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Top 5 Reasons Trump's West Wing May Be Emerging as a Coronavirus Epicenter Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=51519"><span class="small">Juan Cole, Informed Comment</span></a>   
Monday, 11 May 2020 08:33

Cole writes: "Some observers are afraid that the virus is circulating in the West Wing itself."

Mike Pence visiting the Mayo Clinic without a mask. (photo: MSNBC)
Mike Pence visiting the Mayo Clinic without a mask. (photo: MSNBC)


Top 5 Reasons Trump's West Wing May Be Emerging as a Coronavirus Epicenter

By Juan Cole, Informed Comment

11 May 20

 

ana Winter and Hunter Walker at Yahoo News broke the story that 11 Secret Service agents have tested positive for the coronavirus. Likely some of them served in the West Wing. This week it was revealed at that a US military valet who brought Trump food came down with the virus, sending Trump into a “lava level” rage. Two aides to Vice President Mike Pence have tested positive. Some observers are afraid that the virus is circulating in the West Wing itself.

If so, it would come as no surprise, since the Trump White House has been thumbing its all along nose at best practice mitigating measures. 

1. Denialism. Trump spent two months doing absolutely nothing to prepare for fighting the coronavirus, repeatedly denying it would be a problem in the United States, saying there were only 15 cases, that it would fall to zero, that it would magically go away in April. When a scientist at the Centers for Disease Control in late February warned on television of what was coming, the stock market took a dive. Trump had been in India and he fumed all the way home about that public admission. That is, one of Trump’s motives in coronavirus denialism was to protect the value of securities so as to keep his wealthy base happy going into his bid for reelection. 

This stance of denialism required that Trump and his circle not be seen to take the coronavirus seriously. But that means that the administration did little to stop the spread of the disease in the White House itself.

2. Shaking hands. Back in the first half of March, Pence defended his and Trump’s insistence on shaking hands. Pence opined, ”As the president has said, in our line of work, you shake hands when someone wants to shake your hand. The president will continue to do it, I’ll continue to do it.”

In contrast, infectious disease expert Dr. Anthony Fauci strongly urged that the whole custom of shaking hands be abolished forever. In fact, along with wearing masks, South Korea, Japan, Hong Kong and Taiwan, all of whom have unexpectedly low numbers of cases and fatalities, share in common a culture where you greet people in some other way than transferring someone’s microbes from their hand to yours.

3. Refusing to wear a mask. When Pence toured the Mayo Clinic, he had apparently rethought shaking hands, but bumped elbows (also advised against because you have to get in fairly close to do it). But he was, like, the only one not wearing a mask.

Trump wouldn’t even wear a mask when he toured an Arizona Honeywell factory that makes masks, and where all the employees were wearing them. They were playing Paul McCartney and the Wings’ 1973 James Bond theme song, “Live and Let Die” in the background during his visit. I kid you not.

Will Weissert and Jonathan Lemire at AP reported that Trump fears he would look ridiculous in a mask and that the Biden campaign would use footage of him thus attired in attack ads, hurting his reelection chances.

In Hong Kong universal public voluntary adoption of face masks appears to have been one of their secrets of success in containing the coronavirus. Some Americans, in contrast, are so ignorant that they have actually brandished guns rather than wear a mask. (Since they want to be gunmen, why are the so against wearing a mask? Billy the Kid did).

4. Big Meetings. The intrepid Hunter Walker at Yahoo News also reported that big meetings have been held regularly in the White House, including in the relatively cramped Oval Office. Staff routinely meets in large gatherings with no masks and no social distancing. 

5. It is almost as though this Republican administration is full of arrogant people who dismiss science. Oh wait.

There was that op-ed Mike Pence wrote denying that smoking tobacco causes lung cancer, and then there was his refusal to provide clean needles during the HIV crisis, harming Indiana public health. Then there is Trump’s own claim that climate change is a Chinese hoax. Gee, there are a lot of Chinese hoaxes around that all seem actually to come true. 

Trump’s chief advisor on making America Minderheitenrein (purified of minorities), Stephen Miller, came up through the far right wing Breitbart propaganda mill that denies the science of climate change. Miller’s wife was one of the Pence aides who contracted the coronavirus this week. I wish Ms. Miller a speedy recovery. It is a nasty disease that can leave even young people with serious health conditions, including decreased lung function and damage to the heart, kidneys and other organs.

People who dismiss the prescriptions of science are prospective Darwin Award winners. The danger is that when they own the White House, they may force the rest of us to join them at the podium for the award ceremony.

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On What Life Becomes When Covid-19 Won't Go Away Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=54315"><span class="small">Darlene Krawetz and Eli Saslow, The Washington Post</span></a>   
Monday, 11 May 2020 08:33

Excerpt: "This virus is unpredictable and so, so violent."

Darlene Krawetz before contracting Covid-10. (photo: WP)
Darlene Krawetz before contracting Covid-10. (photo: WP)


On What Life Becomes When Covid-19 Won't Go Away

By Darlene Krawetz and Eli Saslow, The Washington Post

11 May 20

 

’ve hardly moved from this couch in weeks, but right now my heart rate monitor says I’m at 132. That’s double my normal. That’s like if I’m climbing a mountain. How come? Nobody knows. Nobody ever knows. And why has my fever been spiking again? Do I need to go back to the ER? I’m on week six of this crap, and I still don’t know if I’m getting better or worse, but people want to act like the threat is behind us?

Wait, no, that’s not right. This is actually week eight for me. I started getting symptoms right before New York shut down. I mix up my dates. My mind is all foggy. I’ve been a nurse for 30 years, and now I can’t even remember if my last Tylenol was five minutes or five hours ago. It feels like electricity is burning through my spine, and nobody can tell me why. It’s like I’m sucking air through a straw. When I stand up, my ears start ringing until dizziness forces me back down. Every symptom is a whole new mystery. This virus is unpredictable and so, so violent.

I’m up to 140 now. See? It’s relentless. How long can a heart last like this? The palpitations come a few times every hour and go on for a minute or more. It’s just banging, banging, banging, banging.

It hurts too much to talk. I’ll try again later. I have to lie down and breathe through it. That’s what they tell me to do.

* * *

The next morning, Wednesday, May 6

My heart rate is back down now to 105. That’s nothing to celebrate. That’s still considered abnormal, but it’s typical now for me.

I didn’t use to be like this. I’m healthy. I’m a vegetarian. I’m only 52. I’ve got grown kids in the military and a teenager at home, and we hike and kayak. I’m a positive, hard-charging person. Maybe I got it at the VA hospital where I work, but we didn’t have any confirmed cases yet. Or my son might have had an exposure and given it to me. Who knows? It’s one more mystery. I didn’t even notice I was sick until another nurse asked why I was coughing. I figured it was allergies. Take some Zyrtec and get on with it. Hardly anybody here in Syracuse had covid at that point. What were the odds?

Then, after I tested positive, I thought I’d get a mild case. I told my husband: “Relax. I’m fine.” I don’t have diabetes. I don’t have hypertension, COPD or anything like that. I thought I could stay home, take care of myself and be back at work in a few weeks.

Right away I started running a temperature of 103, and the Tylenol couldn’t control it. I was shaking and cursing all day in bed, and the symptoms spread from there. I was head-to-toe exhausted. I wanted the whole world to let me alone. I had equipment at home from my nursing work, and I started checking my vitals and saw my blood pressure shooting up. I’ve never had that. I’d get up to shower and start gasping for air. My son was also covid-positive, and he ran a high fever and recovered within a week while I kept on getting worse. Maybe because I’m older? Or because I used to be a smoker? You can’t get a definitive answer on anything with this. I started coughing to the point of throwing up. I coughed until I was incontinent. My lips were chapped from dehydration. I had headaches. Migraines. Heartburn. Rashes. I lost 16 pounds in the first few weeks. I would lie down at night after taking melatonin and Benadryl, soaked in sweat and terrified of what might be coming next. What if I fall asleep and stop breathing? More Benadryl. More melatonin. Maybe try a Xanax. I’d lie there for hours but it was nonstop insomnia. I’d turn the TV to Lifetime for a distraction, but I couldn’t make sense of what they were saying.

One day, my son needed money to buy groceries. I said I’d give him $80, but I couldn’t count it out. I couldn’t do the math. I handed him $50, then $70. I asked him: “Is this really happening right now or is this a hallucination?” He took the cash and counted it himself. He begged me to get help.

I went to urgent care. The X-rays showed pneumonia, so they told me to go to the ER. I didn’t want to risk a secondary infection at the hospital, and I knew they didn’t have any magic treatment for this virus, but I couldn’t take care of myself. There wasn’t any choice. I wrote down my end-of-life wishes, and I had my son drop me at the ER.

I’m having another palpitation. Hang on. Are these panic attacks? I never had them before. It feels like my heart is trying to jump out of my chest.

Breathe. Stay calm. What is there to be calm about? It’s up over 150 now. Something is really wrong with me. I need to go rest. I need to figure this out.

* * *

A few hours later

Okay. I’m a little better. It’s hour by hour. I’m not sure I can handle it again if I have to go back to the hospital. That first stay lasted 10 days, or at least that’s what they told me. I couldn’t tell days apart. I had a little glass isolation room with a curtain they kept closed. There was nothing to see out the window except a parking garage across the street. I couldn’t have visitors, and most of the doctors and nurses were afraid to stay in the room. It was okay. I was too sick to talk and too scared to feel lonely. I appreciate what they did. They were honest about what they didn’t know, and they tried. They kept throwing stuff at the wall to see what might stick.

They gave me a malaria drug, but it did absolutely nothing. They gave me an antibiotic for pneumonia, but I still couldn’t breathe without 15 liters of oxygen. They tried vitamin C, magnesium, shots of blood thinner, baby aspirin, Tums, multivitamins, Xanax, cough syrup with codeine. It was like fixing a car when you don’t know what’s broken. They gave me inhalers and breathing exercises to do every hour, but my oxygen level kept dropping. They wanted to put me on life support, but I was afraid I’d never come off. The doctor came in and said: “We have a team ready to revive you in case you start to code. We’re going to watch you closely.” Watching was all anybody could do. Then, one morning, my fever started to go down. Nobody knew why that happened either. But it stayed down for 36 hours, and they said I could go home.

Now I’ve got my oxygen on a long extension cord. I can make it to the kitchen or the bathroom if I’m feeling good, but usually I stay here in the den. My husband never caught it, so we’re staying apart. He works as a manager at Wegmans, and if he got sick, we might be out on the street. The $1,200 stimulus went to rent and hospital co-pays, and now we’re burning through our savings. I try not to think about it. I watch the news and check my vitals, but they’re always bad. My family stands in the doorway to visit sometimes, and other people text or call. “Are you feeling better yet?” It’s like they’re becoming impatient. They want to feel safe going out. We managed to buckle down for a while, but now it’s getting nice outside, and people need to work. The deniers and the protesters are coming out. One of my relatives went on Facebook and wrote that this whole virus is overblown, or maybe even a hoax. People want to minimize.

“Are you better yet? Why aren’t you better yet?”

I don’t know. I don’t know anything. My brain keeps racing with unanswered questions. Are my lungs scarred? Is my heart damaged? Can I get sick again? Will I be hiking the Adirondacks this summer or lugging this oxygen tank from the den to the bathroom for the rest of my life?

I hate this virus. It’s been two months of uncertainty and I don’t think I can take any more. Why are my legs burning? Why is my skin so hot? I need answers. I need help.

* * *

The next morning, Thursday, May 7

I’m back at the hospital.

My fever won’t come down. The doctors say I have blood clots on my lungs and a mass on one of my organs. They’re trying to figure it out. There’s no timeline and no prognosis. All I know is they’re admitting me. I’ve been crying my eyes out. The morphine is making me in a fog. When will this damn thing let me alone?

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The Empire Has No Clothes: In the Classroom That Zoom Built Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=54314"><span class="small">Belle Chesler, TomDispatch</span></a>   
Monday, 11 May 2020 08:33

Chesler writes: "Do you hear that silence? That's the absence of footsteps echoing through our nation's public school hallways. It's the silence of teaching in a virtual space populated with students on mute who lack a physical presence."

Karen Ruark, a 3rd grade teacher in Maryland, drives to the South Dorchester School four days a week to access the WiFi there. She often works in her car while her two teenage daughters do schoolwork. (photo: Jaclyn Borowski/Education Week)
Karen Ruark, a 3rd grade teacher in Maryland, drives to the South Dorchester School four days a week to access the WiFi there. She often works in her car while her two teenage daughters do schoolwork. (photo: Jaclyn Borowski/Education Week)


The Empire Has No Clothes: In the Classroom That Zoom Built

By Belle Chesler, TomDispatch

11 May 20

 


Somehow, it seemed apt to do a different kind of introduction today to TomDispatch regular Belle Chesler’s piece. After all, she’s the daughter of my first childhood friend from the building in New York City where I grew up in another century. She’s also a teacher who, in this Covid-19 moment from hell, has had no choice but to become both a homeschooler for her public school students and just another parent homeschooling her own child.

In this same period, I've left New York City, my birthplace and home for much of my life, and am now a high-end refugee in Connecticut, helping, among other things, to homeschool my seven-year-old grandson. I’m officially his daily writing teacher and the deal we made was: when he does his writing, I would do the same to accompany him. One afternoon, we agreed to spend our half-hour scribbling on what we missed about New York. Below is my contribution, which perhaps catches the mood of the moment, at least for this old man:

“Here’s what I’m missing while being in Connecticut:

“I’m missing my photos. The old ones, the ancient ones, the ones in my mother’s album that have lost their glue and come off the pages, the ones that sit in the bottom of the drawer under our bed that I would normally never look at but now wish I were near, those old photos of me as a boy atop that station wagon under the tripod of a camera in the Macy’s Day Parade (when, as I still remember, Hopalong Cassidy came riding by on a horse and shook my hand) or the one of my cousin Lorie and me in front of St. Patrick’s church when she was a girl and I was so very young. Now, I wish I had brought them with me because there’s something sad, at my age, about leaving all the traces, all the evidence of a lived life in your apartment in the midst of a pandemic.

“I’m missing the little magazines in that bag at the bottom of my closet that my mother made for my father -- filled with photos of movie stars cut from newspapers and the drawings she herself did for him -- while he was off at war thousands of miles away. I’m missing the attaché case way up in the top of that same closet with my father’s World War II memorabilia, including those two-sided colored silk maps of Burma that could be wadded up and put in a pocket. I’m missing all the letters in those plastic bags in the top of that very same closet that I wrote once upon a time and that so many people wrote me -- who even knows who they all were -- and that I haven’t looked at for years and years and years. I’m missing them, not because (if I were home) I’d be looking at them now, but because it feels like I’ve left behind the raw material for the very history of my life, everything that adds up to me and that’s now not just a two-hour car ride away but, or so it seems -- until, of course, I do return -- a lifetime away in some other land on some other planet in some other history entirely.

“I’m missing my friends, some of whom are stuck alone in their apartments in New York. I’m missing being able to go to my local Chinese restaurant (now closed) to get an order of tangerine chicken to take on the subway to a friend stranded and alone without the ability to walk very well. I’m missing inviting over for dinner on Sunday nights another friend who has, in a sense, long been a self-isolator, since I know he’s stir-crazy in his apartment right now. Both they and I could use company (even though, if I were actually in New York, I wouldn’t be able to see them at the moment).

“And perhaps above all I’m missing bird-watching in Central Park during the spring migration with Jim and my grandson. Of course, I speak to Jim almost every day up here and, most of the time, I don’t see him in New York anymore anyway (since he lives in Washington). Still, we’ve been spending a spring weekend birding in Central Park for so many years that it feels like a real break for the migration season to begin without him migrating to New York to be with me. And that, since again it comes out of the deepest part of my personal history, out of a relationship of 65 years, out of a love of bird-watching that began in our teens, represents a deep missingness.”
Now, consider the far deeper missingness that teacher Belle Chesler has found in a public-school world that has collapsed into a Zoom heap amid the deep inequality and unfairness of a system that was already a mess before the coronavirus even arrived.

-Tom Engelhardt, TomDispatch


o you hear that silence?

That’s the absence of footsteps echoing through our nation’s public school hallways. It’s the silence of teaching in a virtual space populated with students on mute who lack a physical presence. It’s the crushing silence of those who are now missing, who can’t attend the classroom that Zoom and Google built.

Maybe you heard the shouted pleas of teachers across the country last year as we walked out of our classrooms and into the streets, begging for affordable housing, health care, and access to equitable funding and resources for our students? Or maybe you heard the impassioned screams of frightened kids as they stormed into the streets and onto the news, demanding safety and an end to the threat of gun violence in our nation’s school buildings? Now, there’s nothing left to hear.

Today, all we’re left with is a deafening silence that muffles the sound of so much suffering. The unfolding public health, mental health, and economic crisis of Covid-19 has laid bare the fragility of what was. The institutions charged with caring for and guiding our most valuable assets -- our children -- were already gutted by half a century of chronic underfunding, misguided curricular policies that prioritized testing over real learning, and social policies that favored austerity over taking care of the most vulnerable members of our society. Now that so many teachers are sequestered and alone or locked away with family, our bonds of proximity broken, we’re forced to stare into that void, scrambling to find and care for our students across an abyss of silence. The system is broken. The empire has no clothes.

Not so many weeks ago, I used to be a teacher in a sprawling public high school outside Portland, Oregon. Before the virus arrived, I taught painting, drawing, ceramics, and filmmaking in three different studio classrooms. There, groups of students ranging across the economic, ethnic, religious, racial, and linguistic spectrum sat shoulder to shoulder, chatting and creating, day after day, year after year. Music played and we talked.

On some days, the classes were cacophonous and chaotic; on others, calm and productive. In those spaces, we did our best to connect, to forge thriving communities. What I now realize, though, is that the physical space we shared was the only thing truly tying us all together. Those classrooms were the duct tape securing the smashed bumper on the wreck of a car that was our public education system.

Now, it couldn’t be more obvious: no one’s going to solve the problems of our present and near future with the usual solutions. When desperation leaves us without imagination, clinging to old answers, scrambling to prop up systems that perpetuated and solidified inequity, it means missing the real opportunity of this otherwise grim moment. The “great pause” that is the Covid-19 shutdown has allowed us all to stare into the void, to see far more clearly just how schools have long shouldered the burdens of a society that functions largely for the privileged, leaving the rest of our nation’s children and families to gather the crumbs of whatever remains.

The Privilege of Homeschooling

In the first weeks after schools closed across the country, as parents struggled to “homeschool” their children, memes, rants, tweets, and strongly worded emails to school administrators popped up across the Internet. They expressed the frustrations of the moment. Those shared tales of the laughably insane trials and tribulations of parents trying to provide a reasonable facsimile of an education to kids sequestered at home, while still trying to work full time under the specter of a pandemic, amazed and depressed me.

Television producer and writer Shonda Rimes tweeted, “Been homeschooling a 6-year old and 8-year old for one hour and 11 minutes. Teachers deserve to make a billion dollars a year. Or a week.” Rimes's tweet seemed to encapsulate the absurd reality of life at home with kids in the time of the coronavirus. As I read her tweet, I laughed out loud and in utter solidarity with her. A teacher no less, I, too, was trying and failing spectacularly to oversee the “education” of an increasingly frustrated and resistant third grader from home.

For those of us siloed in our privilege -- healthy, with plenty of food stocked away in cupboards, quiet rooms with doors that shut, ample Internet access, and enough Wi-Fi-enabled devices to share among the members of our households -- our quarantined home life is challenging, but not impossible. Our daily frustration continues to be a function of that privilege. For those without it, those who were already living in poverty or at its brink when the pandemic struck, homeschooling poses yet another crushing hurdle in life. How can you provide an education for your children when simply securing food, work, and shelter is your all-consuming reality?

Meanwhile, as exhausted parents screamed at school districts, teachers, and administrators on the Internet about providing virtual learning resources and online curricula to engage students during the school day, public school officials (at least in my world) were scrambling to deal with a far more immediate threat: kids going hungry. What this pandemic promptly revealed was that the most fundamental and urgent service schools provide to many children is simply feeding them.

The gravest and most immediate threat to our most vulnerable students was, and continues to be, hunger. If schools are closed, so is the critical infrastructure that helps keep our nation’s children fed. Aside from SNAP (the food stamp program), the National School Lunch Program is the largest anti-hunger initiative in the country. It feeds 29.7 million children on school days, with an additional 14.7 million children fed thanks to the School Breakfast Program and more than 6.1 million via the Child and Adult Care Food Program. And those numbers don’t even include the informal system of food distribution that teachers often provide students in their classrooms. On average, teachers spend upwards of 300 of their own dollars yearly providing food to students.

So, no wonder that, as soon as Covid-19 closed the doors of our schools, administrators, teachers, custodians, cafeteria workers, bus drivers, and volunteers across the country mobilized on a large -- and downright heroic -- scale to attempt to keep those students fed. In the Beaverton school district where I teach, a “Grab and Go” curbside meal distribution program was quickly set up, making daily meals accessible to every student in the district. As economic conditions head for Great Depression-level misery, think of these as 2020 versions of the infamous breadlines of that era, only in this case they’re for children (and sometimes their families).

The responsibility for feeding students was not the only immediate concern. The adults in our school typically also serve as first responders for those students. We monitor their moods and listen to their stories. We notice when kids are struggling emotionally and, as mandatory reporters, step in when we suspect a child is living in a perilous or unsafe situation.

In the first weeks after we left our classrooms, calls to Oregon’s child abuse hotline dropped by more than half. Other states across the nation reported similar declines. The drop in calls has frightening implications. Coupled with increasing economic insecurity and social isolation, rising rates of child abuse are undoubtedly imminent. When teachers, counselors, and school social workers are no longer able to observe and communicate openly with students, signs of neglect or abuse are much more likely to go undetected and unreported.

The closure of our buildings also poses a huge barrier to the normal support of students struggling with mental-health issues. Our children are already suffering from alarming rates of depression and anxiety. Isolating them from their friends, peers, mentors, caregivers, and teachers will only compound their mental-health challenges.

Trying to Bridge the Digital Divide

Add the surreal nature of an invisible foe to a lack of clear directives from both the federal and state government and you have a formula for problems. When we were finally instructed to leave our school, it was without advanced warning. In my classrooms, half-finished clay projects littered the countertops, while palettes loaded with acrylic paint and incomplete canvases were left to desiccate and gather dust on the shelves.

Students departed without cleaning out their lockers or often even gathering their schoolwork and books, not to speak of the supplies they’ll need to complete that work at home. And even though our students do have access to technology -- three years ago, our district adopted a policy of providing a Chromebook to each student -- it soon became apparent that there were huge obstacles to overcome in transforming our brick-and-mortar classrooms into virtual spaces. Many students had, for instance, broken or lost their Chromebooks. Some had missing chargers. And even many of those who had their Chromebooks with them at home had limited or no access to Wi-Fi connectivity.

Trying to reach all my students across that digital divide became the central focus of my waking hours. I made calls; I texted; I emailed; I posted announcements in my digital classroom stating that we’d be reconvening online. Still, none of these efforts mattered for the students stuck at home without Wi-Fi or lacking the necessary devices.

Before our nation’s schools closed, the Federal Communications Commission estimated that around 21 million people in America did not have broadband Internet access. According to data collected by Microsoft, however, the number who can’t access the Internet at broadband speeds is actually closer to 163 million. While districts across the country scrambled to provide mobile hotspots and working devices to students, teachers like me began the demoralizing and herculean task of scrapping years of thoughtfully crafted curriculums in order to provide an entirely new online learning experience. We stepped into our virtual classrooms with the knowledge that, no matter how many shiny new digital resources we have at our disposal, there’s nothing we can do to provide equitable access to education remotely.

And even if we were to solve such problems, we couldn’t offer the space or the support students need to learn. Kids living in cramped situations will struggle just to find a quiet place to attend our online classes. Those whose working parents suddenly need childcare for younger siblings have sometimes found themselves taking on the roll of primary caregivers.

Some students whose families were in ever more perilous economic situations increased their work hours and scrapped the idea of attending school altogether. And many of our English-as-a-second-language, or ESL, students, as well as the 14% of students nationally who require additional “learning supports,” are now in trouble. They’ve been left to navigate a complex web of digital platforms and new learning approaches without the individualized attention or frequent checks for understanding that they rely on from their teachers.

What virtual learning can never stand in for is the moment when a student leans over and asks me or a peer for help. That simple act of vulnerability that builds a bridge to another human being may be the most important moment in any classroom and now it’s gone. In Covid-19 America, when school kids need help most, they can’t simply lean over and ask for it.

The Time to Pivot

Today, I teach from my kitchen, my dining room, or the floor of my bedroom. I stare across the digital abyss into the pixelated faces of just a handful of students. It’s impossible to read their emotions or body language. Even when I unmute them, most choose not to speak.

Each day, fewer of them show up to class. Sometimes, students turn off their videos, and I speak only to a sea of black rectangles, the white text of the student’s name the sole indicator of his or her presence in my new classroom. Not surprisingly, our sessions together are stilted and awkward. I try to make jokes and connect, but it’s impossible to replicate online the intimacy of a face-to-face interaction. The magic of what was, of 25 to 40 students working cohesively in community, is lost.

And in the darkest hours of the early morning, when I wake with a start, crushing anxiety pushing on my chest, I think about all the third graders unable to participate in my daughter’s distance-learning classroom. I wonder about the students I’ve still been unable to reach -- the ones who haven’t responded to my emails or completed any assignments, and whose faces I never see online. Where are they? How are they? I have no way of knowing.

Our world no longer looks the same. This pause, which has caused, and will continue to cause, so much suffering may also be a gift, offering a shift in perspective and a chance to pivot. Perhaps it’s a rare opportunity to acknowledge that our nation’s public schools should not be left so alone to provide food, mental health care, and digital connectivity for our nation’s children. That should be, in a fashion almost unimaginable in America today, the role of the larger society.

Now is not the time to be silent but to raise our voices, using any privilege we may have, be it in time, money, or simply access, to demand major changes both in how all of us think about our American world and in the systems that perpetuate such inhumane and unconscionable disparities for so many.

There is no way to continue putting yet more duct tape on that smashed bumper of a public education system that was already such a wreck before the coronavirus arrived on these shores. Nor is this the time to retreat into our silos, hoarding privilege along with toilet paper and hand sanitizer, too cowardly to demand more for all the children in this country. It’s time instead to reach out across the six feet of social-distancing space that now divides us all and demand more for those who aren’t able to demand it for themselves.



Belle Chesler, a TomDispatch regular, is a visual arts teacher in Beaverton, Oregon, and is now teaching from her home in Portland, Oregon.

Follow TomDispatch on Twitter and join us on Facebook. Check out the newest Dispatch Books, John Feffer’s new dystopian novel (the second in the Splinterlands series) Frostlands, Beverly Gologorsky's novel Every Body Has a Story, and Tom Engelhardt's A Nation Unmade by War, as well as Alfred McCoy's In the Shadows of the American Century: The Rise and Decline of U.S. Global Power and John Dower's The Violent American Century: War and Terror Since World War II.

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Living in the Age of the Black-Panic Defense Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=26684"><span class="small">Jelani Cobb, The New Yorker</span></a>   
Sunday, 10 May 2020 12:31

Cobb writes: "It is reminiscent of the 'gay panic' defense of old, in which violence committed in the name of self-defense was acceptable based on a straight person's allegedly rational fear that a presumably gay person might assault him."

A roadside memorial to the twenty-five-year-old Ahmaud Arbery where he was shot and killed while going for a run in Brunswick, Georgia, on February 23rd. (photo: Erik S. Lesser/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock)
A roadside memorial to the twenty-five-year-old Ahmaud Arbery where he was shot and killed while going for a run in Brunswick, Georgia, on February 23rd. (photo: Erik S. Lesser/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock)


Living in the Age of the Black-Panic Defense

By Jelani Cobb, The New Yorker

10 May 20

 

he most basic conception of racial profiling holds that it is a form of institutionalized bias practiced by police departments in which the color of a person’s skin is considered a barometer of criminality. This idea is problematic enough on its face, but our experience in the eight years since Trayvon Martin’s death has complicated this issue greatly. Martin was killed by a civilian—a self-appointed neighborhood watchman—who had no legal authority but presumed that the seventeen-year-old Martin was a burglar, confronted him, and killed him in a gated community in Florida. Other cases, such as those of John Crawford, who was shot by police while examining a gun for sale in an Ohio Walmart, and Tamir Rice, a twelve-year-old who was shot by a Cleveland police officer while playing with a toy gun in a park, point to difficulties in neatly dividing the racial biases of the public from those of law enforcement. In both of those instances, police shot innocent black males after responding to a call from a civilian who had imagined them to be dangerous. These nuances are relevant because, once again, we are witness to an addition to a gruesome genre of black death.

On February 23rd, according to his mother, the twenty-five-year-old Ahmaud Arbery left his home, in Brunswick, Georgia, to go running. He entered a nearby subdivision called Satilla Shores. At some point, he came to the attention of two residents, Gregory and Travis McMichael, a father and son who also live in the community. The older McMichael reportedly told his son that he thought Arbery was the man suspected of breaking into nearby homes. The two men grabbed their firearms (a .357 Magnum revolver and a shotgun) and pursued Arbery, whom the father described as “hauling ass” down the street. They chased him in their pickup truck while a neighbor, William Bryan, followed in a separate vehicle, recording the chase on his phone.

The horrific scene that unfolds in the video resembles a suburban game hunt. With the two armed men in the truck already ahead of him, and another car rapidly approaching from behind, Arbery begins weaving as he runs. He swerves off the street, cuts across a lawn, and then angles back into the road in front of the truck, where Travis McMichael is standing. The view is momentarily obscured by the vehicle, and a shot rings out. (It’s not clear which of the McMichaels fired the first shot.) The next time we see Arbery, he is struggling with Travis McMichael and a second shot is fired off camera, then a third is fired as they come back into view. Arbery attempts to flee, but takes only a half-dozen steps before he collapses in the street, his limbs arrayed in terrible, deathly sprawl.

The video, which was released on Tuesday, inspired a cascade of fury. Within twenty-four hours, a search of the term “lynching” on Twitter returned a long, bitter scroll of tweets, most of them with the hashtag #AhmaudArbery. But Alan Tucker, an attorney with ties to the McMichaels, apparently released the video in an attempt to defuse tensions surrounding the case. Tucker told First Coast News, a Jacksonville, Florida, outlet, "I didn’t want my community to be burned to the ground. This is a mixed community and they don’t deserve this.” On Thursday, he released a statement that further confounded his reasoning.

I released the video of the shooting on February 23 in Satilla Shores. There had been very little information provided by the police department or the district attorney’s office, but there was entirely too much speculation, rumor, false narratives, and outright lies surrounding this event. I didn’t release this to “show that they did nothing wrong” as is being circulated. I was raised in this community. I love this community and have spent my career helping people in this community. My sole purpose in releasing the video was absolute transparency because my community was being ripped apart by erroneous accusations and assumptions.

Some of those questionable assumptions, though, came from law-enforcement officials. Two local prosecutors who had had access to the video decided that the McMichaels had not done anything criminally prosecutable. On Friday, Glynn County commissioners announced that Jackie Johnson, the county district attorney, had blocked Glynn County police from arresting the two men. Johnson saw no reason to arrest either McMichael—Gregory McMichael, the father involved in the shooting and a former police officer, had worked as an investigator in Johnson’s office for years. That conflict led to Johnson’s recusal, and the case was sent to George Barnhill, the D.A. in nearby Waycross, Georgia. Barnhill later recused himself as well, saying that his son had at one point been Gregory McMichael’s co-worker. The Atlanta Journal-Constitution reported on Thursday that McMichael and Barnhill’s son worked together on the prosecution of Arbery two years ago on a shoplifting charges.

The elder McMichael told police that Arbery had been captured on surveillance video committing other break-ins. (The police report doesn’t say how McMichael would have known that.) This is significant because, in April, before Barnhill recused himself from the case, he wrote a letter to the Glynn County Police Department stating that the McMichaels had been within their rights to pursue and confront Arbery under a Georgia law that makes citizen’s arrests legal if a person witnessed or has direct knowledge of a crime committed by the suspect. But neither Barnhill nor Johnson had mentioned any surveillance video of Arbery. A local news station reported that there had been only one reported burglary in the Satilla Shores community between January 1st and February 23rd: a car break-in. The handling of the case by the two prosecutors suggests a coverup of a killing by a former police officer that has obvious racial implications.

Neither D.A. appears to have been troubled by the disparity between Gregory McMichael’s account in the police report and what Williams’s video reveals. As First Coast News reported, McMichael told officers at the scene that his son got out of the car with his firearm after Arbery had ignored their attempts to talk to him. But, as the video shows, Travis McMichael was already outside the vehicle when Arbery caught up to it, and Arbery was shot two seconds after that. This sequence wouldn’t square with any reasonable concept of self-defense, even if Arbery had previously been captured on surveillance video committing burglaries

A third district attorney, Tom Durden, asked the Georgia Bureau of Investigation to look into the case but then changed course, filing murder and aggravated-assault charges against both Gregory and Travis McMichael. They were arrested on Thursday night, two and a half months after Arbery’s death. Yet questions about why it took so long to get to this point persist. Barnhill’s argument that the McMichaels were within their rights to attempt a citizen’s arrest begins with the presumption that Arbery had, in fact, committed a crime. Gregory McMichael said that they drew their weapons in case Arbery was armed. Later, as the young man lay dying in the street, the elder McMichael turned him onto his back to see if he had a firearm. He did not, meaning that, in a distinct echo of the Trayvon Martin case, two armed men had stalked an unarmed black man, cut off his means of escape, drew weapons and, when a fight ensued, killed him. Yet, according to Barnhill’s letter, none of this warrants prosecution.

The index of cases like this one seems to point to racial presumptions implicit in how we interpret the concept of self-defense. It is reminiscent of the “gay panic” defense of old, in which violence committed in the name of self-defense was acceptable based on a straight person’s allegedly rational fear that a presumably gay person might assault him. We are living in the age of the black-panic defense.

There was no conviction in the trial of George Zimmerman, who killed Trayvon Martin, and no charges were brought in the deaths of John Crawford and Tamir Rice. But no one can seriously believe that if two armed black men chased down and shot a white man in Glynn County, Georgia, they would walk around freely for more than two months. Whatever Tucker’s motives, his release of the shooting video appears to have accelerated the arrest and charging of the McMichaels with murder and aggravated assault. The efforts to bury the case have failed, but it remains hugely significant that two prosecutors saw the video and thought that the two men should go free. The question is whether a jury of twelve Georgians will agree with them.

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How Trump Gutted Obama's Pandemic-Preparedness Systems Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=44647"><span class="small">Abigail Tracy, Vanity Fair</span></a>   
Sunday, 10 May 2020 12:31

Tracy writes: "Though not nearly as contagious as the current coronavirus, an epidemic, or even a pandemic, seemed possible if the disease weren't confined to its West African redoubts. The Obama White House had clear protocols and chains of command for these kinds of threats."

A man washing his hands in Liberia during the 2014 Ebola outbreak. (photo: John Moore/Getty Images)
A man washing his hands in Liberia during the 2014 Ebola outbreak. (photo: John Moore/Getty Images)


How Trump Gutted Obama's Pandemic-Preparedness Systems

By Abigail Tracy, Vanity Fair

10 May 20


Former officials: Trump’s reshuffling of positions and departments, focus on business solutions, downgrading of science, left the country dangerously unprepared for an unprecedented pandemic.

hen the first reported cases of Ebola in Guinea came to light in March 2014, it set off a mad scramble inside the Obama White House to track and contain the spread of the virus, which killed around 50% of the people it infected. Though not nearly as contagious as the current coronavirus, an epidemic, or even a pandemic, seemed possible if the disease weren’t confined to its West African redoubts. The Obama White House had clear protocols and chains of command for these kinds of threats. “The way to stop the forest fire is to isolate the embers,” Beth Cameron, a former civil servant who ran the White House’s National Security Council Directorate for Global Health Security and Biodefense, told me. Cameron and her colleagues quickly drew up a memo to Susan Rice, the national-security adviser, and Lisa Monaco, the homeland-security adviser, outlining what was known about the outbreak, setting off a chain of action that went up through the Oval Office, then spread through the government.

In the summer of 2018, on John Bolton’s watch, the team Cameron once ran was one of three directorates merged into one amid an overhaul and streamlining of Donald Trump’s National Security Council. And the position Monaco previously held, homeland-security adviser, was downgraded, stripped of its authority to convene the cabinet.

Obama’s team never faced a crisis as serious as the novel coronavirus, a truly unprecedented challenge. But officials who worked on past crises and experts on pandemic response believe that Trump’s dismissal—and in some aspects, wholesale discarding—of the Obama administration’s preparedness structures and principles, and the current administration’s ideas about government—that states could and should take take responsibility, that business could be more effective than government at solving problems at this scale—have left them dangerously unprepared.

“What the administration lacked in February, and still lacks today is articulating an overall strategy for managing this crisis,” a former administration official told me. “There’s a framework in place, we understand what authorities and roles and responsibilities everybody across government has at their disposal to be able to address an emergency. But when you walk through crisis management at a presidential level, the job of the president, first and foremost, is to develop and articulate the end state that we are trying to get to.”

Trump has yet to do this. “President Trump has, throughout this, seemed a little schizophrenic about his role,” Jeremy Konyndyk, a senior policy fellow at the Center for Global Development who ran USAID’s Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance in the Obama administration, told me. “On the one hand, he clearly wants all the credit for it when things go right. On the other hand, he has furiously attempted to avoid having to take ownership for the success of the effort…he wants the credit without the accountability.”

The biggest difference between Obama’s approach and Trump has to do with science. “Traditionally, we have had a situation where the response is always scientifically, technically proven,” says a former government official. “Of course there are political considerations. But the options that are presented are fundamentally sound from a scientific perspective.”

In the current situation, the president decides which scientists and governmental organizations are listened to. “We’re seeing that institutions like the FDA and the CDC have been curtailed; their ability to do the right thing has been curtailed,” this person added, noting Food and Drug Administration commissioner Stephen Hahn’s subtle hedge when asked on CNN about Trump’s suggestion that people inject themselves with disinfectants to fight COVID-19. “I certainly wouldn’t recommend the internal ingestion of a disinfectant,” Hahn, a member of the White House coronavirus task force, said.

Trump critics are quick to draw contrast between the COVID-19 and Ebola crises. Obama, they assert, was guided by objective facts. “One of the principles [that] President Obama was very clear on when it came to public health crises is you have to be guided by science and facts and speak clearly and consistently and credibly on those issues,” Monaco told me. “That meant, frankly, having public health and medical experts do the communicating.” Monaco recalled Obama’s decision not to issue a travel ban in the midst of the Ebola outbreak as an example of this posture. “President Obama’s view was, we’re not going to be buffeted by the political winds here. We’re going to go with what the scientists and the public health experts tell us is in our best interest,” she said.

Even Trump detractors recognize that the COVID-19 pandemic is of an unprecedented scope; it dwarfs the threat posed by Ebola and other outbreaks. “This is a huge pandemic, it was going to be monumental no matter who was in charge,” the former government official said emphatically. In December and January, national-security officials in the White House were tracking the nascent virus, grasping for a way to characterize it. Would the death toll fall short of or exceed the seasonal flu? There was a hope that the novel coronavirus would stay isolated abroad or perhaps die out, inexplicably on its own, as was the case with SARS.

But COVID-19 was a beast of a different degree. “This ended up hitting a sweet spot of transmissibility and lethality that we just had not experienced. Normally those two things are a trade-off. The more transmissible something is, typically the less severe it is, the more severe something is it knocks people out quickly and thus it’s not very transmissible,” the former administration official explained. “The asymptomatic transmission, with the duration during which people are contagious but still asymptomatic, allows it to spread very widely.”

The U.S. crisis response structure has not been equipped to span all 50 states. “The system...is very heavily designed around a relatively short duration, very geographically specific incidents, things like hurricanes and earthquakes and tornadoes and tsunamis,” the former administration official told me. The refrain is, “locally executed, state managed, and federally supported.” And the thinking goes, when a locality gets overwhelmed—say a hurricane or a tornado hits—it goes to its state; if that state gets overwhelmed it will go to neighboring states for assistance, mutual aid; and when that system is exhausted, the federal government steps in with additional resources.

It is this federal-support piece that has been missing, sources I spoke with say. Testing for COVID-19 has been abysmal. Lacking guidance and support from the White House, governors have been left scrambling to obtain ventilators and personal protective equipment for frontline workers, creating a sellers’ market. “[To] take federal capability and federal responsibility out of the mix means you’re leaving the states to fight this with one arm tied behind their back,” Konyndyk said. The former government official put it more bluntly. “How are we going to explain to the American people how the government has really failed them?…Government failed drastically and it failed to do its part. And it shows that some functions, the private sector cannot do alone.”

The reorganization and streamlining of the National Security Council in the Trump era, specifically whether Bolton dismantled an office focused on pandemics, has emerged as a point of discussion and competing narratives. At the start of the Trump administration, Tom Bossert held the position and, as an assistant to the president, had the highest rank of commissioned officers in the White House. Cameron recalled that during the presidential transition, Rice pushed for pandemics to be one of the three topics covered in an exercise with the incoming administration. At the time, the White House was tracking an outbreak of H7N9, a new strain of the avian flu emerging in China. In Bossert, Cameron saw a receptive participant in the exercise. “He placed a high priority on pandemics because he understands them,” she told me. But when Bolton was tapped to replace H.R. McMaster, Bossert was shown the door and the position was downgraded to a deputy assistant to the president, no longer able to convene the cabinet. Doug Fears and Peter Brown succeeded Bossert, but their tenures were brief. According to the former administration official, Brown only met with Robert O’Brien, Bolton’s successor, once during his time in the White House. Today, the position of homeland-security adviser is vacant.

The role of the homeland-security adviser was created after the 9/11 attacks, the premise being that one person in the West Wing, steps away from the Oval Office, was focused solely on immediate domestic threats. “The idea is you want somebody in the White House who is directly and immediately responsible to the president on these issues,” explained Monaco, who earned the nickname “Dr. Doom” from Obama in the role. “From an interagency perspective, in a crisis—whether it’s Ebola, whether it’s a terrorist attack, whether it’s a natural disaster—inevitably, that coordination has to happen from the White House, even as the rest of the agencies do the operational work. But at a certain point, you need to have that direction and an ability to quickly break through bureaucratic impediments and move quickly...pursuant to an overall strategy.” A whole-of-government response, but informed by the experts, the thinking goes.

The reorganization of the NSC under Bolton, and what exactly happened to the pandemic response team, has been disputed. Tim Morrison, a former senior director for counterproliferation and biodefense on the National Security Council, dismissed an op-ed written by Cameron as playing politics in a subsequent editorial. But Cameron stressed the importance of officials in the White House having a narrow focus on pandemics. “A senior director is sitting in the national-security adviser’s regular stand-up meetings. And if the senior director has a number of roles and one of them is pandemics and one of them is weapons of mass destruction generally, and one of them is nuclear security and one of them is North Korea and you only have a couple of minutes to provide an update, you’re going to prepare for an update on the thing that is happening that day or that is the most pressing,” she told me—to the potential exclusion of other threats, like a looming pandemic.

Since COVID-19 exploded in the states, both Vice President Mike Pence as head of the coronavirus task force, and Jared Kushner, have somewhat stepped into the role. But there has yet to be a whole-of-government mobilization, as Monaco described. Instead, the response has been ad hoc, shifting day to day depending on the mood of the president who has refused to accept that the buck stops with him.

The novel coronavirus is exposing the inadequacies of a cornerstone of Trump’s (and Kushner’s) governing philosophy. “The entire argument behind electing Donald Trump is that business can handle anything better than the government, right? So the entire philosophy, the entire ideology of every senior leader in the White House and that they’ve installed across the federal government is, ‘Get the private sector to do it. Government shouldn’t be picking winners or losers and coordinating these efforts,’” the former administration official told me. But the problem is, there are some things only the federal government can do, after all. “This is the crisis for this administration, just as every administration faces, that challenges its ideology and worldview to its core and cannot be effectively addressed with that worldview.”

With no sign that Trump is poised to fill the leadership vacuum, sources I spoke with fear the devastation is only beginning. “I think that we will eventually come out the other side, but it’s going to be one where it would take longer and they would lead to more loss of life,” the former government official told me. “The private sector is mobilizing but there’s nobody to pick it up on the other end…I think the governors are going to take the necessary steps to be able to get through this, but it’s not going to be because of a compelling, informed narrative from institutions that have traditionally helped guide us to the right place.”

Looking ahead to a potential vaccine, there is a question as to whether the Trump administration will be able to effectively distribute a panacea. A vaccine alone is not a solution—a mass vaccination campaign is. “As we are asking where is the plan and the resources for testing, we should be asking the same questions of what’s the strategy and the plan for once we—God willing—have a vaccine,” Monaco said. “What thinking and planning is going on right now to ensure that will we have a strategy and a way to ensure that that vaccine is distributed and able to be provided? And frankly, not just here—around the world.”

Juliette Kayyem, a former homeland-security official in the Obama administration who played a critical role in the H1N1 crisis and the vaccination rollout, was blunt in her assessment. “President Trump does not have the capacity to govern a mass vaccine-distribution program because that’s going to be some really hard decisions,” she told me. For instance, who gets it first? Does the administration prioritize younger individuals, critical to rebooting the economy but also most likely to be carriers? Or the most vulnerable populations? When doling out the H1N1 vaccine, Kayyem explained that it, “Required prioritization to determine best means to distribute a vaccine that was coming on board in real time. That decision was driven by science, including the need to protect first responders and focus on children who were impacted by the disease.”

The biggest problem she sees today is, “This president doesn’t make decisions based on objective criteria.”

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