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The President Is Crazy Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=53812"><span class="small">Al Franken, Al Franken's Blog</span></a>   
Thursday, 26 March 2020 08:22

Franken writes: "The president is crazy. We see that every day. But he is the president. He won the election - technically. So, we just have to live with it - having a president who is clinically insane."

Al Franken. (photo: MPR)
Al Franken. (photo: MPR)


The President Is Crazy

By Al Franken, Al Franken's Blog

26 March 20

 

he president is crazy*. We see that every day. But he is the president. He won the election – technically. So, we just have to live with it – having a president who is clinically insane*.

There is a diagnosis – narcissistic personality disorder*. It’s a real thing. And he has it. “I alone can fix it,” he told us at the Republican National Convention. Nothing he has said or done since would lead you to any other conclusion. He is a sociopath*, our president.

It was never okay. Having a nutcase* in the White House. But somehow he had survived three-plus years without facing a huge crisis – if you don’t count his impeachment as a huge crisis, which it sort of wasn’t. It didn’t really matter that he started his presidency by crazily insisting that his inaugural crowd was bigger than Obama’s. (What do suppose that was about?)

Not even one American would die because less than 24 hours into his presidency Americans were introduced to something called “alternative facts.” So, as constantly weird and offensive as it has been for Americans to have a bonkers* president, he skated through. Until Covid-19.

The president’s mental illness* allows him to be both intellectual sloth and supremely confident jerk, ever convinced that he (and he alone) can do everyone else’s job better than they. Generals, climate scientists, public health experts. And he’s always right. Because he’s a psychopath*. And this Donald Trump brand of psychopath* is never wrong. Even when being wrong will cause the additional deaths of perhaps hundreds of thousands of Americans.

Let’s start with his very first public assessment of the most-deadly worldwide pandemic in a century. Asked at Davos by a CNBC reporter, “Are there worries about a pandemic at this point?”

Jan. 22 – “No. Not at all. And we have it totally under control.”

Jan. 24 – “It will all work out well.”

Jan. 30 – “We have it very well under control. We have very little problem in this country at the moment – five. And those people are all recuperating successfully.”

Feb. 10 – “Looks like by April, you know, in theory, when it gets a little warmer, it miraculously goes away.”

Feb. 19 – “I think the numbers are getting progressively better as we go.”

Feb. 20 – “…within a couple of days, is going to be down to close to zero.”

Feb. 22 – “We have it very much under control in this country.”

Feb. 25 – “…the Democrats are politicizing the coronavirus… They tried the impeachment hoax … and this is their new hoax.” (to Sean Hannity)

Feb. 26 – “We’re going down, not up.”

Feb. 27 – “It’s going to disappear. One day like a miracle – it will disappear.”

Feb. 29 – “Everything is really under control.” (The vaccine will be available) “very rapidly.”

March 2 – “It’s very mild.”

March 4 – “…we’re talking about very small numbers in the United States.”

March 6 – (visiting the CDC) “I like this stuff. I really get it. People are surprised I understand it. Every one of these doctors said, ‘How do you know so much about this?’ Maybe I have a natural ability.’ Maybe I should have done that instead of running for president.” Maybe.

March 6: (same availability) “Anybody who wants a test can get a test. That’s the bottom line.”

March 7: “I’m not concerned at all. No, we’ve done a great job with it.”

March 10 – “It will go away. Just stay calm. It will go away.”

March 16 – (asked to rate his own performance) “I’d rate it a ten.”

March 17 – “I felt it was a pandemic long before it was called a pandemic.”

One striking aspect of Trump’s mental illness* is that he expends no energy trying to disguise it. Most successful sociopaths* put a lot of effort into hiding their illness. Not Donald Trump. It’s all right there for all of us to see, all the time.

Some very smart people have suggested that the coronavirus briefings should come from the CDC or the Department of Health and Human services – with public health experts, doctors, and other public officials giving scientifically accurate information to the press and the American people. Well, that just shows you how stupid very smart people can be.

Trump has to do the briefings. Because he won’t be able to hold a rally for months. He’s an egomaniac*. A charlatan who needs an audience to get his juices going.

And so, we have this spectacle now – three, four, five times a week. What will Trump do today? Take credit for some positive development? Of course. Blow up at a “nasty” reporter? Good chance. Give out a piece of dangerously irresponsible information? You bet.

What will Dr. Tony Fauci do when this idiot* suggests that it would be a beautiful thing for Americans to pack the pews on Easter Sunday? Oh, he just did that? Even though that would be just cuckoo*?

But what will Dr. Fauci do the next time? Or the next? Flinch? Roll his eyes? Tactfully correct the president? I beg you, Mr. President. Keep Dr. Fauci! Yes, it’s just a matter of time before you put him in an untenable position and his measured, diplomatic response will set you off because you are a lunatic*. And you will want to fire him because you will be in an uncontrollable rage. That’s going to happen, because it always happens, and because you are completely unhinged*.

But please, sir, don’t. Not because he is an indispensable asset during this once-in-a-century worldwide pandemic. No. Keep Tony Fauci because he will guarantee you an enormous audience. Millions more will flock to their screens for the drama. It’s Salieri versus Mozart. The bitter, twisted hack against the true genius dedicated to his God-given gift. And remember which one died early and was dumped into a pauper’s grave!

It would be fun to watch, if it weren’t so sad.

Don’t go to church, everyone. Stay home, everyone.

_____

*I am not a psychiatrist. Nor have I personally examined the President.

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Covid-19 Is Nature's Wake-Up Call to Complacent Civilization Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=53807"><span class="small">George Monbiot, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Wednesday, 25 March 2020 12:54

Monbiot writes: "A bubble has finally been burst - but will we now attend to the other threats facing humanity?"

St. Paul's cathedral in London. (photo: Vianney Le Caer/REX/Shutterstock)
St. Paul's cathedral in London. (photo: Vianney Le Caer/REX/Shutterstock)


Covid-19 Is Nature's Wake-Up Call to Complacent Civilization

By George Monbiot, Guardian UK

25 March 20


A bubble has finally been burst – but will we now attend to the other threats facing humanity?

e have been living in a bubble, a bubble of false comfort and denial. In the rich nations, we have begun to believe we have transcended the material world. The wealth we’ve accumulated – often at the expense of others – has shielded us from reality. Living behind screens, passing between capsules – our houses, cars, offices and shopping malls – we persuaded ourselves that contingency had retreated, that we had reached the point all civilisations seek: insulation from natural hazards.

Now the membrane has ruptured, and we find ourselves naked and outraged, as the biology we appeared to have banished storms through our lives. The temptation, when this pandemic has passed, will be to find another bubble. We cannot afford to succumb to it. From now on, we should expose our minds to the painful realities we have denied for too long.

The planet has multiple morbidities, some of which will make this coronavirus look, by comparison, easy to treat. One above all others has come to obsess me in recent years: how will we feed ourselves? Fights over toilet paper are ugly enough: I hope we never have to witness fights over food. But it’s becoming difficult to see how we will avoid them.

A large body of evidence is beginning to accumulate showing how climate breakdown is likely to affect our food supply. Already farming in some parts of the world is being hammered by drought, floods, fire and locusts (whose resurgence in the past few weeks appears to be the result of anomalous tropical cyclones). When we call such hazards “biblical”, we mean that they are the kind of things that happened long ago, to people whose lives we can scarcely imagine. Now, with increasing frequency, they are happening to us.

In his forthcoming book, Our Final Warning, Mark Lynas explains what is likely to happen to our food supply with every extra degree of global heating. He finds that extreme danger kicks in somewhere between 3C and 4C above pre-industrial levels. At this point, a series of interlocking impacts threatens to send food production into a death spiral. Outdoor temperatures become too high for humans to tolerate, making subsistence farming impossible across Africa and South Asia. Livestock die from heat stress. Temperatures start to exceed the lethal thresholds for crop plants across much of the world, and major food producing regions turn into dust bowls. Simultaneous global harvest failure – something that has never happened in the modern world – becomes highly likely.

In combination with a rising human population, and the loss of irrigation water, soil and pollinators, this could push the world into structural famine. Even today, when the world has a total food surplus, hundreds of millions are malnourished as a result of the unequal distribution of wealth and power. A food deficit could result in billions starving. Hoarding will happen, as it always has, at the global level, as powerful people snatch food from the mouths of the poor. Yet, even if every nation keeps its promises under the Paris agreement, which currently seems unlikely, global heating will amount to between 3C and 4C.

Thanks to our illusion of security, we are doing almost nothing to anticipate this catastrophe, let alone prevent it. This existential issue scarcely seems to impinge on our consciousness. Every food-producing sector claims that its own current practices are sustainable and don’t need to change. When I challenge them, I’m met with a barrage of anger and abuse, and threats of the kind I haven’t experienced since I opposed the Iraq war. Sacred cows and holy lambs are everywhere, and the thinking required to develop the new food systems that we need, like lab-grown food, is scarcely anywhere.

But this is just one of our impending crises. Antibiotic resistance is, potentially, as deadly as any new disease. One of the causes is the astonishingly profligate way in which these precious medicines are used on many livestock farms. Where vast numbers of farm animals are packed together, antibiotics are deployed prophylactically to prevent otherwise inevitable outbreaks of disease. In some parts of the world, they are used not only to prevent disease, but also as growth promoters. Low doses are routinely added to feed: a strategy that could scarcely be better designed to deliver bacterial resistance.

In the US, where 27 million people have no medical cover, some people are now treating themselves with veterinary antibiotics, including those sold, without prescription, to medicate pet fish. Pharmaceutical companies are failing to invest sufficiently in the search for new drugs. If antibiotics cease to be effective, surgery becomes almost impossible. Childbirth becomes a mortal hazard once more. Chemotherapy can no longer be safely practised. Infectious diseases we have comfortably forgotten become deadly threats. We should discuss this issue as often as we talk about football. But again, it scarcely registers.

Our multiple crises, of which these are just two, have a common root. The problem is exemplified by the response of the organisers of the Bath Half Marathon, a massive event that took place on 15 March, to the many people begging them to cancel. “It is now too late for us to cancel or postpone the event. The venue is built, the infrastructure is in place, the site and our contractors are ready.” In other words, the sunk costs of the event were judged to outweigh any future impacts – the potential transmission of disease, and possible deaths – it might cause.

The amount of time it took the International Olympic Committee to postpone the Games could reflect similar judgments – but at least they got there in the end. Sunk costs within the fossil fuel industry, farming, banking, private healthcare and other sectors prevent the rapid transformations we need. Money becomes more important than life.

There are two ways this could go. We could, as some people have done, double down on denial. Some of those who have dismissed other threats, such as climate breakdown, also seek to downplay the threat of Covid-19. Witness the Brazilian president, Jair Bolsonaro, who claims that the coronavirus is nothing more than “a little flu”. The media and opposition politicians who have called for lockdown are, apparently, part of a conspiracy against him.

Or this could be the moment when we begin to see ourselves, once more, as governed by biology and physics, and dependent on a habitable planet. Never again should we listen to the liars and the deniers. Never again should we allow a comforting falsehood to trounce a painful truth. No longer can we afford to be dominated by those who put money ahead of life. This coronavirus reminds us that we belong to the material world.

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Nationalize the Airlines Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=52403"><span class="small">Paris Marx, Jacobin</span></a>   
Wednesday, 25 March 2020 12:54

Excerpt: "The airline industry will not survive the coronavirus. Now is the time to nationalize it - and use this moment to chart a course to a low-carbon future."

A British Airways flight takes off as a Virgin Atlantic airplane waits at terminal 3 of Heathrow Airport in London, England. (photo: Leon Neal/Getty)
A British Airways flight takes off as a Virgin Atlantic airplane waits at terminal 3 of Heathrow Airport in London, England. (photo: Leon Neal/Getty)


Nationalize the Airlines

By Paris Marx, Jacobin

25 March 20


The airline industry will not survive the coronavirus. Now is the time to nationalize it — and use this moment to chart a course to a low-carbon future.

he rapid growth in the number of cases of the novel coronavirus, known as COVID-19, has quickly cratered air traffic as people cancel their holidays, postpone business travel, and avoid close contact with others to limit its spread. Airlines around the world are now facing severe financial pressures and are responding by cutting flights, laying off workers, and begging governments for financial assistance.

In the United Kingdom, IAG, which owns British Airways, has announced its flight capacity will be cut by 75 percent and Virgin Atlantic will cut 80 percent of its flights — with staff asked to take eight weeks of unpaid leave. Ryanair, EasyJet, and Norwegian are also cutting most of their flights and their workers face layoffs, pay cuts, and potentially even job losses. Similar announcements are being made by airlines throughout Europe, North America, and Australia and New Zealand as the Centre for Aviation estimates most airlines could be bankrupt by May without government assistance.

Airline share prices are falling dramatically: British Airways down almost by half, Lufthansa down 41 percent, and Air-France/KLM down 56 percent. Even before the coronavirus, the airline industry was in a fragile position — with smaller airlines like Flybe and Wow Air hitting the wall and larger airlines often hopelessly over-leveraged. This crisis calls for a radical reassessment of the sector as a whole, and a means for governments to plan a way forward.

Even in the face of the climate crisis, air travel remains an important part of the economy — but that does not mean it must continue in the same way it has in the past. Instead of simply bailing out the airlines so they can resume operations once the virus is cured, we need to rethink the role that airlines play in our transportation networks and take them into public ownership so they can be democratically planned to achieve social and environmental goals.

Major airlines used to be owned by national governments until a few decades ago and many continue to operate under public ownership, or at least with a significant stake owned by governments. In response to the coronavirus crisis, Italy has already renationalized Alitalia. It will be the first of many countries to make similar moves.

Clearly, action needs to be taken today to protect airline workers’ jobs — but it must be strategic. Handing over huge sums of public money to wealthy airline investors or celebrity billionaires like Richard Branson without securing additional powers for the state in terms of input into the future of the industry, improving conditions for workers, and meeting urgent climate targets would be a foolish mistake.

If airlines are truly poised to go under, they should be nationalized at a significant discount. If assistance is provided, it cannot be without strings, which must include an ownership stake along with a commitment to meeting public goals that would include integrated planning, a better passenger experience, and protections for workers.

(Re)nationalized airlines should be planned as part of a broader transportation system, with the goal of reducing unnecessary air travel, particularly on short-haul routes, to achieve emissions reductions. Ideally, this would be in conjunction with a rail system that is also returned to public ownership, which would allow for improvements to reliability, frequency, and a reduction in ticket prices to encourage people to use trains instead of cars and planes. This would enable a public intercity transport authority to effectively plan for the public’s mobility needs by diverting more resources into the rail system, while eliminating short-haul flight routes where the same trip can be taken on a train in a reasonable time.

In practice, a focus on reducing emissions while keeping trips affordable and ensuring people can reach their destinations in a similar time frame as an entire air journey, including time to and from the airport and going through security, would allow for resources to be diverted from air to improving rail service throughout the United Kingdom and on many routes to the continent. Train services are already competitive with flights between major centers in the United Kingdom, and that will only improve with HS2 and High Speed North. A public rail system could also improve services to smaller cities and communities around the country.

Already, train services are time-competitive with flights to cities in France, Belgium, the Netherlands, and even parts of western Germany. However, reaching those destinations by train can often cost more than booking a discount flight. An intercity transport authority, in cooperation with partners on the continent, must work to change that by pricing in the externalities of air travel and reducing the price of train journeys in recognition of the broader social and economic benefits of increasing access to transport services and connections between peoples.

But there will be some routes that simply won’t be able to be serviced by trains because the distances are too long. For those routes, the air travel experience must improve with greater comfort and space for passengers, instead of making people feel like sardines packed into a metal tube, and fewer punitive fees for everything from a bag to a forgotten boarding pass. Private jets, which emit much more per passenger than a conventional flight, must also be banned, with the rich forced to fly in the same planes as everyone else.

Thousands of airline workers are being thrown to the wolves today, with mass layoffs already in Norwegian, Scandinavian Airlines, and KLM. To prevent the same in the United Kingdom, we need action today. That means government recognizing the particular problem the airline industry faces — not just today, but over the coming years in the context of the climate crisis — and its strategic importance to both the economy and society. Any such recognition would make the case for nationalization at substantially reduced cost clear.

Airline workers have contributed to the incredible wealth of the executives and shareholders of major airlines, and if the companies themselves can’t afford to pay their workers without going bankrupt, the government must. But in exchange, they have to insist on airline executives and wealthy investors taking a very significant hit. Golden handshakes and vulture profiteering as thousands of workers lose jobs will rightly infuriate the public.

As concern about air travel emissions has grown in recent years, especially given they’re rising at a much faster rate than in other industries, those concerned with climate change have been wondering how air travel might be curbed in a sustainable future. The crisis brought on by COVID-19 is stark — but it offers an opportunity to break with the status quo. Policies which last week seemed impossible are now being implemented in countries around the world to combat the economic fallout.

With planes grounded around the world, it’s time to rethink the structure and incentives of our transportation networks — and for governments to take decisive action not only to protect workers today but to determine how people travel in the future.

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Against Productivity in a Pandemic Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=51484"><span class="small">Nick Martin, The New Republic</span></a>   
Wednesday, 25 March 2020 12:54

Excerpt: "Why are we being told - by bosses, by fitness apps, by ourselves - to optimize this 'new' time to get things done?"

Office. (photo: Ian Gavan/Getty)
Office. (photo: Ian Gavan/Getty)


Against Productivity in a Pandemic

By Nick Martin, The New Republic

25 March 20


Why are we being told—by bosses, by fitness apps, by ourselves—to optimize this “new” time to get things done?

outique grocery stores have been raided of their oat milks, bars and restaurants have been shuttered or limited to delivery-only service, a growing pool of service and retail workers have lost their jobs, the NBA and MLB seasons have been suspended and delayed, Idris Elba and Tom Hanks have tested positive for the coronavirus. Slowly, and rightfully, the shock and surreality of the pandemic is setting in across the United States. 

So life mostly sucks right now, plain and simple. And if you find yourself considering that fact, it’s just as likely that you’ll bump up against some unwelcome reminder that—in the face of historic disruption and uncertainty—you can actually get a lot done in home isolation! Did you know Shakespeare wrote King Lear while he was quarantined during the plague? Have you tried baking as a form of corona therapy? How about turning your living room into a home gym using soup cans for hand weights? INBOX: Want 19 easy tips on how to manage anxiety in the time of Covid-19? 

This mindset is the natural endpoint of America’s hustle culture—the idea that every nanosecond of our lives must be commodified and pointed toward profit and self-improvement. And in a literal pandemic, as millions of us are trying to practice home isolation while also attending to the needs of our families and communities, the obscenity of pretending that work and “the self” are the only things that matter—or even exist—becomes harder to ignore. 

You can see this happening in all kinds of contexts, some of it in the form of smiling mandates from employers about “business as usual” while working from home. Managers at The Wall Street Journal instructed newly remote workers to answer work chat messages “within just a few minutes” and to leave cameras on during video conference meetings, as if there’s some productivity or accountability benefit to letting your boss see what the shitty couch in your apartment looks like. The “good worker” during a pandemic is the good worker during any other time: always available to management. (“Now is not the time to screen calls.”) 

The crux of these kinds of posts and newsletters and articles and mandates from work is rooted in the same misguided mindset: Yes, this pandemic is bad, but how can you improve yourself with all this solitude? And more to the point, how can you continue to prove your worth as a hard worker?

This isn’t a normal time, from the spread of the virus itself to the pathetic response from Congress to the quarantine and long-term economic peril staring down millions of people. Not much of what preceded it was really normal, either, but it’s fair to say that when the world is slowly descending into the unknown, any semblance of familiar routine can be a welcome reprieve: Staying in phone contact with loved ones and friends. Finding time to go for a (socially distant) run. But more work, maybe the single most constant feature of American adulthood, is not the answer. Neither is more needless productivity. This is not a time to optimize or stoically pretend nothing has changed. As Jenny Odell wrote of the drive toward growth in How to Do Nothing: Resisting the Attention Economy, “In the context of health and ecology, things that grow unchecked are often considered parasitic or cancerous. Yet we inhabit a culture that privileges novelty and growth over the cyclical and the regenerative.” 

This is a time to sustain. To find ease where we can in a world rapidly placing us into chaos. “We do not tend to see maintenance and care as productive in the same way,” Odell wrote. But we should. 

This piece, the one you’re reading right now, took roughly an hour longer for me to write than it normally would have because I am currently sitting in my New York apartment thinking about a million different things: Are all my grandparents properly secluded? Is my extended family taking this seriously enough? Should I rent a car and drive home and get away from the city before it all really goes to hell? Are rental car companies going to be price gouging? When will the money from my canceled vacation return to my account? Did I order enough cat food? Do I have enough food? What will things look like two weeks from now? A year from now? 

That is normal, now. That is the experience I am sharing with my friends and cousins and family and neighbors. While I’m still reading emails and scanning my drafts for revisions, my mind is miles away with the people that matter most to me. For those with the privilege and ability to conduct their work from home, the coming weeks should be a time to focus on ourselves, our communities, and our loved ones. It should be a time to do nothing and produce little without the accompanying feeling of guilt or panic caused by a ping from a higher-up that you should be doing more as the rest of your world slowly cranks to a halt.

The work of care, of real meaning, is what we should be concerning ourselves with now. It is not optimized, or “disrupting,” or any of that. It is just essential. Reaching out to offer support to the soon-to-be overworked nurses in our communities, contributing to local funds and efforts to feed and adequately compensate grocery workers, restaurant workers, and others who are working at great risk and may be struggling to put food on the table. We should be offering to make shopping runs for our elders and other at-risk neighbors. This is the essential work that demands our attention now, too.

For all the other stuff? The nonessentials? It will not vanquish your fears and stressors to churn out a spreadsheet any faster than usual. Some of us, the fortunate among us, have a kind of time now that may feel new. It can allow us a second to be true to ourselves and our emotions, or to turn away from ourselves and toward care for others, or both at the same time. You don’t have to write your novel. You don’t have to reorganize your closet. Burying yourself in mindless busywork is not the solution. So, go ahead, turn the video function off when your boss calls. 

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FOCUS: Socialism for Corporations. Brutal Capitalism for Everyone Else. Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=53593"><span class="small">Nicole Aschoff, Jacobin</span></a>   
Wednesday, 25 March 2020 12:04

Aschoff writes: "Before we hand over billions and possibly trillions of dollars to corporations that have proven time and again that they value profits above all else, we should take a pause. There is time to put people first."

Wall Street. (photo: Getty)
Wall Street. (photo: Getty)


Socialism for Corporations. Brutal Capitalism for Everyone Else.

By Nicole Aschoff, Jacobin

25 March 20


Before we hand over billions and possibly trillions of dollars to corporations that have proven time and again that they value profits above all else, we should take a pause. There is time to put people first.

he coronavirus crisis is wreaking havoc on the US economy, pushing companies large and small to seek help from the federal government. As elected officials debate how to provide this aid, they would do well to remember the 2009 bailout of General Motors and Chrysler as a model of what not to do. The auto bailout was terrible for both workers and the environment.

To be sure, the rapid and frightening spread of COVID-19 is a very different type of crisis from the 2008 global financial meltdown. While both crises triggered surging unemployment and losses across multiple sectors, the current crisis has enveloped the entire country in a matter of weeks necessitating a rapid and meaningful response from the federal government.

Nonetheless, it is worth revisiting the government’s management of the 2008–9 auto crisis, which is widely viewed as a successful intervention. Contrary to popular opinion, however, the resolution of the auto crisis should not be a template for corporate bailouts. It had dire long-term implications for both working people and the environment.

In 2008 skyrocketing fuel prices and the disappearance of credit, both for consumers to finance vehicle purchases and dealers to purchase inventory from assemblers, brought the US auto industry skidding to a halt. As sales dropped to a nearly thirty-year low in 2009 and cash flows evaporated, the threat of collapse loomed over US auto manufacturers, and by extension all of the suppliers, dealers, workers, and communities that relied on them.

In response the incoming Obama administration negotiated a multibillion-dollar bailout deal that exchanged cash for a Treasury-led restructuring at General Motors and Chrysler. (Ford’s cash reserves enabled it to avoid bankruptcy and federal restructuring.) Following the fairly rapid structured bankruptcy, twenty-two assembly and supply plants and three warehouses were shuttered, numerous divisions were wound down or sold off, and thousands of workers were laid off or bought out.

For auto manufacturers the bailout was a godsend. It enabled General Motors and Chrysler to eliminate less profitable lines and cut their costs much more quickly than they would otherwise have been able to do. Within two years US motor vehicle manufacturers had returned to profitability, posting solid earnings. The bailout was chalked up as a success.

But was the 2009 auto bailout a success? Not from the perspective of the environment and workers.

The moment when the Obama administration decided that the US companies needed a major overhaul was also a moment of opportunity — a time when the government could have leveraged its power and resources to push the auto industry in a new direction, away from gas-guzzling SUVs and towards a greener more sustainable transportation system. The plants idled in the process of restructuring could have been retooled to produce materials for greening the economy, such as solar panels and wind turbines. Laid off auto workers could have been core contributors to a “just transition.”

Instead, the skills and dedication of autoworkers were treated as a liability. Fulfilling the long-held wishes of the automakers, the Obama administration insisted that the only way forward for the industry was to drag down the wages and benefits of unionized autoworkers to match those of nonunion autoworkers.

Practically overnight the Treasury-led corporate restructuring and downsizing rolled back decades of hard-won gains: thousands of blue-collar and white-collar auto jobs were destroyed; an unfair multitiered wage and benefit system was normalized and expanded; and livelihoods for many auto workers were slashed to poverty levels.

The auto companies tried to put a positive spin on these cuts, claiming that the cash they saved by cutting labor costs would enable them to focus on developing profitable small cars and electric vehicles rather than relying so heavily on SUVs.

Promises, promises. General Motors spent $22 billion on dividends and buybacks between 2015 and 2019, all while closing even more plants. US automakers rely on SUVs to generate profits more than ever before and have essentially abandoned the small car market. They claim to be channeling money toward electric vehicle development, but electric vehicles represent a miniscule percentage of their fleet. Meanwhile, low oil prices (thanks in part to fracking) and Trump’s freeze on corporate average fuel economy standards promise to lock in automakers’ addiction to SUVs for the foreseeable future.

A little over a decade has passed since the auto bailout, but the ramifications are clear. The crisis was used to push through changes that benefited corporate executives and investors and hurt ordinary people and the environment. More broadly, the nature of the restructuring sent a clear message to working people: when push comes to shove you are dispensable.

With the economy in free fall it may feel like there is no time to worry about what will happen ten or twenty years down the road. Given the very real dangers posed by COVID-19 to not only our livelihoods but also our lives, there is an understandable sense of urgency to do something and do it quickly.

But before we hand over billions and possibly trillions of dollars to corporations that have proven time and again that they value profits above all else, we should take a pause. There is time to put people first.

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