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Every Conversation About Reopening Should Be About Testing Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=33386"><span class="small">German Lopez, Vox</span></a>   
Sunday, 10 May 2020 12:31

Lopez writes: "The conversation about when states should start to reopen their economies is growing louder and louder - with President Donald Trump and some governors suggesting it's time to relax social distancing measures implemented in response to the coronavirus pandemic."

A health care worker conducts a Covid-19 test at a drive-through testing facility at George Washington University in Washington, DC, on May 5. (photo: Caroline Brehman/CQ-Roll Call/Getty Images)
A health care worker conducts a Covid-19 test at a drive-through testing facility at George Washington University in Washington, DC, on May 5. (photo: Caroline Brehman/CQ-Roll Call/Getty Images)


Every Conversation About Reopening Should Be About Testing

By German Lopez, Vox

10 May 20


The US still needs to scale up coronavirus testing.

he conversation about when states should start to reopen their economies is growing louder and louder — with President Donald Trump and some governors suggesting it’s time to relax social distancing measures implemented in response to the coronavirus pandemic.

But many of those conversations are missing the point.

According to public health experts, the conversations should first and foremost focus on Covid-19 testing. Until the US and individual states scale up their testing capabilities, they shouldn’t even start talking about the prospect of reopening their economies.

“There’s this really big focus from a lot of governors and leadership on ‘reopening the country,’ but not emphasizing what they’re doing to make testing happen,” Saskia Popescu, an infectious disease epidemiologist, told me. “We can’t talk about reopening until we have a strategy for [testing and tracing].”

It’s been said thousands of times throughout the crisis, but it bears repeating: Testing is a crucial component to getting control over the pandemic. When paired with contact tracing, testing lets officials track the scale of the outbreak, isolate the sick, quarantine those who the sick came in contact with, and deploy community-wide efforts as necessary.

In fact, scaling up testing is part of the reason we’re social distancing now. The idea is that shutting down large parts of the US is effectively a pause button — one that buys the country time, while flattening the curve, to build up health care and testing capacity.

“The whole point of this social distancing is to buy us time to build up capacity to do the types of public health interventions we know work,” Natalie Dean, a biostatistics professor at the University of Florida, told me. “If we’re not using this time to scale up testing to the level that we need it to be … we don’t have an exit strategy. And then when we lift things, we’re no better equipped than we were before.”

America, however, remains far from where it needs to be on testing. Experts say the US needs 500,000 tests a day, on the low end, to tens of millions, on the high end, to fully control the coronavirus outbreak. Based on the COVID Tracking Project, the US has averaged about 260,000 tests a day — a little more than half the minimum — over the first week of May.

That testing is still a problem, months into the outbreak, is baffling to many experts. In pandemic preparedness simulations she took part in before Covid-19, Popescu said, testing didn’t even come up as a potential problem. “We always assumed we would have widespread testing capabilities,” she said.

The issue continues to be supply shortages — for swabs, reagents, personal protective equipment, and other materials needed for tests — that make it impossible to scale up testing quickly enough. These kinds of issues require federal leadership to find and fix supply chain bottlenecks. But in recent weeks, the Trump administration has largely punted the problem to the states, reportedly even rejecting CDC guidelines for how to reopen safely.

In the absence of strong federal leadership, states seem to be following their own paths — pushing to reopen even as the data suggests that they don’t have the number of tests to do so, at least safely. In the face of such obvious failures, many don’t seem interested in having conversations about the very issue that should guide their decisions to open back up.

We still don’t have enough tests

The numbers are pretty clear: America is, by and large, not ready to safely reopen. This is true not just at the national level, but for individual states, too.

An analysis in the New York Times by Keith Collins and Lauren Leatherby on May 7 was particularly instructive: It found that the majority of the 30 states moving to reopen don’t even meet the criteria set out by the White House to do so, even though that criteria was quickly criticized by experts as being too vague and lenient.

“In more than half of states easing restrictions, case counts are trending upward, positive test results are rising, or both, raising concerns among public health experts,” Collins and Leatherby wrote.

By more stringent — and responsible — criteria, the states look even worse. The Times has translated the 500,000-tests-a-day minimum supported by experts to about 152 tests per 100,000 people. Only two states, Rhode Island and North Dakota, meet this standard. And, again, this is the minimum; some experts argue the US needs multiple times that number of tests.

Another metric used by experts is the positive rate. This measures what percent of people test positive for the coronavirus among all tests done. If the positive rate is high, it’s likely that not enough people are being tested, since it suggests only people with a high chance of infection are being tested, potentially missing a lot of people without significant symptoms. The maximum acceptable positive rate is typically 10 percent, experts told the Times.

The majority of states pushing to reopen have a positive rate above 10 percent. And in a handful of cases, like in Oklahoma and Georgia, the positive rate has recently increased.

In short: The vast majority of states don’t have the testing capacity to reopen, even as most talk about easing social distancing.

More tests are needed to safely reopen

Testing is how other countries, like South Korea and Germany, have managed to control their outbreaks and started to reopen their economies. By pairing testing with aggressive contact tracing, they have managed to, in the terms of some epidemiologists, detect and put out embers before they turn into wildfires.

America is simply not there yet. The country continues to be mired by a variety of supply problems, depending on the time and place, that inhibit testing. Some places don’t have the swabs to collect testing samples. Some don’t have the personal protective equipment to let staff collect and transport samples. Some don’t have the vials to store samples. Some don’t have the reagents to run the tests. Some don’t have the platforms for specific kinds of tests.

Labs, other health care facilities, and local and state governments can’t fix these issues by themselves. One way to think about this: If the new bottleneck is a swab factory in Maine, there’s simply nothing Maryland can do about it. The federal government is the only entity in the US capable of tracking, coordinating, and fixing these kinds of supply issues around the country.

“This is supply chain 101. This is operations 101,” Nada Sanders, a supply chain management expert at Northeastern University, told me. “It’s so simple. And it’s just not happening.”

The Trump administration, instead, has seemingly surrendered its role here. In late April, the administration put out a testing plan that placed the responsibility of finding and solving problems on the states and the private sector, arguing that the federal government would only play a supplementary role with “guidelines,” “strategic direction,” and “technical assistance,” and act only as a “supplier of last resort.”

Beyond testing, a report from the Johns Hopkins Center for Health Security and Association of State and Territorial Health estimated the US will need to hire 100,000 contact tracers — far above what states and federal officials have said they’re hiring.

It’s not that we don’t know what the problems are here. It’s that federal leadership simply isn’t acting quickly or aggressively enough to fix them.

That’s led some experts to argue that this is not just a public health debacle but also a failure of America’s political system. “This is a disease that does not just test your health system,” Jeremy Konyndyk, an expert in disease outbreak preparedness at the Center for Global Development, told me. “It tests your political system. It tests the quality and competence of your governance.”

To solve this, America’s political leadership — at the local and state levels, but particularly the federal level — has to acknowledge a simple fact: Any discussion about reopening has to focus on testing. Only once that happens can these problems actually get fixed, and only then could the country more seriously start talking about easing social distancing without putting millions of Americans in danger.

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FOCUS: Under Trump, American Exceptionalism Means Poverty, Misery and Death Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=9643"><span class="small">Robert Reich, Guardian UK</span></a>   
Sunday, 10 May 2020 11:40

Reich writes: "No other nation has endured as much death from Covid-19 nor nearly as a high a death rate as has the United States."

Former Clinton labor secretary Robert Reich. (photo: Steve Russell/Toronto Star)
Former Clinton labor secretary Robert Reich. (photo: Steve Russell/Toronto Star)


Under Trump, American Exceptionalism Means Poverty, Misery and Death

By Robert Reich, Guardian UK

10 May 20


No other advanced nation denies healthcare and work protections, or loosens lockdown while fatalities mount

o other nation has endured as much death from Covid-19 nor nearly as a high a death rate as has the United States.

With 4.25% of the world population, America has the tragic distinction of accounting for about 30% of pandemic deaths so far.

And it is the only advanced nation where the death rate is still climbing. Three thousand deaths per day are anticipated by 1 June.

No other nation has loosened lockdowns and other social-distancing measures while deaths are increasing, as the US is now doing.

No other advanced nation was as unprepared for the pandemic as was the US.

We now know Donald Trump and his administration were told by public health experts in mid-January that immediate action was required to stop the spread of Covid-19. But according to Dr Anthony Fauci, “there was a lot of pushback”. Trump didn’t act until 16 March.

Epidemiologists estimate 90% of the deaths in the US from the first wave of Covid-19 might have been prevented had social distancing policies been put into effect two weeks earlier, on 2 March.

No nation other than the US has left it to subordinate units of government – states and cities – to buy ventilators and personal protective equipment. In no other nation have such sub-governments been forced to bid against each another.

In no other nation have experts in public health and emergency preparedness been pushed aside and replaced by political cronies like Trump’s son-in-law, Jared Kushner, who in turn has been advised by Trump donors and Fox News celebrities.

In no other advanced nation has Covid-19 forced so many average citizens into poverty so quickly. The Urban Institute reports that more than 30% of American adults have had to reduce their spending on food.

Elsewhere around the world, governments are providing generous income support. Not in the US.

At best, Americans have received one-time checks for $1,200, about a week’s worth of rent, groceries and utilities. Few are collecting unemployment benefits because unemployment offices are overwhelmed with claims.

Congress’s “payroll protection program” has been a mess. Because funds have been distributed through financial institutions, banks have raked off money for themselves and rewarded their favored customers. Of the $350bn originally intended for small businesses, $243.4m has gone to large, publicly held companies.

Meanwhile, the treasury and the Fed are bailing out big corporations from the debts they accumulated in recent years to buy back their shares of stock.

Why is America so different from other advanced nations facing the same coronavirus threat? Why has everything gone so tragically wrong?

Some of it is due to Trump and his hapless and corrupt collection of grifters, buffoons, sycophants, lobbyists and relatives.

But there are also deeper roots.

The coronavirus has been especially potent in the US because America is the only industrialized nation lacking universal healthcare. Many families have been reluctant to see doctors or check into emergency rooms for fear of racking up large bills.

America is also the only one of 22 advanced nations failing to give all workers some form of paid sick leave. As a result, many American workers have remained on the job when they should have been home.

Adding to this is the skimpiness of unemployment benefits in America – providing less support in the first year of unemployment than those in any other advanced country.

American workplaces are also more dangerous. Even before Covid-19 ripped through meatpackers and warehouses, fatality rates were higher among American workers than European.

Even before the pandemic robbed Americans of their jobs and incomes, average wage growth in the US had lagged behind average wage growth in most other advanced countries. Since 1980, American workers’ share of total national income has declined more than in any other rich nation.

In other nations, unions have long pushed for safer working conditions and higher wages. But American workers are far less unionized than workers in other advanced economies. Only 6.4% of private-sector workers in America belong to a union, compared with more than 26% in Canada, 37% in Italy, 67% in Sweden, and 25% in Britain.

So who and what’s to blame for the worst avoidable loss of life in American history?

Partly, Donald Trump’s malfeasance.

But the calamity is also due to America’s longer-term failure to provide its people the basic support they need.

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FOCUS: Four Die-Hard Loyalists Are Enabling Trump's Apocalyptic Coronavirus Response Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=47190"><span class="small">James Risen, The Intercept</span></a>   
Sunday, 10 May 2020 10:41

Risen writes: "The four horsemen of the pandemic are rampaging through Washington. Their names are Kushner, Miller, Pompeo, and Barr."

Jared Kushner, Stephen Miller, Mike Pompeo, and William Barr from left to right. (image: Soohee Cho/The Intercept, Getty Images)
Jared Kushner, Stephen Miller, Mike Pompeo, and William Barr from left to right. (image: Soohee Cho/The Intercept, Getty Images)


Four Die-Hard Loyalists Are Enabling Trump's Apocalyptic Coronavirus Response

By James Risen, The Intercept

10 May 20

 

he Four Horsemen of the Pandemic are rampaging through Washington. Their names are Kushner, Miller, Pompeo, and Barr.

They are fulfilling Donald Trump’s darkest desires to twist the Covid-19 pandemic into a culture war, while also looking for ways to exploit the nation’s greatest public health crisis in a century to foment hoaxes and conspiracy theories and punish Trump’s enemies.

Meanwhile, they are ignoring the actual pandemic. Trump and his lackeys have decided to let America burn.

They have wasted the time the American people gave them to come to grips with Covid-19. It was precious time granted by people who, in overwhelming numbers, complied with state-level stay-at-home orders for two months so the government could come up with a serious national strategy to address the health crisis and its economic fallout.

But Trump has betrayed that sacrifice by failing to develop any coherent plan at all. He has surrendered to the virus, even as the American death toll heads rapidly toward 100,000.

He has instead spent his time sitting in the White House watching cable news, braying at his critics on Twitter, and summarily firing anyone in the federal government who tries to actually take action to prevent the pandemic from becoming even worse. The latest victim is Dr. Rick Bright, who filed a whistleblower complaint on Tuesday after he was ousted from his position as director of the government’s Biomedical Advanced Research and Development Authority. Bright’s sin? He refused to get on board with the Trump administration’s incoherent response to the virus, notably its dangerous and ill-informed efforts to push hydroxychloroquine, an antimalarial drug, as a Covid-19 treatment just because Trump had called it a miracle cure.

While professionals like Bright are pushed aside, Trump has turned to the usual suspects to do his bidding.

Jared Kushner, his pale, thin-lipped son-in-law, has gone from creating havoc in the Middle East, where he was supposedly in charge of developing Trump’s “policy” for the region, to creating havoc in the federal response to Covid-19, thanks to his role running a backdoor coronavirus task force rife with incompetence and political favoritism. (The Trump White House has a front-door ad-hoc task force, run by Vice President Mike Pence, but Trump shut down the professional pandemic team at the National Security Council in 2018.)

Kushner’s most consequential and deadliest contribution to the government’s response came early in the crisis, when he convinced Trump that the press was overhyping the threat. That appealed to Trump’s natural inclination to call Covid-19 a media-invented hoax, especially as he started facing criticism for failing to address shortages of tests and other urgently needed medical equipment, including protective gear for nurses and doctors. Trump’s failure to take any action during the pandemic’s critical early days allowed the virus to become embedded in the United States.

Naturally, Kushner has now declared victory, even as Covid-19 expands its fatal reach across the nation. “We’re on the other side of the medical aspect of this,” Kushner told Fox News last week. “We’ve achieved all the different milestones that are needed. The federal government rose to the challenge, and this is a great success story.”

Stephen Miller, a young man with an endless forehead who serves as Trump’s master of the dark arts of xenophobia and nationalism, has inserted himself into the Covid-19 crisis as well, convincing the president to sign an executive order severely restricting immigration during the pandemic. Of course, Miller wants the temporary order to lead to the permanent, draconian crackdown on immigration he has long wished for. Miller has pushed through dozens of smaller changes in immigration policies and procedures during the pandemic, which may also lead to permanent changes.

Miller’s long-term anti-immigrant obsession has already had a devastating impact on the nation’s ability to deal with the pandemic. Trump has gutted the budget of the Federal Emergency Management Agency, which is supposed to coordinate America’s disaster response, while a growing share of funding for its parent organization, the Department of Homeland Security, has been shifted to immigration and border control.

Mike Pompeo, the secretary of state with a body like a neighborhood bowling league champion, is helping Trump foment conspiracy theories about the origins of Covid-19. Pompeo has been pushing the notion that the virus was manufactured in a Chinese laboratory. By contrast, the consensus among most scientists, public health officials, and intelligence analysts throughout the world is that the virus reached humans naturally through contact in a Chinese wet market.

While the exact origins of the virus don’t matter to most Americans now struggling to deal with Covid-19, Pompeo’s goal in pushing this so-called Wuhan lab theory is to make Trump feel better about his own failed handling of the crisis. It also can be weaponized to convince Trump’s die-hard base that the government’s botched handling of the pandemic is not Trump’s fault.

Over the last few days, Pompeo has offered a series of confused statements about the issue, probably because Dr. Anthony Fauci, the nation’s top infectious disease professional, has repeatedly and publicly pushed back, saying that the scientific evidence shows that the virus is not man-made.

Over the weekend, Pompeo claimed there was strong evidence that the virus originated in a Chinese lab. On Wednesday, he said he wasn’t certain, but added that there is “significant evidence” that the virus came from a Chinese laboratory.

His jumbled statements show that Pompeo is trying to walk a tightrope between the experts and Trump, who has a long-standing addiction to conspiracy theories.

In the process, Pompeo has managed to pointlessly anger China — just one aspect of a broader Trump-Pompeo renunciation of international cooperation on Covid-19. Earlier this week, the Trump administration refused to join a virtual summit of world leaders who pledged to join forces to develop vaccines and treatments.

Attorney General William Barr, Trump’s Tom Hagen, has also joined the president’s Covid-19 show. Barr is now threatening to turn the Justice Department against the state governors who, in the absence of national leadership, have done the most to grapple with the pandemic. In the process, Barr is aligning himself with the ugliest strain of an emerging American culture war. Trump has repeatedly tweeted his opposition to state stay-at-home orders, while showing support for protests by armed right-wingers at several state capitols, who have demanded that the stay-at-home orders be lifted. In another demonstration of Barr’s political fealty to Trump, the attorney general is now threatening lawsuits against states with strict stay-at-home orders, complaining that they infringe of people’s civil liberties.

But Barr’s claim to be a champion of civil liberties was undermined by his actions just weeks earlier, when the administration tried to empower the attorney general to ask federal judges to freeze court proceedings during a national emergency. While the Democratic-controlled House will almost certainly not vote for the administration proposal, if it did become law it could mean that anyone arrested could be held without charge until the crisis ends.

For Trump and his flunkies, Covid-19 has been everything but a public health crisis. As if to underline that point, Trump said earlier this week that Pence’s coronavirus task force would soon be winding down. He quickly changed course on that, saying that the task force will remain active but will focus on reopening the economy. In other words, it will be an adjunct to Trump’s reelection campaign.

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A Bipartisan Effort to Prevent Accountability for the Coronavirus Response Is Underway Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=54307"><span class="small">David Sirota, Jacobin</span></a>   
Sunday, 10 May 2020 08:21

Sirota writes: "A chorus from politicians and mainstream media is rising to demand we 'look forward, not backward' on the criminally negligent US response to coronavirus."

Donald Trump. (photo: Win McNamee/Getty Images)
Donald Trump. (photo: Win McNamee/Getty Images)


A Bipartisan Effort to Prevent Accountability for the Coronavirus Response Is Underway

By David Sirota, Jacobin

10 May 20


A chorus from politicians and mainstream media is rising to demand we “look forward, not backward” on the criminally negligent US response to coronavirus. The aim of these arguments is simple: to block efforts to hold Donald Trump and his cronies accountable for their incompetence and malice.

onald Trump and his Republican allies have epically botched the response to the pandemic. This is not in dispute by anyone who is being even vaguely honest about the situation. What is in dispute is whether or not we will do what’s necessary to learn from the mistakes and malice that defined this dark moment in history. And if you pay attention, you can detect the nascent effort to make sure that we will not learn anything.

In specific, you can hear the quiet but steady drumbeat that could set the stage for a cover-up — one designed to quarantine all the inconvenient facts at a safe social distance from the power elite that made this mess so much worse than it had to be.

This push for a cover-up is coming from the Trump administration, from Democrats in Congress, and most recently from a former Bush administration official who has been insisting that there is “near zero lethal risk” in sending kids back to the college he leads — and who probably doesn’t want to face consequences if things go bad.

In this whodunit, keep in mind one timeless axiom: the call for bipartisanship is the last refuge of scoundrels who don’t want to be held accountable for anything.

Congress and Trump Begin Making It Harder to Hold Anyone Accountable

The bipartisan move to prevent accountability began last month when Congress passed a grotesque corporate bailout without a recorded vote.

The bill included provisions allowing the Federal Reserve to evade long-standing transparency rules.

“The new law would absolve the board of the requirement to keep minutes to closed-door meetings as it deliberates on how to set up the $450 billion loan program,” Politico reported. “That would severely limit the amount of information potentially available to the public on what influenced the board’s decision-making. The board would only have to keep a record of its votes, though they wouldn’t have to be made public during the coronavirus crisis.”

Trump then moved to undermine the already pathetically weak oversight panel charged with monitoring the bailout funds, and House majority whip James Clyburn promised that the panel will not “be looking back on what the president may or may not have done back before this crisis hit.” Meanwhile, the panel’s first report is supposedly due — but congressional leaders haven’t even named the panel’s chair.

All of this could make it more difficult to hold individual House lawmakers responsible for passing the legislation, and more difficult to hold other governmental officials accountable if they help their cronies get rich off the bailout.

Calls for Anti-Partisanship Designed to Marginalize Demands for Accountability

Now we seem to be moving into a new phase of a cover-up, one that uses themes of “bipartisanship” — or really, anti-partisanship — to try to create the conditions for blanket immunity.

First, there was a widely circulated op-ed by longtime Washington Post reporter Karen Tumulty that admitted Americans deserve answers about why we were left so vulnerable to such a predictable problem like a pandemic. She admits that answers “can come only from a credible, independent commission whose mandate is finding out why the government was caught so unprepared.” But then, in the spirit of anti-partisanship, she asserts that “there are two people ideally situated to lead the inquiry as its co-chairs: former presidents George W. Bush and Barack Obama.”

While it is almost certainly true that the Trump administration is most responsible for the immediate governmental failures right now, it is also true that any commission serious about finding answers and holding people accountable would also look back at the actions of the Bush and Obama administrations.

Having Bush and Obama lead any commission would use the patina of bipartisanship to set the stage for a cover-up of any facts or information that politically embarrassed them.

Tumulty’s piece laid the groundwork for Bush’s reentry on the national scene. Soon after, Bush — one of the most hyperpartisan scorched-earth politicians in American history — released a video telling everyone to be less partisan and less mad.

Donald Trump childishly lashed out at Bush while liberals praised the former president as a unifying statesman. Somehow ignored was the fact that Bush was effectively helping Trump by introducing the “bipartisanship” themes that so often marginalize enraged demands for accountability from presidents.

Bush, ever the politician, knows that the best way to prevent accountability is to use soothing bromides about unity and national purpose to tamp down the public anger that might metastasize into calls for justice and prosecution.

Former Bush Aide Cites the Iraq War as Proof That Nobody Should Be Held Accountable

Now, only days later, there is a new Washington Post op-ed from former Indiana governor Mitch Daniels, a divisive partisan and former pharmaceutical industry executive who first made his name in the Bush administration that knowingly lied America into the Iraq War.

In his op-ed, Daniels doesn’t lament the hundreds of thousands of dead from that war, nor does he lament the incessant and blatant mendacity that defined the era. Instead, he cries about “the ugly Iraq War aftermath” when people were mad, and insists that “it is easy to imagine the coronavirus producing the same potentially deadly symptom,” which he calls “Hindsight Recrimination Disorder (HRD).”

“I want us to discover that this was the wisest course, that the ghastly price we’re paying was all worth it. But it’s the long term that matters. I can already hear the outcry claiming, ‘They lied to us,’” Daniels writes through crocodile tears. “Let’s not reprise Iraq. How about we self-vaccinate against HRD and all agree that, whatever comes, people right now are doing their best with the information they have.”

Daniels’s tenure as an Eli Lilly executive was marked by major lawsuits against the company alleging all sorts of corporate wrongdoing — so it’s not surprising that he seems generally allergic to accountability. His new essay isn’t merely crafted to distract us from Trump’s flagrant lying about the coronavirus emergency. It also builds off the “look forward as opposed to looking backward” ideology promoted by both parties as a way to justify avoiding holding politicians and political appointees accountable for anything. The idea is that it’s a waste of time to ever review what happened in a crisis.

Daniels is doubling down on that Orwellian mantra by suggesting that it would actually be bad to hold anyone accountable for governmental mismanagement and wrongdoing during a public health crisis that is killing tens of thousands of people. And, irony of all ironies, he’s making his case against accountability and transparency in a newspaper whose motto is “democracy dies in darkness.”

If Daniels and others successfully bury all the history of what happened and prevent a thorough investigation into what went wrong, the cover-up wouldn’t just protect Daniels’s Republican friends — it may also serve to protect Daniels himself from any day of reckoning.

Remember, Daniels parlayed his governorship into a plum job as president of Purdue University — and, in that gig, he is now pushing to quickly reopen the school by insisting that “the young people who make up over 80 percent of our campus population are at near zero lethal risk.”

If that proves to be incorrect, you can bet Daniels doesn’t want to have to answer any uncomfortable questions by any future investigators — and you can bet he will want the past to be buried in bipartisan silence.

Hyperpartisanship Is Bad — But a Lack of Accountability Is Worse

To be sure, all of the voices attempting to preemptively prevent any future accountability are citing partisanship as the big evil. And yeah, hyperpartisanship can certainly be overly polarizing and counterproductive. But reducing hyperpartisanship is a less important goal than enforcing basic accountability, even if that accountability is driven by partisan motives.

After all, who wants to live in a world where the parties are extremely bipartisan and nice to one another as they let government officials mismanage everything and fleece everyone?

Now, sure, you may read Daniels’s piece and wonder: yeah, what’s the point of looking back and holding people accountable?

Well, for one thing, we want a deterrent: we want public officials to fear that if they break laws, act unethically, or otherwise harm the public during a lethal pandemic, they will face some form of justice in the future from those looking back on their actions. That justice can be meted out in all kinds of ways — prosecution, firing, or at least public shaming in front of a national commission that has subpoena and discovery power.

But beyond deterrence, we should also want accountability in order to learn and grow as a society.

A country that doesn’t hold accountable those who lied us into the Iraq War is a country that effectively says it is fine with being lied into any war in the future.

A country that doesn’t hold accountable those corporate executives who created the financial crisis is a country that tells those executives they can continue fleecing us without fear of punishment — just as they have.

In short, a country that lets demands for bipartisanship create a cover-up is a country that refuses to learn from history — and then is doomed to repeat it.

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Bernie Sanders: US Facing 'Worst Moment in American History Maybe Since the Civil War' Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=49221"><span class="small">Tal Axelrod, The Hill</span></a>   
Saturday, 09 May 2020 12:49

Axelrod writes: "Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) said the U.S. may be facing its 'worst moment' since the Civil War as it scrambles to curb the spread of the coronavirus, which has already killed more than 77,000 people in the country."

Bernie Sanders. (photo: Antonella Crescimbeni)
Bernie Sanders. (photo: Antonella Crescimbeni)


Bernie Sanders: US Facing 'Worst Moment in American History Maybe Since the Civil War'

By Tal Axelrod, The Hill

09 May 20

 

en. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) said the U.S. may be facing its “worst moment” since the Civil War as it scrambles to curb the spread of the coronavirus, which has already killed more than 77,000 people in the country.

“We are in the worst moment in American history maybe since the Civil War,” Sanders said on MSNBC on Friday. “We are in a terrible, terrible moment.

“People are hurting in a way that we have never ever seen in our lifetimes," he continued. "And to top it all, we have someone so irresponsible, so not understanding the current reality as president of the United States that it is just incredibly painful.”

The remarks come as states across the country figure out how and when to reopen, with some opting for a more aggressive approach and others keeping their stringent social distancing orders in place until they're able to reduce their number of cases.

Sanders said the government should prioritize guaranteeing that workers receive their paychecks and providing Americans with $2,000 per month to help grapple with the exploding economic fallout from the virus, which has already led to skyrocketing business closures and unemployment claims.

However, Democrats and Republicans in Congress remain bitterly divided over the contents of the next stimulus package, and on whether such a package is even necessary; White House economic adviser Larry Kudlow signaled Friday that formal negotiations on the next coronavirus stimulus package would be paused until early June.

“We’re in a lot of conversations right now. We’ve kind of paused as far as formal negotiations go,” Kudlow told reporters at the White House. “Let’s have a look at what the latest round produces. You need a month or so to evaluate that.”

Sanders said he and Democrats on Capitol Hill would continue fighting to provide aid to American citizens and businesses, slamming Kudlow’s remarks as “callous.”

“I — and I know many other senators and members of the House — will fight like hell to make sure we act and act as soon as possible, because the American people are hurting,” Sanders said.

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