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FOCUS: How to Fight Antisemitism Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=52164"><span class="small">Bernie Sanders, Jewish Currents</span></a>   
Tuesday, 12 November 2019 13:05

Sanders writes: "On October 27TH, we marked one year since the worst antisemitic attack in our country's history, when a white nationalist walked into the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh and murdered 11 people and injured six others."

Sen. Bernie Sanders. (photo: Brittainy Newman/The New York Times)
Sen. Bernie Sanders. (photo: Brittainy Newman/The New York Times)


How to Fight Antisemitism

By Bernie Sanders, Jewish Currents

12 October 19

 

n October 27TH, we marked one year since the worst antisemitic attack in our country’s history, when a white nationalist walked into the Tree of Life synagogue in Pittsburgh and murdered 11 people and injured six others. The murderer acted on a twisted belief that Jews were part of a nefarious plot to undermine white America—a plot to assist in the “invasion” of the United States by a caravan of migrants from Latin America. This vicious lie about an “invasion” had been repeated endlessly in right-wing media, on Fox News, across the internet, and, most disgracefully, by the president of the United States. 

Yes, President Donald Trump’s own words helped inspire the worst act of antisemitic violence in American history. 

The threat of antisemitism is not some abstract idea to me. It is very personal. It destroyed a large part of my family. I am not someone who spends a lot of time talking about my personal background because I believe political leaders should focus their attention on a vision and agenda for others, rather than themselves. But I also appreciate that it’s important to talk about how our backgrounds have informed our ideas, our principles, and our values.

I am a proud Jewish American. My father emigrated from Poland to the United States in 1921 at the age of 17 to escape the poverty and widespread antisemitism of his home country. Those in his family who remained in Poland after Hitler came to power were murdered by the Nazis. I know very well where white supremacist politics leads, and what can happen when people do not speak up against it. 

Antisemitism is rising in this country. According to the FBI, hate crimes against Jews rose by more than a third in 2017 and accounted for 58% of all religion-based hate crimes in America. A total of 938 hate crimes were committed against Jews in 2017, up from 684 in 2016. The New York Police Department reported in September that antisemitic hate crimes in New York City have risen by more than 63% in 2019 and make up more than half of all reported hate crimes. Just last week, on November 4th, we learned that federal authorities had arrested a man in Colorado they believe was involved in a plot to bomb one of the state’s oldest synagogues. 

This wave of violence is the result of a dangerous political ideology that targets Jews and anyone who does not fit a narrow vision of a whites-only America. We have to be clear that while antisemitism is a threat to Jews everywhere, it is also a threat to democratic governance itself. The antisemites who marched in Charlottesville don’t just hate Jews. They hate the idea of multiracial democracy. They hate the idea of political equality. They hate immigrants, people of color, LGBTQ people, women, and anyone else who stands in the way of a whites-only America. They accuse Jews of coordinating a massive attack on white people worldwide, using people of color and other marginalized groups to do their dirty work. 

This is the conspiracy theory that drove the Pittsburgh murderer—that Jews are conspiring to bring immigrants into the country to “replace” Americans. And it is important to understand that that is what antisemitism is: a conspiracy theory that a secretly powerful minority exercises control over society. Like other forms of bigotry—racism, sexism, homophobia—antisemitism is used by the right to divide people from one another and prevent us from fighting together for a shared future of equality, peace, prosperity, and environmental justice. So I want to say as clearly as I possibly can: We will confront this hatred, do exactly the opposite of what Trump is doing and embrace our differences to bring people together. 

Opposing antisemitism is a core value of progressivism. So it’s very troubling to me that we are also seeing accusations of antisemitism used as a cynical political weapon against progressives. One of the most dangerous things Trump has done is to divide Americans by using false allegations of antisemitism, mostly regarding the US–Israel relationship. We should be very clear that it is not antisemitic to criticize the policies of the Israeli government. 

I have a connection to Israel going back many years. In 1963, I lived on a kibbutz near Haifa. It was there that I saw and experienced for myself many of the progressive values upon which Israel was founded. I think it is very important for everyone, but particularly for progressives, to acknowledge the enormous achievement of establishing a democratic homeland for the Jewish people after centuries of displacement and persecution.

We must also be honest about this: The founding of Israel is understood by another people in the land of Palestine as the cause of their painful displacement. And just as Palestinians should recognize the just claims of Israeli Jews, supporters of Israel must understand why Palestinians view Israel’s creation as they do. Acknowledging these realities does not “delegitimize” Israel any more than acknowledging the sober facts of America’s own founding delegitimizes the United States. It is a necessary step of truth and reconciliation in order to address the inequalities that continue to exist in our respective societies. 

It is true that some criticism of Israel can cross the line into antisemitism, especially when it denies the right of self-determination to Jews, or when it plays into conspiracy theories about outsized Jewish power. I will always call out antisemitism when I see it. My ancestors would expect no less of me. As president, I will strengthen both domestic and international efforts to combat this hatred. I will direct the Justice Department to prioritize the fight against white nationalist violence. I will not wait two years to appoint a Special Envoy to Monitor and Combat Anti-Semitism, as Trump did; I will appoint one immediately. I will also rejoin the United Nations Human Rights Council, which Trump withdrew from. The United States should not be sitting on the sidelines on these important issues at the UN; we should be at the table helping to shape an international human rights agenda that combats all forms of bigotry and discrimination.

When I look at the Middle East, I see Israel as having the capacity to contribute to peace and prosperity for the entire region, yet unable to achieve this in part because of its unresolved conflict with the Palestinians. And I see a Palestinian people yearning to make their contribution—and with so much to offer—yet crushed underneath a military occupation now over a half-century old, creating a daily reality of pain, humiliation, and resentment.

Ending that occupation and enabling the Palestinians to have self-determination in an independent, democratic, economically viable state of their own is in the best interests of the United States, Israel, the Palestinians, and the region. My pride and admiration for Israel lives alongside my support for Palestinian freedom and independence. I reject the notion that there is any contradiction there. The forces fomenting antisemitism are the forces arrayed against oppressed people around the world, including Palestinians; the struggle against antisemitism is also the struggle for Palestinian freedom. I stand in solidarity with my friends in Israel, in Palestine, and around the world who are trying to resolve conflict, diminish hatred, and promote dialogue, cooperation, and understanding.

We need this solidarity desperately now. All over the world—in Russia, in India, in Brazil, in Hungary, in Israel, and elsewhere—we see the rise of a divisive and destructive form of politics. We see intolerant, authoritarian political leaders attacking the very foundations of democratic societies. These leaders exploit people’s fears by amplifying resentments, stoking intolerance and inciting hatred against ethnic and religious minorities, fanning hostility toward democratic norms and a free press, and promoting constant paranoia about foreign plots. We see this very clearly in our own country. It is coming from the highest level of our government. It is coming from Donald Trump’s tweets, and from his own mouth. 

As a people who have experienced oppression and persecution for hundreds of years, we understand the danger. But we also have a tradition that points the way forward. I am a proud member of the tradition of Jewish social justice. And I am so inspired when I see so many Jewish people picking up this banner, especially the younger generation of Jews, who are helping to lead a revival of progressive values in our country. They see the fight against antisemitism and for Jewish liberation as connected to the fight for the liberation of oppressed people around the world. They are part of a broad coalition of activists from many different backgrounds who believe very deeply, as I always have, that we are all in this together.

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FOCUS: The Week Ahead Will Be Unprecedented Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=40776"><span class="small">Dan Rather, Dan Rather's Facebook Page</span></a>   
Tuesday, 12 November 2019 11:51

Rather writes: "We do not know what the week ahead will bring, but we do know it will be unprecedented. To be sure the specter of Nixon and Clinton hang over an impeachment process moving onto the public stage. This time, however, feels far different."

Dan Rather. (photo: Christopher Patey)
Dan Rather. (photo: Christopher Patey)


The Week Ahead Will Be Unprecedented

By Dan Rather, Dan Rather's Facebook Page

12 November 19

 

e do not know what the week ahead will bring, but we do know it will be unprecedented. To be sure the specter of Nixon and Clinton hang over an impeachment process moving onto the public stage. This time, however, feels far different. This president, in rhetoric and action, has raised so many questions about his fitness for office, that the latest charge, as serious as it is, stands as but one of many potentially impeachable offenses. It is a fair assumption to conclude we do not know of many others, those hidden behind secret conversations with Putin and unreleased tax returns.

The brazenness of the President's extortion of a foreign nation, in service to his own political needs and at the expense of our national security, still strains even the extended range of what we have come to believe is possible. What has transpired since these actions were revealed, the attacks on women and men of sterling character, the hurricane of lies, the spinelessness of Republican politicians to choose country over party, suggests our dark days will continue.

In previous impeachment processes, as acrimonious as they may have been, I never had a belief that our political system was as brittle as it is now. Those were crimes of power and ego. This one puts our nation's standing and safety at risk. It involves not only the Ukraine, but Russia, always Russia.

My mood is complicated. As a reporter, this a story unlike any in our history. I hope to do it justice. As an American citizen, however, I am struck by sadness, a deep, deep sadness, that we have come to this point. In previous times, we weren't being as driven apart by social media. What will that mean for these hearings? We didn't have a political party with its own propaganda operation, like we do with the President and Fox News. We didn't have such cravenness, such widespread stink of corruption, so much platently undemocratic instincts by those who have sworn an oath to the Constitution.

Yet despite all these obstructions to the process of justice, we are where we are because brave, patriotic Americans stood up and said what the President did was wrong. They will now say so in front of cameras, and posterity. The Democrats in the House, in contrast to the President's smokescreens, have largely comported themselves with restraint and a clear sense of purpose. It will be up to them to pierce the fog of deceit and paint a narrative that shapes public opinion.

In the end, I will not underestimate my fellow Americans. My lifetime of experience has shown that ultimately the causes of justice tend to win out, even if the journey is long and circuitous. You will hear often that impeachment is a political process, and so the ultimate verdict will be up to all of us, most likely, considering the Republicans in the Senate, at the ballot box less than a year from now.

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Billionaires Fear Warren and Sanders - but They Should Fear Us All Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=9643"><span class="small">Robert Reich, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Tuesday, 12 November 2019 09:10

Reich writes: "There are basically only five ways to accumulate a billion dollars, and none of them has to do with being successful in a genuinely free market."

Former Clinton labor secretary Robert Reich. (photo: Steve Russell/Toronto Star)
Former Clinton labor secretary Robert Reich. (photo: Steve Russell/Toronto Star)


Billionaires Fear Warren and Sanders - but They Should Fear Us All

By Robert Reich, Guardian UK

12 November 19


Wealth tax plans make sense but proper regulation could also cut Bezos, Dimon, Cohen and Neumann down to size

illionaires are wailing that wealth tax proposals by Elizabeth Warren and Bernie Sanders are attacks on free-market capitalism.

Warren “vilifies successful people”, says Jamie Dimon, chief executive of JPMorgan Chase.

Rubbish. There are basically only five ways to accumulate a billion dollars, and none of them has to do with being successful in a genuinely free market.

The first way is to exploit a monopoly.

Jamie Dimon is worth $1.6bn. That’s not because he succeeded under free-market capitalism. In 2008, the government bailed out JP Morgan and four other giant Wall Street banks because it considered them “too big to fail”.

That bailout is a hidden insurance policy, still in effect, with an estimated value to the big banks of $83bn a year. If JP Morgan weren’t so big and was therefore allowed to fail, Dimon would be worth far less than $1.6bn.

What about America’s much-vaulted entrepreneurs, such as Jeff Bezos?

You might say the $110bn man deserves this because he founded and built Amazon. But Amazon is a monopolist with nearly 50% of all e-commerce retail sales in America, and e-commerce is one of the biggest sectors of retail sales. In addition, Amazon’s business is protected by a slew of patents granted by the US government.

If the government enforced anti-monopoly laws, and didn’t grant Amazon such broad patents, Bezos would be worth far less.

A second way to make a billion is to get insider information unavailable to other investors.

Hedge-fund maven Steven A Cohen ($12.8bn) headed up a firm in which, according to a criminal complaint filed by the justice department, insider trading was “substantial, pervasive, and on a scale without known precedent in the hedge fund industry”. Nine of Cohen’s present or former employees pleaded guilty or were convicted. Cohen got off with a fine and changed the name of his firm.

Insider trading is endemic in C-suites, too. SEC researchers have found that corporate executives are twice as likely to sell their stock on the days following their own stock buyback announcements as they are in the days leading up to the announcements.

If government cracked down on insider-trading, hedge-funders and top executives wouldn’t rake in nearly as much.

A third way to make a billion is to buy off politicians.

The Trump tax cut is estimated to save Charles and the late David Koch and their Koch Industries an estimated $1bn to $1.4bn a year, not counting their tax savings on profits stored offshore and a shrunken estate tax. The Kochs and their affiliated groups spent some $20m lobbying for the Trump tax cut, including political donations. Not a bad return on investment.

If we had tough anti-corruption laws preventing political payoffs, the Kochs and other high-rollers wouldn’t get the special tax breaks and other subsidies that have ballooned their fortunes.

The fourth way to make a billion is to extort big investors.

Adam Neumann persuaded JP Morgan, SoftBank and other investors to sink hundreds of millions into WeWork, an office-sharing startup. He used some of the money to buy buildings he leased back to WeWork and to enjoy a lifestyle that included a $60m private jet. WeWork never made a nickel of profit.

A few months ago, after Neumann was forced to disclose his personal conflicts of interest, WeWork’s initial public offering fell apart and the company’s estimated value plummeted. To salvage what they could, investors paid Neumann more than $1bn to exit the board and give up his voting rights. Most other WeWork employees were left holding near-worthless stock options. Thousands were set to be laid off.

If we had tougher anti-fraud laws, Neumann and others like him wouldn’t be billionaires.

The fifth way to be a billionaire is to get the money from rich parents or relatives.

About 60% of all the wealth in America today is inherited, according to estimates by economist Thomas Piketty and his colleagues. That’s because, under US tax law – which is itself largely a product of lobbying by the wealthy – the capital gains of one generation are wiped out when those assets are transferred to the next, and the estate tax is so tiny that fewer than 0.2% of estates were subject to it last year.

If unearned income were treated the same as earned income under the tax code, America’s non-working rich wouldn’t be billionaires. And if capital gains weren’t eliminated at death, their heirs wouldn’t be, either.

Capitalism doesn’t work well with monopolies, insider-trading, political payoffs, fraud and large amounts of inherited wealth. Billionaires who don’t like Sanders and Warren’s wealth tax plans should at least support reforms that end these anti-capitalist advantages.

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Biden and Bloomberg Want Uncle Sam to Defer to Uncle Scrooge Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=48990"><span class="small">Norman Solomon, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Monday, 11 November 2019 14:04

Solomon writes: "The extremely rich Americans who are now frantically trying to figure out how to intervene in the Democratic presidential campaign make me wonder how different they are from the animated character who loved frolicking in money and kissing dollar bills while counting them."

Joe Biden and Michael Bloomberg. (image: Getty/Reuters)
Joe Biden and Michael Bloomberg. (image: Getty/Reuters)


Biden and Bloomberg Want Uncle Sam to Defer to Uncle Scrooge

By Norman Solomon, Reader Supported News

11 November 19

 

he extremely rich Americans who are now frantically trying to figure out how to intervene in the Democratic presidential campaign make me wonder how different they are from the animated character who loved frolicking in money and kissing dollar bills while counting them. If Uncle Scrooge existed as a billionaire in human form today, it’s easy to picture him aligned with fellow plutocrats against the “threat” of Bernie Sanders and Elizabeth Warren.

The exceedingly wealthy are usually content to stay in the shadows while their combined financial leverage and media power keep top government officials more or less in line. But the grassroots strengths of the Warren and Sanders campaigns have jolted some key oligarchs into overt action.

“At least 16 billionaires have in recent months spoken out against what they regard as the danger posed by the populist Democrats, particularly over their proposals to enact a ‘wealth tax’ on vast fortunes,” the Washington Post reported over the weekend. Many of those billionaires are “expressing concern” that the populist Democrats “will blow the election to Trump by veering too far left.”

But are those billionaires more worried about a wealth tax that will curtail vast fortunes, or about Trump winning re-election? Are we supposed to believe the far-fetched notion that voters will opt for Trump over the Democratic nominee because they don’t want billionaires to pay higher taxes?

The biggest fear among the billionaire class is not that a progressive Democratic nominee will lose against Trump. The biggest fear is that such a nominee will win — thus gaining presidential muscle to implement measures like a wealth tax that would adversely affect the outsized fortunes of the 0.1 percent.

Such fears are causing a step-up of attacks on Sanders and Warren, and even some early indications of trauma. “Piling on against the wealth tax have been corporate celebrities from Silicon Valley and Wall Street,” the Post reported on Saturday. Facebook head Mark Zuckerberg “suggested Sanders’s call to abolish billionaires could hurt philanthropies and scientific research by giving the government too much decision-making power…. Appearing on CNBC, billionaire investor Leon Cooperman choked up while discussing the impact a wealth tax could have on his family.”

Sanders often points to the fact that just three individuals — Bill Gates, Jeff Bezos and Warren Buffett — own as much wealth as the entire bottom half of the U.S. population. Gates has publicly denounced Warren’s proposal for a wealth tax. It shouldn’t surprise us now to learn that earlier this year Bezos urged Bloomberg to run for president. We might call it ruling-class unity — which is a point that Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez quickly made while campaigning alongside Sanders in Iowa when the news broke.

“Of course!” AOC told a Des Moines Register reporter. “They’ve got class solidarity. The billionaires are looking out for each other. They’re willing to transcend difference and background and even politics. The fact that Bill Gates seems more willing to vote for Donald Trump than anyone else tells you everything you need to know about how far they’re willing to go to protect their excess, at the cost to everyday Americans.”

Moments later, Sanders joked: “Jeff Bezos, worth $150 billion, supporting Mike Bloomberg, who’s worth only $50 billion — that’s real class solidarity.” And Sanders tied in the climate emergency: “When you talk about class warfare within the context of climate change, like Alexandria was just saying, the fossil fuels industry makes billions [and] billions of dollars in profits every single year, and the people who suffer the most are often lowest-income people. But it’s not just low-income people. Family farmers in Iowa and agriculture in Iowa is going to be suffering.”

News of Bloomberg’s looming entry into the Democratic presidential race elicited mass-media awe because of his wealth. A Republican until 2007, Bloomberg didn’t become a registered Democrat until October 2018. His record as New York City’s mayor included hostility toward labor unions in the public sector, support for police use of stop-and-frisk targeting racial minorities, and vocal antipathy toward the Obama administration’s minimal Dodd-Frank regulation of the financial industry. Bloomberg is a mismatch with most Democrats.

For most of this year, Biden seemed the best bet for moguls like Bloomberg. But confidence receded as the Biden for President campaign lost ground — not only because of his continuing “gaffs” and stumbling syntax but also because more information kept surfacing about his actual record while in the Senate from 1973 through 2008.

Further erosion of support for Biden can be expected due to a pair of powerful articles in the current issue of The Nation magazine. An “anti-endorsement” editorial summarizes his career as a servant of establishment power, concluding: “On issue after issue, Biden’s candidacy offers Trump a unique opportunity to muddy what should be a devastatingly clear choice. The Nation therefore calls on Biden to put service to country above personal ambition and withdraw from the race.” And an investigative piece breaks new ground in documenting how Biden and his immediate family have been enmeshed in scarcely legal conflicts of interest and pay-to-play corruption for several decades.

These days, for billionaires trying to line up a new Democratic president, good help is hard to find. Biden is willing as ever but perhaps not able. In effect, seeing Biden falter, Bloomberg is on the verge of cutting out the middleman. At this point, why hope that activation of pro-Biden Super PACs will be sufficient, when Bloomberg can step in and hugely outspend everyone out of his own pocket?

But even if it turns out that Biden has outlived his usefulness to the billionaire class, no one should doubt his unwavering loyalty. Biden offered reassurance during a speech at the Brookings Institution last year. “I love Bernie, but I’m not Bernie Sanders,” he said. “I don’t think 500 billionaires are the reason why we’re in trouble … The folks at the top aren’t bad guys.”

The first chief justice of the U.S. Supreme Court would have agreed. John Jay liked to say: “Those who own the country ought to govern it.” Now, the rhetoric is quite different. But the reality is up for grabs in the realm we call politics.



Norman Solomon is co-founder and national coordinator of RootsAction.org. He was a Bernie Sanders delegate from California to the 2016 Democratic National Convention and is currently a coordinator of the relaunched independent Bernie Delegates Network. Solomon is the author of a dozen books, including War Made Easy: How Presidents and Pundits Keep Spinning Us to Death.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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RSN: WTF Is That Red Scare Loyalty Oath in My Candidate Packet? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=33196"><span class="small">Angela Watters, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Monday, 11 November 2019 12:00

Watters writes: "If we were living in an alternative history like the one in HBO's 'Watchmen,' a world in which white supremacy, not democracy, was the enemy, maybe I'd sign the state of Illinois's anachronistic loyalty oath. But I did not."

Senator Joseph R. McCarthy waves a document while discussing Democratic presidential candidate Adlai Stevenson with the Illinois 'Loyalty Oath' superimposed on the podium. (image: Angela Watters/RSN/Gettman/Getty Images)
Senator Joseph R. McCarthy waves a document while discussing Democratic presidential candidate Adlai Stevenson with the Illinois 'Loyalty Oath' superimposed on the podium. (image: Angela Watters/RSN/Gettman/Getty Images)


ALSO SEE: Part One: How to Run for Public Office - for Those Who Score Low
on the Narcissism Scale

ALSO SEE: Part Three: How to Not Go Nuts When Running for Public Office?

WTF Is That Red Scare Loyalty Oath in My Candidate Packet?

By Angela Watters, Reader Supported News

11 November 19


If you don’t think you are better than everyone around you and you don’t think you have what it takes to save the world, this series about running for office is for you.

How to Run for Public Office, for Those Who Score Low on the Narcissism Scale – Part Two 

f we were living in an alternative history like the one in HBO’s “Watchmen,” a world in which white supremacy, not democracy, was the enemy, maybe I’d sign the state of Illinois’s anachronistic loyalty oath. But I did not. It’s been illegal since 1969, so they make it optional. Why, when we have a Major League Baseball Umpire threatening to overthrow the government with an AR-15 if Congress goes through with its constitutional authority to impeach the president, is the state of Illinois still worried about the spread of communism?


The origin of this loyalty oath can be traced back to a Democratic downstate Illinois House representative from Anna, Illinois. A-N-N-A has the dubious distinction of being a Sundown Town with one of the catchiest and most racist acronyms for historically “white only” towns in the Midwest. “Ain’t No [N-words] Allowed,” is the town from which Mr. Clyde C. Choate hailed. “Sundown Town” refers to a town in which African-Americans faced threats of violence if they remained there after dark. Within a year of moving to the region, I'd been told of the acronym in hushed tones by both Black and White folks. After Choate singlehandedly destroyed a German tanker with a bazooka in WWII, the man ran for the state house and won. During his thirty-year tenure in office he both investigated the University of Chicago and Roosevelt College for Sedition and initiated the aforementioned loyalty oath. Still known today as the “Guardian Angel of Southern Illinois,” the man has a mental hospital named after him. 

It’s my understanding that Choate’s idiosyncratic “Loyalty Oath” is a Red Scare relic that’s never been flushed out of Illinois political campaigning, and it’s intimidating as hell. Not even Joseph McCarthy’s home state of Wisconsin uses one. But if a so-called Blue State puts this bullshit in your candidate packet or makes you swear an oath as an anti-subversive, I can’t even imagine what Red State candidates are asked to sign and notarize. You don’t have to sign it, and if you live in Illinois and decide to run for public office, you shouldn’t.

The rest of the candidate packet is pretty straightforward: A statement of candidacy, which asks for basic residency information, your intended office, and party affiliation if necessary. In Illinois, school boards and many mayoral races are non-partisan. A financial statement of interest form, which essentially asks whether you have a business contract with the government entity for which you intend to serve. Then there’s the form that takes the most actual work: the petition. You should make several copies immediately. The petitions are where the long road toward winning your election actually begins. 

In Illinois, you are given a time frame for petition circulation – no more than ninety days before the filing deadline. This is your chance to build your team, to prepare them for the more challenging period six weeks before the election, and to remind them that they will have a nice break between these more intense periods. 

The number of signatures you will need to collect will vary (I needed 50), but one thing is certain, don’t try to collect them on your own. Your petition gatherers will serve as the skeleton crew of your future campaign team. Don’t be afraid to approach close friends and family and acquaintances with similar interests. In my case, I approached other parents with children in the school district. Having friends circulate petitions for you makes them part of the process. It may be a good idea to pass out more copies to get more signatures than you need, just to get your name out there. 

Once your petitions are collected, signed, and notarized by the distributor, it’s time to make copies and prepare to be the first person at the courthouse on the filing deadline. Ballot order matters, and in Illinois, ballot order is determined by the order in which your packet was received. If you arrive at the same time as another candidate, ballot order is determined by a lottery or drawing. A study of California city council and school board races showed that “being listed first on the ballot increases a candidate’s likelihood of winning office by about five percentage points.” If being timely with your election packet can increase your chances of success in your state, I urge you to be the first to file. Some states randomize order or determine the order by lot, so check on your state’s election website to learn more about how your state determines ballot order.

You don’t have to be a genius to run for public office, just look at Donald Trump. He did it, and you know to the core of your being that even a misogynist dickhead from your office would do a better job than Trump. What Trump illustrates is that you don’t even have to have special expertise to run for office and win. Good elected officials hire the best public servants they can find to run the show. Great elected officials listen to the advice of experts and weigh that advice against the concerns of constituents to make the best possible decisions for the community. We need more smart, thoughtful, regular folks in public office – not more grandstanders and blowhards. Take that leap and file. 

Next: Part Three: How to Survive the Long Wait Between Filing and Campaigning, AKA Fundraise, Meditate and Repeat 



Angela Watters is the Managing Editor for Reader Supported News. She was elected to the school board in her town in April of this year.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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