which of its companies have funded the activities of the trade organizations and other third-party allies who deny the facts about climate change? In some cases, we already know the answers. In 2006, for instance, the Royal Society of the United Kingdom documented ExxonMobil’s funding of 39 organizations that promoted “inaccurate and misleading” views of climate science. The Society was able to identify $2.9 million spent to that end by that company in the year 2005 alone. That, of course, was just one year and clearly anything but the whole story.

Nearly all of these third-party allies are incorporated as 501(c)(3) institutions, which means they must be non-profit and nonpartisan. Often they claim to be involved in education (though mis-education would be the more accurate term). But they are clearly also involved in supporting an industry -- Big Energy -- that couldn’t be more for-profit and they have done many things to support what could only be called a partisan political agenda as well. After all, by its own admission, Energy45, to take just one example, exists to support the “Trump Energy Agenda.”

I’m an educator, not a lawyer, but as one I can say with confidence that the activities of these organizations are the opposite of educational. Typically, the Heartland Institute, for instance, has explicitly targeted schoolteachers with disinformation. In 2017, the institute sent a booklet to more than 200,000 of them, repeating the oft-cited contrarian claims that climate science is still a highly unsettled subject and that, even if climate change were occurring, it “would probably not be harmful.” Of this booklet, the director of the National Center for Science Education said, “It’s not science, but it’s dressed up to look like science. It’s clearly intended to confuse teachers.” The National Science Teaching Association has called it “propaganda” and advised teachers to place their copies in the recycling bin.

Yet, as much as we know about the activities of Heartland and other third-party allies of the fossil-fuel industry, because of loopholes in our laws we still lack basic information about who has funded and sustained them. Much of the funding at the moment still qualifies as “dark money.” Isn’t it time for citizens to demand that Congress investigate this network, as it and the Department of Justice once investigated the tobacco industry and its networks?

ExxonMobil loves to accuse me of being “an activist.” I am, in fact, a teacher and a scholar. Most of the time, I’d rather be home working on my next book, but that increasingly seems like less of an option when Big Energy’s climate-change scam is ongoing and our civilization is, quite literally, at stake. When citizens are inactive, democracy fails -- and this time, if democracy fails, as burning California shows, so much else could fail as well. Science isn’t enough. The rest of us are needed. And we are needed now.



Naomi Oreskes is professor of the history of science and affiliated professor of earth and planetary sciences at Harvard University. She is coauthor, with Erik Conway, of Merchants of Doubt. Her latest book is Why Trust Science?

Follow TomDispatch on Twitter and join us on Facebook. Check out the newest Dispatch Books, John Feffer’s new dystopian novel (the second in the Splinterlands series) Frostlands, Beverly Gologorsky's novel Every Body Has a Story, and Tom Engelhardt's A Nation Unmade by War, as well as Alfred McCoy's In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of U.S. Global Power and John Dower's The Violent American Century: War and Terror Since World War II.

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Saudis Spied on American Soil to Penetrate Twitter to Bust Critics Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=51519"><span class="small">Juan Cole, Informed Comment</span></a>   
Sunday, 10 November 2019 14:10

Cole writes: "Saudi crown prince Mohammed Bin Salman was behind a Saudi intelligence operation wherein they bribed Twitter employees (now ex-employees) to gain access to anonymous accounts tweeting criticism of the Saudi regime inside the kingdom."

Mohammed bin Salman.(photo: Adnan Abidi/Reuters)
Mohammed bin Salman.(photo: Adnan Abidi/Reuters)


Saudis Spied on American Soil to Penetrate Twitter to Bust Critics

By Juan Cole, Informed Comment

10 November 19

 

audi crown prince Mohammed Bin Salman was behind a Saudi intelligence operation wherein they bribed Twitter employees (now ex-employees) to gain access to anonymous accounts tweeting criticism of the Saudi regime inside the kingdom. This, according to NPR’s Ailsa Chang. It is unknown how many accounts were compromised (though it was in the thousands) or how many persons have been arrested inside Saudi Arabia as a result of this espionage operation run on American soil.

Jay Barmann at SFist points out that Bin Salman, by backing this operation in 2014 even before his father succeeded to the throne, showed his interest in controlling public discourse early in his career, when still in his twenties.

Saudi Arabia is the country with the highest proportion of Twitter users in its population, worldwide.

One Twitter employee was paid $300,000 for tracking users by Bin Salman associate Bader Al Asaker.

One of the Twitter employees recruited was Ali al-Zabarah, a reliability engineer for the company and a Saudi national. He is alleged to have accessed a frightening 6,000 accounts. He gathered telephone numbers and other personal information. He is thought to have zeroed in on Omar Abdulaziz, a dissident who was later close to Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi. Abdulaziz’s internet protocol history was accessed, showing his location in real time. Khashoggi was murdered by a team close to Bin Salman in the Istanbul consulate on Oct. 2, 2018.

So just to underline, the Saudi crown prince ran an espionage ring on US soil, penetrating Twitter, for the purpose of destroying critics.

The danger to the critics is real. Last spring, democracy advocate and critic of Saudi Arabia Iyad El-Baghdadi, resident in Norway, had to be moved to a safe location by Norwegian authorities after the US Central Intelligence Agency tipped Norway to an imminent threat to El-Baghdadi emanating from Saudi Arabia.

Nevertheless, CIA chief Nina Haskel met with King Salman shortly after the Twitter spying revelations hit the press.

The episode demonstrates again how insecure online privacy is. Anyone thinking of trying to remain anonymous on it is likely fooling themselves. As I understand it, the Tor browser still hasn’t been compromised, and Signal is better than Whatsapp. But there just aren’t any guarantees.

Khashoggi’s and Omar Abdulaziz’s Whatsapp messages appear to have been hacked into by Saudi and United Arab Emirates authorities, using a malicious piece of software called Pegasus that is marketed by the Israeli software firm NSO. Whatsapp, which is owned by Facebook, has just sued NSO. This is ironic, since Facebook’s own Messenger program is among the most insecure forms of communication now known; you may as well just cc all the major intelligence agencies when you use it.

Saudi Arabia gets its security umbrella from the United States, which is helping it with its horrible war on Yemen and providing Gulf naval security. Its leaders should be ashamed of themselves for violating US soil with a hostile espionage operation. It is entirely possible that Americans were among those targeted.

While the idiot savant Trump is in the White House, we can’t expect a rational foreign policy response to this threat. But I suspect Congress will have things to say to Riyadh over the next few years.

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FOCUS: Michael Moore Was Right Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=46703"><span class="small">Meagan Day, Jacobin</span></a>   
Sunday, 10 November 2019 13:29

Day writes: Mocked and derided for his impassioned defense of poor and working people, Michael Moore is finally being vindicated. He hasn't changed his tune. The political culture's just catching up with him."

Michael Moore. (photo: unknown)
Michael Moore. (photo: unknown)


Michael Moore Was Right

By Meagan Day, Jacobin

10 November 19


Mocked and derided for his impassioned defense of poor and working people, Michael Moore is finally being vindicated. He hasn’t changed his tune. The political culture’s just catching up with him.

look around at the millions of people who support Bernie Sanders’s presidential campaign, who have begun to embrace ideas like Medicare for All and a Green New Deal and tuition-free college, who are warming once again to labor unions, and who are becoming convinced that there’s something fundamentally wrong with capitalism, and I think to myself: I really hope Michael Moore is having the time of his life.

When I was a teenager in the aughts, it was fashionable to poke fun at Moore. I never knew why. Now I know it was because he believed that there was an alternative to crushing poverty, inequality, alienation, oppression, and war — and he never stopped saying so, through decades when an alternative was impossible for most people to imagine.

I liked Moore’s film Bowling for Columbine when it came out in 2002. It mapped the web of interests driving the proliferation of consumer firearms and exposed the human toll of their lust for profit and power. Why, exactly, was he a laughingstock? “He just won’t shut up,” people said. He wouldn’t shut up about neoliberalism, about militarism, about the distortions of corporate-owned media, about profit-seeking in health care, about what working-class people deserve and aren’t getting and who’s to blame.

And he caught a lot of shit for it. When he stood on stage at the Academy Awards in 2003 and called the Iraq War unjust — “We are against this war, Mr. Bush! Shame on you, Mr. Bush!” — he was emphatically booed by the entertainment industry elite, dressed to the nines in their tuxes and gowns. Now that the political culture has finally started to catch up with him, I hope he feels at least modestly vindicated.

I was thinking about the vindication of Michael Moore when I decided to watch his debut film Roger & Me, which turns thirty this year and which I’d never seen before. The film is an early exploration of the domino effect of deindustrialization and a premonition about the unraveling of the American dream — and it stands the test of time.

Roger & Me was personal for Moore. He grew up in Flint, Michigan, the town General Motors (GM) built, and his family worked for the corporate giant. They were also members of the United Automobile Workers (UAW), which was forged in the furnace of struggle — Moore’s uncle had been one of the sit-down strikers who famously occupied factories in 1936–7, giving rise to the union.

By the middle of the twentieth century, UAW had been able to secure a remarkable degree of stability and security for GM workers and their families. Roger & Me features archival footage showing mid-century Flint as a kind of middle-class utopia, the living embodiment of capitalism’s promise. “We enjoyed a prosperity that working people around the world had never seen before,” says Moore in a voice-over, “and the city was grateful to the company.”

But the company felt no allegiance to the people of Flint. Hungry for profit and regarding the union as a pest and a hindrance, GM began searching for ways to lower labor costs. In the early 1980s, it began laying off workers in its unionized plants and opening new operations elsewhere, across borders and beyond the union’s grasp.

The film’s title refers to Roger Smith, chairman of General Motors, who came up with the plan to close eleven factories in the United States and open eleven in Mexico, where the company could pay the workers seventy cents an hour. The company would then use the money saved by underpaying workers to expand its operations into new industries, like weapons manufacturing.

“Maybe I’ve got this wrong,” says Moore in the film, “but I thought companies lay off people when they’ve hit hard times. GM was the richest company in the world, and it was closing factories when it was making profits in the billions.”

The film chronicles Moore’s efforts to secure a meeting with Roger Smith to discuss the unfolding devastation of Flint. Along the way, he introduces us to dozens of Flint residents whose lives have been upended by the layoffs and plant closings. The closest Moore gets to Smith is an ambush at a Christmas press conference, which in the film is cut with footage of Flint families being evicted from their homes just in time for the holidays.

Moore asks Smith about the evictions. “I’m sorry for those people, but I don’t know anything about it,” Smith retorts before giving Moore the cold shoulder.

The film ends with an ominous forecast. “As we neared the end of the twentieth century, the rich were richer, the poor poorer,” Moore narrates over footage of a dismantled factory in the former boomtown. “It was truly the dawn of a new era.” Translation: it’s obvious what’s coming. The writing’s on the wall. And it won’t be good.

He was right. Security and prosperity remain elusive for the remaining employees of GM, who continue to fight the company for decent wages and benefits, including going on strike by the thousands just this year. Indeed, they remain elusive for the entire American working class, whose wages have stagnated and whose living standards have declined as corporate productivity and profits have soared and economic inequality has skyrocketed. Meanwhile, multinational corporations continue to extract value from the Global South without returning any favors, leaving billions exploited and impoverished the world over.

But as the unexpected popularity of Bernie Sanders’s two presidential campaigns shows, public opinion is beginning to shift. And when that happens, those who tell the truth about exploitation and oppression are likely to find their reputation restored — not because they have changed their tune, but because they no longer stand alone. During a speech in Knoxville, Tennessee, in 1905, the American socialist leader Eugene Debs said:

I exceedingly appreciate the spirit in which the morning paper referred to me today. Several years ago, they did not write so well of me. I presume I have grown more respectable. I suppose they see that my tribe is increasing. When the masses agree with a man, then he ceases to be an object of ridicule and abuse. After a while, some of these people who have abused us will be the ones who will be saying, “I told you so.”

It’s a lot easier today to say the things that Michael Moore was saying during the dark ages. But it’s still difficult to be a socialist in a capitalist society, and we remain on the receiving end of our fair share of sneering and disparagement.

We should take the pending exoneration of Michael Moore — both the dawning acceptance that he was right all along, and the promising indications that more people are adopting his once-dismissed worldview — as an encouragement to persist in our own efforts to expose and combat the depredations of capitalism.

As our movement grows, it will get easier to tell the truth about the world. Though the point remains, as ever, to change it.

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FOCUS: As Sanders and Warren Rise Billionaires Grow Increasingly Agitated Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=46943"><span class="small">Jeff Stein, The Washington Post</span></a>   
Sunday, 10 November 2019 12:49

Stein writes: "The political and economic power wielded by the approximately 750 wealthiest people in America has become a sudden flash point in the 2020 presidential election, as the nation's billionaires push back with increasing ferocity against calls by liberal politicians to vastly reduce their fortunes and clout."

Democratic presidential candidates Sens. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) and Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) take the stage during the first night of the second Democratic presidential debate on July 30, 2019. (photo: Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)
Democratic presidential candidates Sens. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) and Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) take the stage during the first night of the second Democratic presidential debate on July 30, 2019. (photo: Justin Sullivan/Getty Images)


As Sanders and Warren Rise Billionaires Grow Increasingly Agitated

By Jeff Stein, The Washington Post

10 November 19


“For the first time ever, we are having a national political conversation about billionaires in American life," a historian said.

he political and economic power wielded by the approximately 750 wealthiest people in America has become a sudden flash point in the 2020 presidential election, as the nation’s billionaires push back with increasing ferocity against calls by liberal politicians to vastly reduce their fortunes and clout.

On Thursday, Michael Bloomberg, a billionaire and former mayor of New York City, took steps to enter the presidential race, a move that would make him one of four billionaires who either plan to seek or have expressed interest in seeking the nation’s highest office in 2020. His decision came one week after Sen. Elizabeth Warren (D-Mass.) proposed vastly expanding her “wealth tax” on the nation’s biggest wealth holders and one month after Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) said America should not have any billionaires at all.

The populist onslaught has ensnared Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg and Microsoft co-founder Bill Gates, led to billionaire hand-wringing on cable news, and sparked a panicked discussion among wealthy Americans and their financial advisers about how to prepare for a White House controlled by populist Democrats.

Past presidential elections have involved allegations of class warfare, but rarely have those debates centered on such a small subset of people.

“For the first time ever, we are having a national political conversation about billionaires in American life. And that is because many people are noticing the vast differences in wealth and opportunity,” said Timothy Naftali, a historian at New York University.

The growing hostilities between the ascendant populist wing of the Democratic Party and the nation’s tech and financial elite have spilled repeatedly into public view over the past several months, but they reached a crescendo last week with news that Bloomberg may enter the Democratic primary. With the stock market at an all-time high, the debate about wealth accumulation and inequality has become a top issue in the 2020 campaign.

The leaders of the anti-billionaire populist surge, Warren and Sanders, have cast their plans to vastly increase taxes on the wealthy as necessary to fix several decades of widening inequality and make necessary investments in health care, child care spending and other government programs they say will help working-class Americans.

Financial disparities between the rich and everyone else have widened over the past several decades in America, with inequality returning to levels not seen since the 1920s, as the richest 400 Americans now control more wealth than the bottom 60 percent of the wealth distribution, according to research by Gabriel Zucman, a left-leaning economist at the University of California at Berkeley. The poorest 60 percent of America has seen its share of the national wealth fall from 5.7 percent in 1987 to 2.1 percent in 2014, Zucman found.

But the efforts at redistribution pushed by Warren and Sanders have elicited a fierce and sometimes personal backlash from the billionaire class who stand to lose the most. At least 16 billionaires have in recent months spoken out against what they regard as the danger posed by the populist Democrats, particularly over their proposals to enact a “wealth tax” on vast fortunes, with many expressing concern they will blow the election to Trump by veering too far left.

Bloomberg’s potential presidential bid follows that of fellow billionaires Tom Steyer, a major Democratic donor, and former Starbucks CEO Howard Schultz, who in September suspended his independent presidential bid. Steyer has proposed his own wealth tax, but Schultz ripped the idea as “ridiculous,” while Bloomberg suggested it was not constitutional and raised the prospect of America turning into Venezuela.

Piling on against the wealth tax have been corporate celebrities from Silicon Valley and Wall Street. Zuckerberg suggested Sanders’s call to abolish billionaires could hurt philanthropies and scientific research by giving the government too much decision-making power. Microsoft co-founder Gates criticized Warren’s wealth tax and mused about its impact on “the incentive system” for making money.

David Rubenstein, the billionaire co-founder of the Carlyle Group, told CNBC that a wealth tax would not “solve all of our society’s problems” and raised questions about its practicality. Also appearing on CNBC, billionaire investor Leon Cooperman choked up while discussing the impact a wealth tax could have on his family.

Amazon founder Jeff Bezos, a multi-billionaire and the world’s richest man, asked Bloomberg months ago to consider running for president in 2020, Recode reported Saturday. A Bloomberg spokesman did not immediately return a request to confirm the call. (Bezos is the owner of The Washington Post.) An Amazon spokeswoman did not respond to a request for comment.

“I don’t need Elizabeth Warren, or the government, giving away my money,” Cooperman said. “[Warren] and Bernie Sanders are presenting a lot of ideas to the public that are morally, and socially, bankrupt.”

Then there is perhaps the most prominent wealthy person of all likely to stand in the way of populist Democrats’ proposals: President Trump. Asked about the wealth tax, a White House spokesman declined to comment directly on the proposal but said in an email, “President Trump has been very clear: America will never be a socialist country.”

But there are signs the pushback is having little impact on nixing the idea in Democrats’ minds. Rep. Brendan Boyle (D-Pa.), who has endorsed Joe Biden for the Democratic nomination, told The Washington Post he is crafting a new wealth tax proposal to introduce in the House of Representatives. Boyle’s involvement suggests the idea has broader political support among Democrats than previously thought.

Warren’s campaign has created a tax calculator that shows how much money multimillionaires would pay under her plan. The initial wealth tax raised by Warren would raise close to $3 trillion over 10 years — enough money to fund universal child care, make public colleges and universities tuition-free, and forgive a majority of the student debt held in America, according to some nonpartisan estimates.

America has long had rich people, but economists say the current scale of inequality may be without precedent. The number of billionaires in America swelled to 749 in 2018, a nearly 5 percent jump, and they now hold close to $4 trillion collectively.

“The hyper concentration of wealth within the top 0.1 percent is a mortal threat to the American economy and way of life,” Boyle said in an interview. “If you work hard and play by the rules, then you should be able to get ahead. But the recent and unprecedented shift of resources to billionaires threatens this. A wealth tax on billionaires is fair and, indeed, necessary.”

But conservatives and even many Democrats have raised a number of objections to the wealth tax, arguing it could be easily skirted and may have limited political appeal. Microsoft’s Gates, famous for his philanthropic efforts, joked to the New York Times that it could erase his entire fortune. Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.) and Rep. Don Beyer (D-Va.) this week proposed a surtax on couples earning more than $2 million a year to address what they framed as unfairness in the tax code exacerbated by the Republican tax cuts, while stopping short of the starker wealth tax.

In an email, Bloomberg adviser Howard Wolfson denied that the prospect of paying the wealth tax factors into the former mayor’s interest in running for president: “Mike’s not worried about what would happen if Elizabeth Warren won. He’s worried about what would happen if Donald Trump won.”

Still, the ultrarich have still taken notice of the threat, according to interviews with half a dozen financial planners and wealth managers.

Kathryn Wylde, president of the Partnership for New York City, whose membership includes many of the country’s biggest financial firms, said members of the business community are “agonizing” over the prospect of having to choose between Warren and Trump in the general election.

“A lot of people in the Wall Street crowd still think the world is top-down,” Wylde said. “They think the people at the top of the pecking order are still making the decisions or driving the debate, as opposed to the new reality of grass-roots mobilization. They don’t realize the way pushback to their criticism goes viral.”

Lance Drucker, president and CEO of Drucker Wealth Management, said he has recently heard alarm from many of his millionaire clients over plans like Warren’s to implement a wealth tax on fortunes worth more than $50 million.

“Honestly, it’s only been the last month when people started getting worried,” said Drucker in an October interview. “These tax proposals are scaring the bejeezus out of people who have accumulated a lot of wealth.”

Some financial planners are urging wealthy clients to transfer millions to their offspring now, before Democrats again raise estate taxes. Attorneys have begun looking at whether a divorce could help the super-rich avoid the wealth tax. And some wealthy people are asking whether they should consider renouncing their U.S. citizenship and moving to Europe or elsewhere abroad ahead of Democrats’ potential tax hikes.

“You’re hearing it already,” said Jonathan Lachowitz, a financial planner at White Lighthouse Investment Management, who said he has heard discussions about leaving the country and renouncing citizenship or other legal tax planning moves due to Democrats’ tax plans from several multimillionaires. “As the frustration mounts and tax burdens rise, people will consider it, just the way you have New Yorkers moving to Florida.”

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