Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=37266"><span class="small">Greg Shupak, Jacobin</span></a>
Saturday, 28 March 2020 12:53
Shupak writes: "Sanctions are war. They may not instantly shred flesh the way bombs and bullets do, but they kill and maim nonetheless."
People queue in front of a supermarket during the first day of a national quarantine in response to the spreading coronavirus disease (COVID-19) in Caracas, Venezuela, March 17, 2020. (photo: Manaure Quintero/Reuters)
US Sanctions Must End Now
By Greg Shupak, Jacobin
28 March 20
US sanctions are devastating in ordinary times. But with the COVID-19 pandemic raging, they’re killing more people than ever.
anctions are war. They may not instantly shred flesh the way bombs and bullets do, but they kill and maim nonetheless.
Subjecting people to such cruelties is indefensible in ordinary times: in the pre-COVID-19 world, America’s economic warfare was killing cancer patients in Iran, keeping Syrian children with cancer from getting necessary medicines, and, according to an estimate by two US economists, killing perhaps forty thousand Venezuelans. But collectively punishing entire populations during a global pandemic is perhaps an even more ruthless form of barbarism.
The coronavirus is ravishing Iran, with the country reporting more than twenty thousand cases and over 1,500 deaths. Prior to COVID-19, US sanctions battered Iran’s health care system, undercutting access to pharmaceuticals and necessities like cardiac pacemakers. In December, Eskandar Sadeghi-Boroujerdi described the sanctions as “the collective punishment of over eighty-one million Iranians through and by means of one of the most comprehensive and unrelenting sanctions regimes in modern history.”
US secretary of state Mike Pompeo cannot be taken seriously when he claims that “humanitarian assistance to Iran is wide open, it’s not sanctioned.” Sanctions have hampered Iran’s ability to contain the outbreak, sabotaging economic growth, preventing Iranians from accessing Johns Hopkins University’s real-time coronavirus database, and leading Google to remove Iran’s coronavirus diagnosis app from its online store.
While the sanctions may not explicitly prohibit humanitarian items, the financial attack on Iran has made some companies unwilling to export critical supplies for fear of a US government backlash. Amid the pandemic, Washington has said that it will not provide sanctions relief. In fact, it is upping its attack on Iran, adding further sanctions as part of its “maximum pressure campaign” to decimate Iran’s oil sector — any measure that makes a country poorer necessarily leaves it in a worse position to respond to a pandemic.
Meanwhile, Syria has its first confirmed COVID-19 case. To put it mildly, the country is poorly positioned to deal with the pandemic, not only because of the nine-year-long war there but also because US sanctions have had the effect of making the import of medical instruments and other medical supplies almost impossible.
Despite supposed humanitarian exemptions, sanctions have hit Syrian health care, affecting procurement of medicines by preventing transactions with foreign banks and stopping many international drug companies from dealing with the country. The Trump administration has gone so far as to forbid the passage of aid ships to Syria — the European Union and Canada have also levied sanctions against the country.
Elsewhere, the Palestinian Health Ministry has reported the first two cases of coronavirus in Gaza, a territory that Israel has rendered almost unlivable. The United States directly participates in the siege of Gaza by providing Israel with the weapons and the financial and political support it needs to torture Gaza residents. Washington has also had sanctions of its own on the Hamas government in Gaza since it was first elected and has continuallyupped the assault.
Similarly, in Yemen, the United States has, through a combination of direct participation and subcontracting — this time via its Saudi and UAE partners — annihilated the health care system with military and economic warfare. Thus, in the likely event that Yemen has or soon acquires coronavirus infections, a horrific toll is all but certain.
Things will be at least as devastating in North Korea. UN Security Council (UNSC) sanctions on the state cover approximately 90 percent of its commercial exports, preventing it from importing oil, gas, and refined petroleum products, and the United States’ additional unilateral sanctions are even more comprehensive.
Sanctions against North Korea have blocked anesthesia machines used for emergency operations, while making it difficult for aid agencies to operate in the country. The measures don’t allow North Korea to import computers or metal objects, which restricts its ability to repair medical equipment. The UNSC’s list of banned items includes “sterilizers, ultraviolet lamps for disinfection, ambulances, syringes, needles, catheters, X-ray and ultrasound machines, [and] microscopes as well as machinery for filtering or purifying water”; although the UNSC can make case-by-case exemptions for humanitarian aid, this mechanism does not allow humanitarian organizations to deliver necessary items, such as equipment for medical emergencies, in a timely manner.
The first shipments of international medical aid are due to get to North Korea this week to help with the coronavirus, but, on top of softening up the country for COVID-19, the sanctions’ mandatory waivers for such items helped delay their arrival.
Cuba, a nation that has been at the forefront of coronavirus aid efforts, is also impacted. According to the United Nations, an almost-sixty-year US embargo has cost the island $130 billion. Over the last year, the United States has hit Cuba with some of the harshest measures in its decades of war on the nation and, in April, Washington instituted sanctions against tanker companies delivering petroleum to Cuba from Venezuela, severely damaging Cuba’s agricultural sector.
Now Cuba has its first coronavirus patients, and, though it has a world-class health care system, its ability to cope would have been stronger had the Trump administration’s recent moves not left it poorer.
US sanctions are also an important cause of a public health crisis in Venezuela, crushing the economy, blocking the nation from exporting oil, freezing its global financial assets, and denying it access to international financial systems, contributing to a shortfall of $38 billion in the last three years and “prohibiting the importation of essential, lifesaving products.” Venezuela now has its first two COVID-19 cases, as US sanctions are laying waste to social spending and leading to shortages of food and medicine.
Quite simply, the sanctions regime is sentencing thousands to their deaths. That these sanctions need to be lifted in the face of COVID-19 should be an uncontroversial humanitarian imperative.
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=6853"><span class="small">Frank Rich, New York Magazine</span></a>
Saturday, 28 March 2020 11:22
Rich writes: "A society reveals a lot about itself, heroic and not, when confronting a plague. But we didn't need a plague to tell us that Trump places zero value on any life except his own."
Lloyd Blankfein has a dissenting view on coronavirus. (photo: Justin Lane/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock)
What a Plague Reveals
By Frank Rich, New York Magazine
28 March 20
Most weeks, New York Magazine writer-at-large Frank Rich speaks with contributor Alex Carp about the biggest stories in politics and culture. Today, the argument, both from the White House and supposed centrists outside of it, that America should prioritize the economy.
But what does it say that ostensibly serious people like Lloyd Blankfein, Gary Cohn, Thomas Friedman, and the ABC analyst Matthew Dowd, among others, have in varying degrees taken up this cause? And done so with so little grounding in reality? Cohn, for instance, tweeted, “We should be able to handle incremental economic activity in appropriate locations while not allowing it in other geographies.” What are “appropriate” locations and what are those “other geographies,” pray tell, and who would designate them? Others take the tack of layering in caveats intended to shield them from criticism if such a plan goes wrong and corpses start piling up in genocidal magnitude across the land. Take Friedman, for instance, who points out how “urgent” it is to first “immediately rectify the colossal failure to supply rapid, widespread testing” and to get more N95 masks and hospital beds before initiating a scheme to start bringing back the workforce “in as early as a few weeks.” Get those tests and masks “immediately” — great idea! And the White House agrees besides! “More testing is essential,” says Larry Kudlow, “and we’re loading up on tests right now.”
But in the reality-based world, the idea that we’ll have enough capacity anytime soon should be given as much weight as Mike Pence’s weeks-ago promise that 4 million tests were on the way. So whether you’re Kudlow or Friedman or a former partner at Goldman Sachs, to posit that a return to normal in “a few weeks” would be preceded by the sudden advent of “rapid, widespread testing” is disingenuous on its face. Tests are nowhere near as available as promised, or as they need to be nationally if the density and speed of South Korea’s testing regime is used as an effective model. And even if we had the needed quantity of tests, the coronavirus has already left the barn in the United States; it is too late for mass testing to map the contours of a return-to-normal plan any time in the near or nearish future. Masks and other PPE, not to mention hospital beds and ventilators, also remain in desperate demand, and the White House, having lied for weeks that they’re on the way, is still refusing to use the federal government to mobilize their production.
So why are these return-to-normalcy enthusiasts so willing to roll the dice on public health? It depends on who’s making this pitch. Clowns like Glenn Beck, Brit Hume, and the lieutenant governor of Texas, Dan Patrick, who have volunteered that older people risk sacrificing their lives for younger generations, are just Trump lapdogs. But when someone like Lloyd Blankfein proposes that we “let those with a lower risk to the disease return to work” in “a very few weeks,” it’s another story. They are revealing their arrogance, of course — masters of the universe know more than, say, a mere civil servant like Anthony Fauci — but also their own economic isolation from the masses they are purporting to help. It’s behavior reminiscent of the titans who tried to rally Wall Street after the 1929 crash by making a big show of buying large blocks of stock. And let’s face it: Most, if not all, of these public notables who are preaching get-back-to-work-soon schemes have a cushion most Americans don’t — the means and the clout to cut the line for a coronavirus test and to secure immediate and attentive medical care away from an overflowing public hospital. This class divide is most ostentatiously exemplified by Richard Kovacevich, the former CEO of one of the most predatory banks in American history, Wells Fargo, who in giving his endorsement to a get-back-to-work scheme, said, “Some may even die, I don’t know.” Doesn’t know and doesn’t care to find out, clearly. This is a guy who served on the board of Theranos, whose marketing of fraudulent blood tests was a potentially moral threat to the national health ecosystem.
It is cheering that some businessmen will have none of this. As Mark Cuban succinctly put it, “Ignore anything someone like me might say. Lives are at stake.” Bill Gates, who actually has devoted his own fortune to the amelioration of world health, implicitly called out the Cohns and Friedmans and Blankfeins, by stating without equivocation that “there really is no middle ground, and it’s very tough to say to people, ‘Hey, keep going to restaurants, go buy new houses, ignore that pile of bodies over in the corner.’” He added that “it’s very irresponsible for somebody to suggest that we can have the best of both worlds.”
These exceptions are to be applauded. But overall, the pandemic has revealed in particularly stark terms that the extreme economic inequalities unmasked by the 2008 economic collapse remain unaddressed. There’s a titanic dynamic playing out now in real time. Celebrities and the wealthy are first in line for the lifeboats of coronavirus tests. Rupert Murdoch and his family protect their own health while profiting from a news empire that downplayed and outright disputed the threat of the coronavirus. The permanent residents of resort towns on the Eastern seaboard are being shoved aside by prematurely returning summer vacationers who are stripping shelves of food and flooding the limited local health facilities.
As the virus spreads from its current epicenters throughout the country, the grotesque discrepancy between the elites and the have-nots is going to make Parasite look as benign as an episode of Modern Family. The anger and despair that have fueled populism in America, even to the point of inducing voters to hand power to a charlatan like Trump, may metastasize at least as fast as the plague.
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=47905"><span class="small">Garrison Keillor, Garrison Keillor's Website</span></a>
Friday, 27 March 2020 12:53
Keillor writes: "After a week in Corona Prison with my loved ones, I must say - if I were to croak tomorrow, I'd look back on the week as a beautiful blessing."
Garrison Keillor. (photo: MPR)
A Note to My Peers: Let Us Disappear
By Garrison Keillor, Garrison Keillor's Website
27 March 20
fter a week in Corona Prison with my loved ones, I must say — if I were to croak tomorrow, I’d look back on the week as a beautiful blessing. Feeling closer than ever to friends, the complete loss of a sense of time, the intense gratitude for the wife and daughter. We should make it an annual event. A week of isolation. Call it Thanksgiving. The one in November we can rename Day of Obligation.
The news from Washington is astonishing, each day worse than the day before. The con man at the lectern, the trillion-dollar re-election bailout. Satire is helpless in the face of it. Nothing to be done until November.
I’m an old man, I don’t worry about myself, I worry about the millennials and Gen Z and those little kids eating supper with their parents at our family Zoom conference the other night. Growing up with GPS, will they ever appreciate the beauty of a map? Will they bother to learn to spell, given spell-check, and doesn’t the love of language begin with forming the letters? Thanks to Netflix and a thousand other things, they’ll keep boredom at bay, but isn’t it boredom that brings out the creative urge in a person? Meanwhile, Greenland is melting, the sea is rising and warming, and the clock is ticking, and Washington, D.C., has become utterly foreign, like a moon of Uranus, pun intended. The millennials’ charismatic spokesperson, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, is five years away from running for president, and will America be ready to elect a hyphenated person in 2028? It’s doubtful.
It struck me as weird to see millennials enthused about a 78-year-old student radical from the Sixties. My generation has hung on too long and we need to be overthrown. We consider experience to be a prime requirement for public office and we’re wrong. Biden and Sanders have far too much experience, most of it wrong. The U.S. Senate is no qualification for higher office whatsoever. None. Look around — it’s governors who are doing the work of dealing with the Situation. The Senate is an echo chamber. Two years ago, Ocasio-Cortez was waiting on tables and tending bar at a taqueria in lower Manhattan, a natural doorway to politics, much better than law school.
My generation is over. The world belongs to the young and we geezers are tourists. (Have I said this before? I think so. My wife is nodding. I guess I have.) Do we allow tourists to vote in America? And here is an issue nobody in public office will touch with a ten-foot pole: why not establish polling-place testing for voters over 60 to eliminate those suffering from dementia from obtaining a ballot?
And so I am proposing that the right to vote cease at age 70. An arbitrary age, I admit, but so is 18. I know plenty of 12-year-olds who’re better qualified than some people my age. Face it, intellectual acuity declines with the passage of time and the ingestion of animal fats and malted beverages, and if it’s low to begin with, a person comes to a point where you need close supervision. I speak from personal experience. My knowledge of basic math peaked in the 11th grade, my science literacy long before that. I made my career in the field of fiction, a useful trade but not so conducive to good citizenship. I am a Biden supporter for the same reason Trumpers support Trump — because my man does not make me feel inferior: I listen to him speak and I think, “I could’ve said that, or something like it. I don’t think he’s going to do too much damage. And he’ll surround himself with smart people, just as I have. Right? Right.” Is this the sort of reasoning our country needs right now?
Personal admission: I was in New York during the Minnesota primary and so, for the first time in my adult life, I didn’t vote. It felt good. Why bet on a game when your team isn’t playing?
At 77 I am on a glide path and enjoying my days and don’t have so much at stake as that little family eating supper. The dad is a journalist, the mom is a nurse, two crucial lines of work. I am an old man with a good wife and daughter, whom I’m now going to ask if they can see where I put my glasses. Thanks for reading this far. Be well. Keep in touch.
FOCUS: The Novel Coronavirus Has a Well-Known Left-Wing Bias
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=51519"><span class="small">Juan Cole, Informed Comment</span></a>
Friday, 27 March 2020 11:26
Cole writes: "The right wing media spent January and February and the first part of March pooh-poohing the novel coronavirus, calling it a hoax, predicting it was a flash in the pan."
Sen. Bernie Sanders. (photo: Guardian UK)
The Novel Coronavirus Has a Well-Known Left-Wing Bias
By Juan Cole, Informed Comment
27 March 20
he character played by comedian Stephen Colbert, back when he was parodying Fox “News” anchors, lamented that “Reality has a well-known liberal bias.”
The fact is, the novel coronavirus has a well-known left-wing bias.
Given the hoaxes perpetrated on the American people by the Right wing for the past few decades, from the laughable Laffer curve (purporting to show that massive tax cuts on the super-wealthy pay for themeselves in increased GDP– bzzt, false), to the myth of the “welfare queen” (as though the poor are living it up), to “weapons of mass destruction” in Iraq, to the Fox “coronavirus is a hoax,” to the tens of thousands of lies told by Donald J. Trump — Colbert is entirely correct.
The bias of the coronavirus toward the Left is driving the Right wing up the wall, and provoking a new Cold War between the American States.
The Right wing media spent January and February and the first part of March pooh-poohing the novel coronavirus, calling it a hoax, predicting it was a flash in the pan. This is not because most of them are stupid, though a few seem to be galactically dense. It is because it seemed to be in the interest of the corporations that people not be alarmed into abandoning their habits as good little consumers. They peddled a fatal illusion, that if we did nothing, the menace would go away. Ironically, if the Republican-controlled US government had gone immediately to large scale testing in January like South Korea, our present dire straits would have been avoided. It is as though FDR had pretended for two months after Pearl Harbor that there had just been a minor misunderstanding in Hawaii but that the Japanese Empire posed no threat at all and could be safely ignored.
It is notable that while most states closed schools, it is mostly states with Democratic governors that have more effective shelter-in-place decrees. Republican-ruled states may issue cautions, but de facto they are letting people freely circulate, which is to say, they are letting the coronavirus grow exponentially. The Republican party is behaving this way on behalf of the rich and of business, because they believe that social distancing will harm their class interests and because they have made a calculation that your grandmother is expendable.
Americans did this experiment in 1918 during the Spanish Flu pandemic. Famously, St. Louis shut down with the onset of the virus, but Philadelphia insisted on holding its victory parade for WW I. The population of St. Louis experienced far fewer deaths per capita than did Philly.
A graph is worth showing again. Difference in mortality rates in 1918 Spanish Flu in Philadelphia, which went ahead with a public parade, versus St Louis, which cancelled all public gatherings.
The Right wing in US politics is not half of the population, or even a third of the population. Its exponents represent the one percent, some 3 million Americans out of 331 million. In some ways they represent only the 0.1 percent. Charles Koch of Koch Industries, who is personally worth $38 billion, is one of the people the US Right supports. He lobbied to cut the budget of the Centers for Disease Control. They want less government regulation (so they can pollute the environment and inflict ailments on us without any restraint). They want government subsidies for planet-wrecking fossil fuels, because they own oil and gas fields and don’t want to forego the trillions of dollars in profits they could earn if only that pesky climate crisis remains unknown or not taken seriously for a few more decades. Hence they use their billions to spread around denialism.
The message of the Right wing is that government can’t do anything right, but that the magical markets and the private sector are close to infallible. How exactly they explain inefficient corporations like Enron or the 2008 Crash is not clear. Mainly, they don’t talk about them. I once went back and read some newspapers from the 1930s. Republican politicians were trying to peddle that crap about the free market being able to fix all the problems right in the middle of the Great Depression. Keynes proved that the only way to get out of a Depression is for the government to spend money, even money it does not have. Once the Depression ended, the Right went to work attempting to rewrite it as a failure of government and to undermine Keynesianism. It isn’t a complex issue. The billionaires don’t like paying taxes, and certainly not to support what they view as the little people. Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s New Deal created programs like social security and Medicare that give the impression to people that the government does good things for them. The Right wing has been fulminating against them ever since.
The coronavirus (and after it subsides, the climate crisis) is deadly to the Right wing talking points.
We obviously need a vigorous and fairly large government to deal with these big crises. We obviously need to stop tying health insurance to employment and go to medicare-for-all. Because at a time when they most urgently need health insurance, 3 million Americans just lost their jobs in the past week. In states where Republican governors gutted Obamacare, those 3 million are just up the creek if they get sick and need an intensive care unit.
Medicare for all is hated by some of the billionaires because it involves taxing them, and because it interferes in making a profit off people’s sickness, and because it gives the people the impression that they need government and that it can benefit them.
The kind of mass coordination that both the pandemic and the climate emergency require is impossible for the private sector to pull off. This is a job for both the state and federal governments.
We even need international collaboration among the planet’s governments, a true nightmare of the US Right wing.
The Right wing used to make fun of socialism, saying that it was the fear that somewhere, someone was getting rich.
But these planetary crises have turned the tables on this glib bon mot. It now seems clear that capitalism is the fear that somewhere someone is having their basic human needs met.
The nadir of US barracuda capitalism came the day before yesterday when four Republican senators tried to deep-six the government aid program for people and businesses harmed by the coronavirus on the grounds that the bill might allow a few of the laid-off plebs to get more money from the government than they would have earned in their dead-end jobs.
Bernie Sanders, who despite his age is the wave of the future, let them have it. His impassioned speech won’t be the epitaph of the big business- little government crowd, but if they had a modicum of shame and basic human decency, it would be.
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=51503"><span class="small">Paul Krugman, The New York Times</span></a>
Friday, 27 March 2020 11:11
Krugman writes: "It's hard to believe, but just a month ago Donald Trump and his henchmen were dismissing the coronavirus as a nonevent."
Health care workers preparing to work at a new Covid-19 test collection site in Tampa, Florida. (photo: Eve Edelheit/The New York Times)
On Coronavirus, We're #1
By Paul Krugman, The New York Times
27 March 20
But we’re doing some things right despite Trump.
t’s hard to believe, but just a month ago Donald Trump and his henchmen were dismissing the coronavirus as a nonevent. On Feb. 26 Trump declared that “You have 15 people, and the 15 within a couple of days is going to be close to zero.” His remark came a day after Larry Kudlow, his administration’s chief economist, declared that the virus was almost completely contained, and that the economy was “holding up nicely.”
There are now more than 82,000 cases in the U.S. — we don’t know how many more, because we’re still lagging far behind on testing. But that makes us the world’s coronavirus epicenter, and the U.S. trajectory is worse than that of any other country.
As for the economy: Last week more than three million workers filed for unemployment insurance, a number that is completely off the scale even as many others who are suddenly out of work aren’t eligible for unemployment benefits. We’re clearly losing jobs even faster than at the worst moments of the 2008-9 financial crisis, when we were losing “only” 800,000 per month.
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