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Why the Editor of Christianity Today Decided to Rebuke Trump Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=50009"><span class="small">Isaac Chotiner, The New Yorker</span></a>   
Sunday, 22 December 2019 14:09

Chotiner writes: "This week, the editor of Christianity Today, an evangelical magazine that was founded in the nineteen-fifties by the Reverend Billy Graham, came out against Donald Trump's Presidency."

Billy Graham in 1955. (photo: Keystone/Getty Images)
Billy Graham in 1955. (photo: Keystone/Getty Images)


Why the Editor of Christianity Today Decided to Rebuke Trump

By Isaac Chotiner, The New Yorker

22 December 19

 

his week, the editor of Christianity Today, an evangelical magazine that was founded in the nineteen-fifties by the Reverend Billy Graham, came out against Donald Trump’s Presidency. In an editorial titled “Trump Should Be Removed from Office,” the editor, Mark Galli, wrote that Trump’s effort to pressure the Ukrainian government to discredit a political opponent “is not only a violation of the Constitution; more importantly, it is profoundly immoral.” Galli, who has announced his retirement in January, 2020, continued, “Whether Mr. Trump should be removed from office by the Senate or by popular vote next election—that is a matter of prudential judgment. That he should be removed, we believe, is not a matter of partisan loyalties but loyalty to the Creator of the Ten Commandments.”

The support of white evangelicals is vital to President Trump’s political survival; exit polls indicated that about eighty per cent of them, around twenty-eight million people, helped elect him President in 2016. A cohort of evangelical leaders and commentators, however, has been critical of the President and warned their fellow-believers that their support of Trump could have dire consequences for the future of the faith. Galli joins their ranks, writing, “If we don’t reverse course now, will anyone take anything we say about justice and righteousness with any seriousness for decades to come? Can we say with a straight face that abortion is a great evil that cannot be tolerated and, with the same straight face, say that the bent and broken character of our nation’s leader doesn’t really matter in the end?”

The editorial has been widely reported, but it is unclear how much influence it will have with evangelical voters. In response, Franklin Graham, Billy Graham’s son and the heir to his ministry, and a steadfast Trump supporter, told Fox News that his father, who died in 2018, “dissociated himself from the magazine years ago” and would have been “disappointed” by the editorial. “My father knew Donald Trump, believed in Donald Trump, and in this last election, he voted for Donald Trump,” Graham said. “And if he were here today, I’m sure he would tell you that himself.” The Trump campaign quickly announced that it will hold an Evangelicals for Trump event in Miami on January 3rd.

To discuss the editorial, the nature of moral judgment, and evangelical support for Trump, I recently spoke by phone with Galli. Our conversation, which has been edited for length and clarity, is below.

You have been critical of Trump in the past. Why did you want to take this step now?

Part of the reason is that one of my roles as the editor of Christianity Today is to help evangelicals on the left and the right charitably understand one another, and enter into a civil dialogue about their political differences. We do share a great deal when it comes to theology and spirituality and when it comes to works of mercy and outreach. But there is a huge divide in how we understand our political responsibilities. So I tried to do my best to charitably understand my brothers and sisters with whom I disagree, and why they would support Trump in spite of his obvious character flaws. And I will say their arguments are somewhat persuasive. Trump has done a great deal for the pro-life movement by nominating pro-life judges. He has done a great deal for religious freedom.

Religious freedom for Christians?

For evangelical Christians in particular. I am passionately pro-life. I am an advocate of religious freedom. I can appreciate why they would be willing to support a President who otherwise seems to be morally deficient in a lot of ways. And it wasn’t until the impeachment hearings that it became clear to me that that argument does not hold water anymore. We have gotten to a point where the deficiencies are so dangerous to the health of our nation, to the office of the Presidency, to the health and reputation of the evangelical church, and, ultimately, to the one we claim ultimate allegiance—to the reputation of Jesus Christ. I felt that something had clicked in me listening to those hearings. There was an unambiguous, clear, and single instance in which the President of the United States used his power to try to coerce a head of state to harass one of his political opponents. It is not only a violation of the Constitution, it is a moral violation.

Just to clarify about religious freedom: he has also proposed a ban on Muslims entering the country.

I am not going to defend his track record in any area in particular. He has huge blind spots when it comes to Muslims. I think Christians are the most persecuted religious group in the world today—and there are sectors of the United States where they are increasingly being disenfranchised, in areas that I think are unfair and unjust, and in those areas I think he has done a better-than-average job with.

Did the staff agree with you?

Hard to say. We don’t make decisions on what goes on the editorial page, or an editorial online, as a group. I am responsible for making those calls and crafting those editorials. Of course, I get input from my editorial director. I will check with the president of the company, who in this instance asked some very good questions and helped me to make the editorial even better. I would say most people in the office are sympathetic, more or less, but I think we have some supporters of Trump in the office. But it should be clear that this represents the opinion of the editor-in-chief of Christianity Today.

You write, “Whether Mr. Trump should be removed from office by the Senate or by popular vote next election—that is a matter of prudential judgment. That he should be removed, we believe, is not a matter of partisan loyalties but loyalty to the Creator of the Ten Commandments.” What exactly is a “matter of prudential judgment?”

A matter of prudential judgment is one on which, as Christians, we would say the Bible doesn’t give clear guidance, or there is nothing we can extract from the Bible to give us clear guidance, and Christians of good will will disagree about it. So they will have to use prudential judgment, they will have to use their wisdom to figure out the best way forward. A classic example is that everybody is against poverty, but is the best way to solve poverty by encouraging a welfare state or by increasing the number of small business? That is prudential judgment. There are no real moral qualities of that argument.

Are you saying that whether Trump should be President is something that the Bible doesn’t give guidance on, or that the way that his Presidency should end—with impeachment and removal or an election—is something the Bible doesn’t have an opinion on?

Certainly the latter. I would say even that, in some sense, the very argument that we have crossed a line and he is now unfit to be President of the United States is, in the end, a prudential judgment. Someone might draw a line in a different place. I tried to make the argument more than prudential, and ground it in Christian convictions about what a human being is about, what they should stand for morally. In fact, a good friend, whose intellect I deeply respect, and who is no fan of Trump, said, “Great article. I don’t think we need to go that far.” Great. Fine.

Is there anything ironic or paradoxical about deciding what is and isn’t a prudential judgment?

I don’t know about ironic or paradoxical, but I think Christians especially are tempted to turn many prudential judgments into moral precepts that go way beyond the evidence available. I think we are wiser to recognize that many things we have to do in life are grounded in prudential judgments. Now, hopefully, they will be well informed by the Christian tradition and the Bible. I don’t think there is anything ironic, it is just difficult. It is a difficult business, this life, and when you get into an area as complex as politics, it is even more difficult. It is one of the reasons I think we should have more humility with one another.

Do you see any danger in saying political matters are about “loyalty to the Creator of the Ten Commandments”?

That’s an interesting question. That’s a good question. I don’t think I was saying that. I see how you could interpret it to say that.

I will just read you the quote: “That he should be removed, we believe, is not a matter of partisan loyalties but loyalty to the Creator of the Ten Commandments.”

Yeah, so, I guess what I am trying to refute there is the notion, and it’s a criticism I have got, that I am just siding with the Democrats: “You are being a partisan trying to get rid of Donald Trump because you are liberal.” And what I am trying to say is that I am trying to take the argument above that. There is a realm of argument above partisan politics that has to do with our Creator, and the ethical commands he gives us to live by.

But is there some danger in saying things are about loyalty to the Creator?

If you are still supportive of Donald Trump, then you are not being loyal to the Creator. Yes, that’s exactly what it implies. And that’s a rhetorical move. I will grant that. But it’s what I believe. I believe we have moved to the point where it’s no longer an argument of prudential judgment. I think we have moved to an argument of a higher plane now.

Have you spoken with the Graham family? Did you talk to the Reverend Graham, before his death, about Trump or politics?

No. Franklin is correct that Billy Graham hadn’t had a direct influence with the magazine for a few decades before his death. When Franklin says his father would vote for Trump, everything I know about Dr. Graham post-Nixon era, when he found himself foolishly supporting a man he found morally reprehensible in the end—

And found himself making anti-Semitic remarks, too.

Yeah. He tended to shy away from political involvement, political support of candidates, and it’s just hard for me to imagine he would have lent his support to a candidate like Trump. That’s a matter of my imagination; it’s hard for me to imagine it. [Laughs.] I have no evidence to suggest that is, in fact, the case.

You write, “Let’s grant this to the president: The Democrats have had it out for him from day one, and therefore nearly everything they do is under a cloud of partisan suspicion. This has led many to suspect not only motives but facts in these recent impeachment hearings. And, no, Mr. Trump did not have a serious opportunity to offer his side of the story in the House hearings on impeachment.” Do you really feel that the President hasn’t been able to offer his case? He has decided against coöperating with Congress.

That’s fair. And I understand the House doesn’t have a legal obligation to call him to the witness stand or whatever. What I am trying to respond to there is that when I talk to my conservative religious friends, and say it seems pretty clear to me that he violated the Constitution, they say, “This is just a partisan Democratic attack. And the Democrats are all making this up because they hate him.” There is no question that, probably, for many Democrats, the effort to impeach him is driven by a deep animosity. I recognize the political realities, but something has been revealed in spite of those motives. Something true has been discovered. No matter what the mode of getting there was, it is really true: he is objectively violating the Constitution.

It felt to me as if you were signalling to your readers that you know many of them get news that is extremely suspicious of Democrats generally. Is that correct, and is their access to good information something that concerns you?

You would have to make a distinction between our readers and evangelicals in general. The far right and the far left are not all that interested in the magazine, for different reasons. We are kind of a centrist magazine. I am center-right myself. I think that they do a pretty good job of trying to find a variety of news sources to understand the world. I am convinced by the research that people on the far right, and I think on the far left as well, limit the amount of sources that they receive information from. I know anecdotally from friends that they pretty much watch Fox News, and that is the gospel truth to them, and that is unfortunate. I will be charitable enough to say Fox News reports things that are true and accurate, but there are other sites that report things that are true and accurate that Fox News will never cover, and we need to be reading them as well. [Laughs.]

But you think Fox should be part of a news watcher’s diet?

Yeah, I don’t think it’s harmful to listen to what conservatives are thinking. I don’t think we should be afraid of the conservative right, even the far right. I read socialist magazines. I read super conservative magazines. America is an amazing place.

You are an editor. I think it’s easier for people of our profession to say they read from all sources. But if I started reading medical journals, and some of them were peddling fake cures, I wouldn’t know what I was reading.

That’s a fair comment. I don’t disagree with that. That’s one of the reasons why an editor has huge responsibility. I can’t be upset that everybody doesn’t read a variety of journals. I can help them by saying, “Here is something I have been reading lately.”

You mentioned that your readers or other evangelicals feel that a lot of people just hate the President, and are thus skeptical of what they are hearing. I am curious what you think an appropriate way to feel about the President is. This is someone who makes fun of disabled people, who admits to grabbing women against their will, who is known for racist and misogynistic comments, who seems to delight in cruelty and making fun of people’s weight or appearance, aside from politics.

Just as a human being, I feel very sad when I hear him say things like that. It shows he is a deeply troubled and deeply flawed human being. One of the things I recognize in some of his comments are some of my own prejudices and biases. When they go on and on, and they happen to the depth and degree that they happen with Mr. Trump, it’s especially troubling. We do have to stand in judgment about whether he is fit for office; I don’t think that means we have to be judgmental. No matter the human being we are talking about, we are all subject to these weaknesses and flaws and biases and prejudices. Our best stance is a compassionate sadness, not excusing, but at the same time making decisions that will move us forward and if possible, redeem the person and the situation.

What specifically did you mean when you said you noticed he had some of the same prejudices and biases that you did?

Oh, I mean, I think anybody who says they don’t have biases that come forth about race and other things is lying to themselves. I think human beings are inherently biased and prejudiced, and we work our whole lives trying not to be that way. It’s like greed. If anybody denies that they are dealing with greed or lust or some of the other deadly sins, they are just lying to themselves. But one hopes that a mature human being will recognize them when it happens, and repent or try to do something different, or at least not act on it. I have been in many situations where I had a prejudicial thought about a young man whose pants were hanging low, and I had an immediate negative reaction to who he is. It’s at that point that I bend over backward to not act that way! [Laughs.] I can’t deny it is within me.

I don’t disagree that we have biases we should try to fight, but I also think human beings are products of their environments, and maybe this gets back to our conversation about Fox News or what people are taking in. I think there are powerful forces in society that want to cultivate those bad things that may be within us, and it’s our job to fight those sources, too.

Exactly. So that would be one reason why I think Trump is no longer fit for office. He is inculcating attitudes that are destructive to the health of society.

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Buttigieg Is Shocked, Shocked at McKinsey's Transgressions. But It Was Notorious When He Joined It. Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=38768"><span class="small">Branko Marcetic, In These Times</span></a>   
Sunday, 22 December 2019 14:08

Marcetic writes: "Early in his political career, 2020 presidential candidate and South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg talked proudly of his years at the consulting firm McKinsey & Company-his most 'intellectually informing experience,' at 'a place to learn ... all the things about business I didn't know.'"

Pete Buttigieg. (photo: WP)
Pete Buttigieg. (photo: WP)


Buttigieg Is Shocked, Shocked at McKinsey's Transgressions. But It Was Notorious When He Joined It.

By Branko Marcetic, In These Times

22 December 19


McKinsey was embroiled in a nationwide scandal over helping insurance companies squeeze customers.

arly in his political career, 2020 presidential candidate and South Bend Mayor Pete Buttigieg talked proudly of his years at the consulting firm McKinsey & Company—his most “intellectually informing experience,” at “a place to learn … all the things about business I didn’t know.” With Buttigieg’s rise to fourth place in the polls, however, the firm’s unsavory activities have come under increasing scrutiny—its work in the past decade with authoritarian states like Saudi Arabia and China, its immigrant detention cost-cutting advice so inhumane it shocked even ICE workers.

Under pressure for more transparency about his role at McKinsey, Buttigieg prevailed upon the firm to waive his NDA and released his client list. But the campaign has dismissed scrutiny of his clients on the basis that he was a just one cog with no decision-making power.

And in response to the firm’s recent scandals, Buttigieg has noted that he “left the firm a decade ago” and called “what certain people in that firm have decided to do…extremely frustrating and extremely disappointing.”

But McKinsey was mired in high-profile scandals prior to Buttigieg’s decision to work there after graduating from Oxford in 2007—and throughout his time there. It was implicated in the 2001 Enron scandal (among other things, one of the company’s chief executives, Jeffrey Skilling, was a former McKinsey man) and had become notorious as the brains behind countless corporate cost-cutting schemes that slashed jobs, such as the 2007 “Project X” plan, in which Chrysler closed U.S. plants and laid off thousands of factory workers.

Perhaps the most notorious of these was the sprawling insurance scandal that became known as “the McKinsey documents,” in which McKinsey revolutionized the insurance industry to maximize profits at the expense of vulnerable policyholders.

In the early 1990s, Allstate, then one of the country’s biggest auto insurers and looking to pare down how much it was spending on claims, hired McKinsey to do what McKinsey is best-known for doing: cut costs. McKinsey dutifully developed a strategy to “radically alter our whole approach to the business of claims” and boost company profits, which Allstate implemented in 1995. Internal documents released years later showed that McKinsey cast the claims process as a “zero-sum economic game,” where “Allstate gains” and “others must lose,” as one PowerPoint slide put it—the “others” being claimants who had suffered the very misfortunes and disaster their insurance was meant to cushion.

The strategy increased income thirtyfold. Revenue soared from a yearly average of $82 million in the preceding decade to an average of $2.5 billion in the decade that followed. During that time, the amount Allstate paid out per every dollar it charged customers for premiums dropped from around 69 cents to 43.5 cents. By 2007, it had hit a record profit of nearly $5 billion. The strategy was considered such a success that two years later, the program was expanded beyond auto insurance to fire, water and roof damage for homes.

Allstate’s surging profits meant hardship for its customers. Claimants who had diligently paid their premiums for years were suddenly abandoned at precisely the moment of crisis their insurance was meant for. Many received low offers that covered only a fraction of the costs. Some were treated as frauds and potential criminals. Others were tied up in court until they simply gave up on ever recouping their losses.

A host of other insurers also made use of McKinsey. Insurance giant State Farm hired McKinsey in the early 1990s; like Allstate, by 2007, its profits had doubled over 1990s levels.A 2007 analysis by the Sun Herald in Biloxi, Miss., found that between 2002 and 2005 alone, even as eight major hurricanes wreaked destruction along the coast and, particularly, in Florida, the insurance giant’s fire and casualty subsidiary saw its net worth more than double to $7.7 billion and its payouts per premium dollar drop from 70.6 percent to 51.6 percent.

By the time Hurricane Katrina struck land in August 2005, property insurers across the country were operating according to the McKinsey strategy, as the Bloomberg Markets cover story “The Insurance Hoax” later detailed. Reports abounded of insurers low-balling, underpaying, or simply flat-out refusing to fulfill Katrina-related claims. In November 2005, Louisiana Attorney General Charles Foti filed a suit accusing McKinsey and nine other defendants, including Allstate and State Farm, of “rigging the value of policyholder claims and raiding the premiums held in trust by their companies for the benefit of policyholders to cover their losses.” The state accused McKinsey of heading an insurance conspiracy.

The McKinsey-designed insurance strategy was major news through the 2000s. This was thanks to numerous lawsuits by both private attorneys and state officials like Foti, who went to war with Allstate and State Farm on behalf of consumers railroaded by the companies after not just auto collisions and fires, but natural disasters like tornadoes and hurricanes.

They were given a boost by Santa Fe lawyer David Berardinelli, who sued Allstate in 2000 for bad faith denial of an insurance claim, and temporarily obtained 12,500 pages of PowerPoint slides outlining McKinsey’s strategy. Forbidden from copying the documents, Berardinelli took copious notes and published an exposé titled From Good Hands to Boxing Gloves: The Dark Side of Insurance in 2006, the year before Buttigieg joined McKinsey.

Insurers went to extreme lengths to block other damning documents about McKinsey’s advice coming out publicly during lawsuits. Ordered to release internal documents by a Missouri court in 2007, Allstate simply refused and was held in contempt, racking up $25,000-a-day fines that ultimately totaled more than $7 million. It took an order from Florida’s insurance commissioner to finally bring the documents into the light of day, and even then Allstate initially refused, relenting in April 2008 only after Florida suspended it from selling new insurance policies in the state.

The documents made national headlines in outlets like the Chicago Tribune and CNN, which produced a February 2007 report looking at insurers' practice of low-balling claimants. Former claims agents admitted to the network they had offered as little as $50 to policyholders who had suffered bodily injury and used what employees called “the three D’s”: delay, deny and, if it comes to it, defend.

The insurer’s refusal to release the documents was understandable given what their contents revealed. Inside were McKinsey’s PowerPoint slides positing a “zero-sum game” between Allstate and its policyholders. “Leakage” was McKinsey’s term for paying policyholders more than necessary. The company’s bet was that when faced with a “take it or leave it offer,” most claimants would choose to take it, particularly in the midst of the financial insecurity in the wake of an accident. McKinsey advised Allstate that while most customers could be treated with “good hands” (as in the company’s slogan, “You’re in good hands with Allstate”) and get a quick settlement, those who refused the low-ball figures the insurer offered should get the “boxing gloves” treatment and be made to wait three years or more for a resolution.

If policyholders lawyered up, McKinsey counseled that the company “align alligators”—adopt tougher legal action—and then “sit and wait.” Clients fighting Allstate often gave up in the face of years of litigation, local trial attorney David Shapiro told the Sarasota Herald-Tribune. “There are many lawyers who won’t take an Allstate case,” he said.

“[Allstate] pay[s] less than every single insurance company, and they certainly will spend more on litigation,” one former Allstate lawyer told the paper.

McKinsey  also recommended the adoption of a computer program named Colossus to remove the discretion of claims agents in favor of “establishing a new fair market value” for bodily injuries. The program could allegedly be “tuned” to produce low-ball offers from the get-go. McKinsey instructed claims agents “to stay within the Colossus range or below it in most cases.” The program would lead to profits, McKinsey assured Allstate, and “shareholders will notice.”

The long-running scandal raises the question of why Buttigieg, as rival candidate and Hawaii Rep. Tulsi Gabbard put it, “chose to work for a company like McKinsey.” But it also raises another question: How much of the firm’s ethos—putting corporate profits over the health and economic security of the US public with a ruthless, amoral zeal—was internalized by him?

According to Buttigieg, his first client for the firm was the health insurer Blue Cross Blue Shield of Michigan. By his own account, according to the New York Times, the insurer had “had grown in such a way that there was a great deal of duplication and some people didn’t even know what the people working for them were doing.” Two years later, it laid off 10% of its workforce, froze pay for non-union workers and increased its rates.

As the Huffington Post reported, Buttigieg went on to serve as part of a team that recommended cuts to the U.S. Postal Service and the replacement of unionized postal workers with privatized staff. And as the Intercept’s Ryan Grim noted, Buttigieg would later credit his “great experience” at McKinsey with exposing him “to a lot of different ideas and ways of solving problems,” coming to view running the city of South Bend as akin to “running a corporation” and to see its 100,000 residents as “stakeholders.” Buttigieg’s technocratic style of mayordom earned him critics in South Bend, including residents, the director of a local charity for the homeless, and a city council member and now mayoral rival, who complain of top-down, data-driven policies that made life harder for the homeless and accelerated the displacement of communities.

Buttigieg, the Rhodes Scholar, is known for doing his homework. It stretches credulity that he was unaware of the massive insurance scandal engulfing the company before and throughout his years there, one that laid bare the heart of McKinsey’s business strategy: Maximize profits, no matter what the human cost.

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The Hidden Military Use of 5G Technology Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=52682"><span class="small">Manlio Dinucci, teleSUR</span></a>   
Sunday, 22 December 2019 14:04

Dinucci writes: "While the earlier technologies were perfected to create ever more advanced smartphones, 5G is designed not only to improve their performance, but mainly to link digital systems which need enormous quantities of data in order to work automatically. The most important 5G applications will not be intended for civil use, but for the military domain."

A cell phone tower. (photo: Getty Images)
A cell phone tower. (photo: Getty Images)


The Hidden Military Use of 5G Technology

By Manlio Dinucci, teleSUR

22 December 19


At the London Summit, the 29 member countries of NATO agreed to “guarantee the security of our communications, including 5G”. Why is this fifth generation of mobile data transmission so important for NATO?

hile the earlier technologies were perfected to create ever more advanced smartphones, 5G is designed not only to improve their performance, but mainly to link digital systems which need enormous quantities of data in order to work automatically. The most important 5G applications will not be intended for civil use, but for the military domain.

The possibilities offered by this new technology are explained by the Defense Applications of 5G Network Technology, published by the Defense Science Board, a federal committee which provides scientific advice for the Pentagon:

“The emergence of 5G technology, now commercially available, offers the Department of Defense the opportunity to take advantage, at minimal cost, of the benefits of this system for its own operational requirements”.

In other words, the 5G commercial network, built and activated by private companies, will be used by the U.S. armed forces at a much lower expenditure than that necessary if the network were to be set up with an exclusively military goal. Military experts foresee that the 5G system will play an essential role for the use of hypersonic weapons – missiles, including those bearing nuclear warheads, which travel at a speed superior to Mach 5 (five times the speed of sound). In order to guide them on variable trajectories, changing direction in a fraction of a second to avoid interceptor missiles, it is necessary to gather, elaborate and transmit enormous quantities of data in a very short time. The same thing is necessary to activate defences in case of an attack with this type of weapon – since there is not enough time to take such decisions, the only possibility is to rely on 5G automatic systems.

This new technology will also play a key role in the battle network. With the capability of simultaneously linking millions of transceivers within a defined area, it will enable military personnel – departments and individuals – to transmit to one another, almost in real time, maps, photos and other information about the operation under way.

5G will also be extremely important for the secret services and special forces. It will enable control and espionnage systems which are far more efficient than those we use today. It will improve the lethality of killer drones and war robots by giving them the capacity of identifying, following and targeting people on the basis of facial recognition and other characteristics. The 5G network, as a weapon of high-tech capacity, will also become the target for cyber-attacks and war actions carried out with new generation weapons.

As well as the United States, this technology is under development by China and other countries. The international disagreement concerning 5G is therefore not only commercial. The military implications of 5G are almost entirely ignored, because the critics of this technology, including many scientists, are concentrating their attention on its toxic affects for health and the environement, due to exposure to very low-frequency electromagnetic fields. This engagement is of course of the greatest importance, but must be linked to research on the military use of this technology, financed indirectly by ordinary users. One of its greatest attractions, which favours the dissemination of 5G smartphones, will be the possibility of participating, by subscription, in war games of impressive realism in direct contact with players from all over the world. In this way, without realising it, the players will be financing the preparation for war – but this time it will be a real war.

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The Movement to Bring Funerals Home Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=52681"><span class="small">Maggie Jones, The New York Times</span></a>   
Sunday, 22 December 2019 14:03

Jones writes: "Over the last few decades, Boucher has helped more than 100 families take care of loved ones' bodies in the hours and days after death."

Burke Denman at home in Santa Fe after his death in 2016. He was buried in a natural grave in New Mexico. (photo: Lyra Butler-Denman/NYT)
Burke Denman at home in Santa Fe after his death in 2016. He was buried in a natural grave in New Mexico. (photo: Lyra Butler-Denman/NYT)


The Movement to Bring Funerals Home

By Maggie Jones, The New York Times

22 December 19


Home-funeral guides believe that families can benefit from tending to — and spending time with — the bodies of their deceased.

eidi Boucher loaded two big straw baskets into her Toyota Highlander. She always kept them packed, ready for death. Inside were a pair of leather work gloves and a hammer, a bunch of bed pads, a few adult diapers (dead bodies sometimes leak), Q-tips for cleaning ears, noses and mouths and for applying lipstick, cotton balls, disinfectant spray, a plastic zip bag of safety pins to help drape silk and other fabrics around a gurney or casket, a small screwdriver to tightly close a casket, latex gloves, a hairbrush and oils infused with rose, lavender and rosemary.

Boucher also had her black attaché case of paperwork on funeral planning, which included a few funeral-home price lists for cremation and other services, as well as the files of 20 or so clients who had already made plans for Boucher to help with their bodies after death. Among them was Susan L’Heureux, a 79-year-old wife, mother, grandmother, reading teacher at a community college, lover of nature, spontaneity and books. L’Heureux had died about an hour earlier in her home in Oakland, Calif., and Boucher was on her way to her.

Over the last few decades, Boucher has helped more than 100 families take care of loved ones’ bodies in the hours and days after death. Some of their deaths were long expected, whether from cancer, multiple sclerosis or another chronic disease. But she also helps families with the sudden, inconceivable loss. The teenager who jumped from the Golden Gate Bridge. The man who shot himself. The children and adults killed in car and motorcycle accidents. The people who died of drug overdoses. They have been atheists, Christians, Buddhists, Jews.

READ MORE

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FOCUS: The Billionaire Class Is VERY, VERY Upset Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=52679"><span class="small">Michael Moore, Bernie Sanders 2020</span></a>   
Sunday, 22 December 2019 13:30

Moore writes: "I experience daily amusement at the billionaire class and its media working overtime to ignore the fact that Bernie is at or near the top of every single poll in this race."

Michael Moore. (photo: Where to Invade Next)
Michael Moore. (photo: Where to Invade Next)


The Billionaire Class Is VERY, VERY Upset

By Michael Moore, Bernie Sanders 2020

22 December 19

 

experience daily amusement at the billionaire class and its media working overtime to ignore the fact that Bernie is at or near the top of every single poll in this race.

The LAST thing they want the general public to hear is that Bernie has been #1 in polls for young adults and Latino voters, and in just the last month has been #1 in Iowa, #1 in New Hampshire, #1 in Nevada and now #1 in California.

They are very, very upset...

Because it used to be that those were the people who determined winners and losers. It was just the way it always was. A bunch of rich people would get into a room, share expensive food and drinks, and determine who would have the resources needed to win a presidential primary.

Those days are over, and they HATE it.

They hate that working people now have the power to come together and collectively ensure campaigns like Bernie’s — campaigns that actually fight for them — can out-raise them.

And the billionaire class wants to take that power back to ensure Democrats nominate someone who will represent their interests, as if they don’t have it good enough already.

Well, we can’t let them. We have to keep fighting. We have to keep exercising OUR power. Because if we do, Bernie is going to win.

There’s always been obscenely wealthy people in this country who have extraordinary power, but they won’t have the ability to pull the strings here once we understand that we actually hold the true power.

We build this power through volunteering, through talking to your friends and family, and through your contributions.

Thank you for reading.

In solidarity,
Michael Moore

e-max.it: your social media marketing partner
 
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