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Covid-19 Profiteers Are Making a Killing Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=54449"><span class="small">Amber Colon Nunez, In These Times</span></a>   
Sunday, 24 May 2020 08:38

Nunez writes: "Two months after the World Health Organization (WHO) declared coronavirus a global pandemic, the United States stands as the nation with the most confirmed cases. The WHO warns that the worst is yet to come."

Amazon founder Jeff Bezos. (photo: Andrew Harrer/Getty Images)
Amazon founder Jeff Bezos. (photo: Andrew Harrer/Getty Images)


Covid-19 Profiteers Are Making a Killing

By Amber Colon Nunez, In These Times

24 May 20


Here are some of the most outrageous capitalist responses to the pandemic.

wo months after the World Health Organization (WHO) declared coronavirus a global pandemic, the United States stands as the nation with the most confirmed cases. The WHO warns that the worst is yet to come. Yet President Donald Trump has signaled that he wants the economy to reopen as soon as possible, despite countless warnings from public health experts that opening too soon can cause a spike in deaths.

Big corporations and their head honchos have joined the president in downplaying the dangers and gunning for a reopening. Elon Musk told SpaceX employees that it's more dangerous to drive a car than to be exposed to coronavirus. Hobby Lobby founder David Green made headlines when he claimed keeping his stores open was a part of God’s plan, and initially defied state shutdowns. Corporate-funded conservative groups like FreedomWorks are lobbying federal and state legislators and orchestrating astroturf anti-lockdown protests at state capitols. In April, Amazon CEO Jeff Bezos and Facebook CEO Mark Zuckerberg joined the president on phone calls to discuss reopening the economy as soon as possible.

Perhaps denial is easy when you can afford to sequester yourself.

While Amazon workers across the country are now fighting to keep their $2 hazard pay raise, the nation’s wealthiest are hiding out in apocalyptic bunkers and making requests for private, at-home doctor’s visits that cost upwards of about $1,500. In mid-April, when doctor’s offices nationwide still faced a shortage of testing kits, Florida residents of Fisher Island—the richest ZIP code in the nation—purchased 1,800 antibody tests for themselves just in case Covid-19 penetrated their very gated community. In New York, 40% of residents were unable to pay rent in April, according to The New York Times. In New York City, the most affluent fled in droves, emptying out well-to-do neighborhoods like the Upper East Side, the West Village, SoHo and Brooklyn Heights by 40%.

It’s clear that the 1% are playing by an entirely different set of rules.

84-year-old billionaire Ken Langone, co-founder of Home Depot, called up his buddies at NYU Langone in February to get a feel for the severity of coronavirus. “What I’ve been told by people who are smarter than me in disease is, ‘As of right now it’s a bad flu,’” Langone told Bloomberg News from the comfort of his North Palm Beach, Fla., home.

But it’s become clear that the coronavirus is very, very different from the common flu. The WHO has determined that Covid's reproductive number is significantly higher: One infected individual can infect 2 to 2.5 more people than the flu, whose sufferers typically only infect up to 1.3 others. (Langone has since changed his tone on reopening, telling CNBC, “Our part as citizens should be stay home, obey separation.” Home Depot has instituted temperature checks for workers, shorter hours, customer limits, paid leave, hazard pay and no-co-pay healthcare.)

Due to the nationwide shortage of testing kits, it’s hard to know exactly how many people this pandemic is affecting. America’s top infectious disease expert, Anthony Fauci, is certain the approximately 80,000 reported Covid-related deaths is a significant undercount. Some experts estimate that total deaths in the U.S. may be twice as high as reported.

What can be more easily measured are the ways some companies are profiting from the changes wrought by the virus. As Americans eagerly sanitized every nook and cranny of their homes, cars and shopping carts, sales of Clorox cleaning supplies rose by 32% in the first quarter of 2020. Zoom and Slack Technologies have also seen increases in their profits as working from home has become the new normal. Slack has added 80% more customers compared to the previous quarter, while Zoom hosts more than 300 million participants each day—boosting its stock price by 150%. In the first 23 days after the initial lockdowns began, America’s billionaire class raked in over $282 billion in personal wealth, according to the Institute for Policy Studies.

Profiteering on Covid began almost as soon as the crisis hit. The makers of air purifier Molekule proclaimed in February they were “very confident that this technology will destroy coronavirus,” and rival Airpura claimed on its website in March that its devices are 99.99% effective in removing coronavirus. However, scientists hadn’t tested the purifier’s efficiency at eliminating coronavirus molecules—only that of similar diseases, like smallpox and Ebola. Experts say that coronavirus particles are too small to be blocked by the filters in air purifiers. (Airpura later removed the claim).

In March, third party sellers on Amazon began jacking up the prices on hand sanitizer. Sniffing out the opportunity for a windfall, profiteers bought out scarce supplies at grocery stores and resold them at exorbitant rates. It wasn’t long before Amazon curtailed the practice by banning new listings for masks and sanitizer. But Amazon happily continued to turn its own profit: The company’s earnings increased by $33 million every hour of the first quarter, even as its warehouses suffered coronavirus outbreaks and workers walked out over unsafe conditions. Bezos, the world’s richest man, has accumulated an additional $25 billion since the beginning of this year, putting him on track to become the first-ever trillionaire.

With a vaccine a year or more off and a president who keeps dismissing the severity of the pandemic, U.S. consumers will continue to pour their money into empty or uncertain promises. Online sales have spiked over the last several weeks. In-store sales have declined while online shopping has peaked to almost 40% after the first round of stimulus checks went out.

DoorDash, whose drivers are paid with a tipped minimum wage, is holding its foot on the necks of other meal-delivery services like HelloFresh and Blue Apron. Instacart is coming out on top and leaving major companies like Amazon and Walmart in the dust with a nearly 500% increase in sales in mid-April. Still, Instacart workers said the company was slow to hand out PPE.

Meanwhile, with “non-essential” businesses ordered closed in many states, more than 33 million Americans have filed for unemployment since early March. The billionaires who own many of those businesses are panicking. As they push for the economy to reopen, they’ve made one thing very clear: They aren’t the ones making their own wealth, their workers are.

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America (President Trump) Is Ready to Get Back to Normal (Playing Golf) Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=31108"><span class="small">Philip Bump, The Washington Post</span></a>   
Sunday, 24 May 2020 08:36

Bump writes: "Of all of the times that White House coronavirus task force member Deborah Birx has said things clearly intended for President Trump’s benefit, few were as transparent as her comments on Friday afternoon."

The motorcade for President Trump arrives at Trump National Golf Club on Saturday in Sterling, Va. (photo: Alex Brandon/AP)
The motorcade for President Trump arrives at Trump National Golf Club on Saturday in Sterling, Va. (photo: Alex Brandon/AP)


America (President Trump) Is Ready to Get Back to Normal (Playing Golf)

By Philip Bump, The Washington Post

24 May 20

 

f all of the times that White House coronavirus task force member Deborah Birx has said things clearly intended for President Trump’s benefit, few were as transparent as her comments on Friday afternoon. She was walking through the improvements in the rate of spread of the coronavirus, drawing attention to regions still at risk.

“I’m going to call your attention to the top three states, the top three states with the largest percent,” she said — “and this is so you can all make your decisions about going outside, and social distancing, potentially playing golf if you’re very careful and you don’t touch the flags and all of those issues."

You could play tennis, too, she added. A bit later, she reiterated the point.

“So we're asking continuously for you all to be outside. To enjoy your Memorial Day weekend. To play golf,” she said. “To hike, as Dr. Fauci said. To play tennis with marked balls."

A few seconds later:

“Please, as you go out this weekend to understand, you can go out, you can be outside, you can play golf, you can play tennis with marked balls,” she said. “You can go to the beaches if you stay six feet apart."

Got that? You can play golf if you’d like. It’s okay to go play golf. Want to play golf? Go for it. All clear.

And lo, a report from the White House press pool on Saturday morning: “President Trump is returning to the golf course on this pleasant, sunny Saturday,” it read. “The president’s motorcade arrived at Trump National in Sterling, Va., at 10:27 a.m. after a 35-minute drive along a route with sparse traffic but that was otherwise unremarkable.”

The president has clearly been champing at the bit to return to his favorite leisure activity. Before the coronavirus outbreak, the longest he’d gone with playing a round as president was between late November 2018 and early February 2019, having avoided playing while the government was shut down. The shutdown ended on Jan. 25, and he was on the course a week later.

This time, it was the virus that kept him from playing. Eventually, anyway: He last played on March 8 at his private club in Mar-a-Lago, back when there were fewer than 500 confirmed cases in the United States — but far more which hadn’t been documented. He stopped at the headquarters of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta, argued against bringing tourists stranded on a cruise ship onshore out of concern it would cause a spike in U.S. cases and then went to Mar-a-Lago for the weekend. Since then, the equivalent of 32 cruise ships full of passengers have died from the virus in the United States.

It’s worth noting, of course, that Trump was critical of his predecessor for playing golf in moments of crisis. (Trump’s played 218 times as president by our count; it took Barack Obama until the third year of his second term to hit that number.) At one point, he criticized Obama for playing in the middle of “the N.Y.C. Ebola outbreak” — an outbreak that consisted of one person. At another point, he criticized Obama for playing golf despite “all of the problems and difficulties” the country faced.

This is actually the point. Trump’s approach to the pandemic over the past month has been to suggest that the worst is behind us and that America is ready to return to normal. He’s been pushing states to scale back efforts to contain the virus, in large part because he’s worried about how the economic damage from businesses remaining closed might affect his reelection chances. But more broadly Trump wants to convey a sense of his mission being accomplished, demonstrating that his administration handled the crisis and America as normal can get back into gear.

Yes, more than 1,200 people a day are still dying from the virus on average, a rate that we first hit in early April and which likely remains lower than the actual toll. But Trump wants us to think that the slow decline we’re now experiencing is sufficient so that people are more comfortable getting back to what they might normally do. Certainly to some small degree, he’s interested in convincing people that things are returning to normal so that he can once again play golf.

We should not be surprised, in fact, if Trump’s trip on Saturday is used as evidence by the White House that things are getting back to normal. That his outing was a sign that America is back.

The “sparse traffic” Trump’s motorcade encountered on his way to the club is probably a function of the stay-at-home order that is still in effect in Northern Virginia — and in Loudoun County, where the Trump golf course is located, in particular. Sterling lies in the easternmost part of the county and is in the region where the most confirmed cases of coronavirus have been identified, according to the county’s data dashboard. The county has yet to meet the benchmarks for reopening including a continued drop in new positive cases and hospitalizations — benchmarks set by the White House coronavirus task force and Birx.

Remember how Birx’s comment about playing golf was in the context of the states that are still seeing the most negative effects from the pandemic? Virginia was among the top three states Birx identified.

“The number one metro with the highest positivity rate is the District of Columbia, which includes northern Virginia and Maryland, Montgomery County and [Prince George’s] County,” she said at one point, identifying them as “the places where we have seen really a stalling or an increase of cases."

Maybe even as Birx was overtly clearing Trump to get out of the White House, she was trying to send him another message as well.

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El Salvador's Neoliberal Populism Runs Into Coronavirus Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=54445"><span class="small">Jonah Walters, Jacobin</span></a>   
Sunday, 24 May 2020 08:22

Walters writes: "For a few brief moments in March, it looked like El Salvador might be stumbling towards a relatively orderly period of mandatory self-isolation."

El Salvador president Nayib Bukele talks at the Great Hall of the People on December 3, 2019 in Beijing, China. (photo: Noel Celis/Getty Images)
El Salvador president Nayib Bukele talks at the Great Hall of the People on December 3, 2019 in Beijing, China. (photo: Noel Celis/Getty Images)


El Salvador's Neoliberal Populism Runs Into Coronavirus

By Jonah Walters, Jacobin

24 May 20


El Salvador’s president, Nayib Bukele, is enforcing one of the strictest social distancing orders in the world, subjecting thousands to arrest and expanding an already ravenous and bloated prison system. With millions facing destitution and abuse, coronavirus is laying bare the instability that has always been at the core of neoliberalism in countries like El Salvador.

or a few brief moments in March, it looked like El Salvador might be stumbling towards a relatively orderly period of mandatory self-isolation.

President Nayib Bukele, an aspiring autocrat, gambled on an absurd display of political theater in February, weeks before the first cases of COVID-19 were reported in Central America. During a budget dispute that hinged on security funding, he mobilized soldiers to encircle the legislative chamber prior to his entrance, evoking El Salvador’s history of military dictatorship.

But he paid a high political price for those antics: social organizations around the country condemned the “Bukelazo,” and opposition parties like the FMLN took legal action against his administration. Going into the coronavirus crisis, Bukele’s authoritarian tendencies appeared limited, to an extent, by popular pressure and political opposition.

Facing the pandemic, Bukele chose a different tack than demagogues like Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro, Nicaragua’s Daniel Ortega, and US president Donald Trump, who have so far denied the severity of the disease while encouraging their supporters to flout public health guidelines. Perhaps trying to shore up some legitimacy among national elites, Bukele chose to dazzle his constituents with competency, not dull them with denial. Soon after the first cases of COVID-19 were confirmed in Central America, he closed El Salvador’s borders and announced stringent social distancing guidelines, winning accolades in the international press.

Of course, El Salvador faced difficulties from the beginning, in part due to the United States’ insistence on maintaining deportations to the Northern Triangle, spurring the spread of contagion in the region. But the country’s most formidable barrier to effective crisis mitigation stemmed from a deeper structural problem — one that is not one unique to El Salvador.

In the country of about six and a half million, about 70 percent of the working-age population is excluded from the formal labor market, leaving an estimated 2–3 million households reliant on informal employment or involvement in illicit commerce (or both) to compensate for inadequate wages. This scale of labor market exclusion is typical of poor countries that have been subject to neoliberal structural adjustment. And long-term extreme unemployment (or “labor market flexibility,” in the neoclassical parlance) is perhaps most insidious because it amplifies the effects of any macroeconomic disruption, while also greatly restricting the state’s ability to organize a response.

Still, about a week into El Salvador’s national shutdown in March, two things occurred nearly simultaneously to inspire some hope. First, Bukele’s government responded to informal workers’ cries for relief by announcing a national subsidy program that would launch by immediately dispensing $300 vouchers to the country’s 1.5 million neediest households. Then, a few days later on March 30, several major criminal organizations came to an agreement similar to a ceasefire in support of the government’s emergency social distancing measures, including curfews.

But today, those hopeful days in March feel almost too surreal to recollect.

After some predictable setbacks in his crisis mitigation strategy, Bukele has by now cut a new posture as an uncompromising law-and-order despot. A rash of murders between April 27 and 30 prompted a severe state backlash: Bukele instructed the police and armed forces to maintain order in the streets by shooting to kill.

Then, in a move that horrified (or maybe titillated) the international news media, El Salvador’s presidential press office circulated images of the apparently widespread humiliation and abuse of prisoners by prison officials. The Miami Herald recently warned that Bukele’s crisis policies “threaten democracy” in the country.

To understand what has happened in El Salvador under coronavirus, we need to reckon not only with Bukele’s slippery brand of neoliberal populism, but also with the existential precarity of the Salvadoran state, which is forced to manage the intractable (and potentially explosive) problem of long-term extreme unemployment with severely limited resources and from a compromised position relative to private corporations.

States that have endured neoliberal transitions, like El Salvador’s, are greatly constrained by their structural weakness relative to capital. They are generally debt-burdened and import-reliant, and because they’re unable to raise adequate revenue for fear of prompting capital flight, their social policies tend to be tethered to the trends and funding cycles of international development institutions. The only apparently viable crisis-mitigation strategy available to states in this position is to manage extreme poverty through means-tested cash assistance programs, which have proliferated globally in the past few decades. But such programs can easily become untenable when a crisis suddenly swells the number of citizens requiring cash relief, as occurred worldwide during the coronavirus pandemic.

Since the peace accords in 1992 (and especially in more recent years), El Salvador has pursued apparently contradictory, yet mutually reinforcing, strategies for containing the problem of mass labor market exclusion, both of which are now straining under the burden of the coronavirus crisis.

The left hand of the state extends targeted social grants, which effectively subsidize low wages and underdevelopment in the formal sector while also, to some extent, diffusing the social tension that generally results from extreme long-term unemployment. Meanwhile, the state’s right hand suppresses the formal labor market’s unruliest overflows, in part by applying the mano dura security policies that have, in the past ten or fifteen years, delivered to El Salvador the second-most comprehensive prison system in the world.

Between the Left Hand of the State and la Mano Dura

El Salvador’s national quarantine was first ruptured in spectacular fashion on March 30, less than two weeks after it began, when thousands of welfare beneficiaries crowded the streets of multiple cities in an attempt to collect their emergency subsidies.

Bukele had announced the targeted cash assistance program just three days earlier, saying it would insulate the 1.5 million lowest-income households in El Salvador from the income-chilling effects of enforced social isolation during the pandemic. Following Bukele’s instructions, El Salvador’s national welfare ministry launched a website to facilitate the cash transfer. In theory, this should have allowed a representative from each of the 1.5 million needy households to claim their subsidy via a computer or mobile phone.

To make a long story short, claims overwhelmed the system in a single day. The website crashed without fully processing even a single subsidy. Then came the weekend, when welfare offices are not normally open in El Salvador, but which in this desperate context lead some prospective beneficiaries to gather outside, hoping for answers. Desperation turned quickly to outrage, and after a few days of uncertainty, frustrated beneficiaries finally exploded the country’s forced quarantine by taking to the streets.

The protests were eventually dispersed, after limited confrontations with police. The welfare ministry, CENADE, finally got the cash assistance program off the ground, diffusing tension that might have spurred future protests. But as of mid-April, only about two-thirds of the $400 million set aside for the program had been disbursed. (El Salvador, perpetually cash-strapped, recently took out a $389 million loan from the International Monetary Fund.)

On March 30, the same day as the cash-relief protests, the Mara Salvatrucha (MS-13) criminal organization apparently reached a ceasefire-like agreement with factions of its rival organization, Barrio 18. Members of those organizations even began assisting state authorities in enforcing social distancing measures, including curfews — an uneasy arrangement through which the already porous boundary between state and criminal authorities likely became even more uncertain for many Salvadorans.

Some may have hoped that the agreement would mean a reprieve for the many thousands of ordinary people ensnared by extortion rackets, which in El Salvador’s working-class districts operate like a form of parallel taxation. As many as 70 percent of all businesses in El Salvador are affected by extortion, according to a widely cited report from the Central Reserve Bank. Many of the enterprises the report catalogues are household units pursuing informal livelihood strategies, like selling pupusas from a front window or small bags of cooking oil in a market —“businesses” only in a very loose sense of the word.

An estimated $4 billion, or 15 percent of El Salvador’s GDP, is funneled into criminal organizations annually through extortion. Criminal organizations generally collect a renta payment of $5–20 each week from individual household units.

Bukele’s time in office has been associated with an unusual decrease in gang murders, but the number of people paying renta actually increased by 30 percent last year. For people accustomed to using a portion of their weekly earnings to pay a fee for their own survival, the loss of income associated with the state-mandated business shutdown had a particularly ominous character.

Aside from government assistance, another source of cash relief for working-class Salvadorans could come in the form of remittances from associates in the United States (whose annual contribution to the national economy, $4.5 billion, is roughly the same as the amount diverted through extortion each year). But remittance levels, which normally fall sharply right after Christmas but then climb steadily during the first months of the year, have recently begun to trend down.

Speaking to reporters at El Faro in April, an anonymous gang leader acknowledged that, despite widespread shortfalls, gang racketeers were still attempting to collect renta. But workers like market-vendors and taxi drivers said that, in many cases, gang members had not arrived to collect payment in weeks, likely because of the heightened presence of police and military in the city.

“There are many desperate gang members because they have no income,” a police commissioner told El Faro. “And not only because of the extortions, but because their families’ incomes depend on selling in the market. They’re suffering a double impact from the pandemic: no rent, and no sales.”

Predictably, with Salvadoran society straining under almost two months without income, the gangs’ ceasefire-like agreement didn’t hold: between April 24 and 27, there were fifty murders in cities across El Salvador, credibly attributed to MS-13.

Bukele responded by authorizing the police and military to use lethal force to enforce quarantine measures and restore order. Prison authorities abruptly ended policies enacted over a decade ago that segregated prisons according to gang affiliation, in apparent retaliation for the murders. That’s when the presidential press office released the now-infamous photographs of stripped and restrained men cramped together by the hundreds on cell block floors, perhaps intending to send a message.

Detaining the Virus

With the realities of El Salvador’s political economy in mind, we can begin to see Bukele’s disastrous attempt to disburse emergency subsidies, on the one hand, and his turn towards extreme law-and-order policies, on the other, as part of the same unstable program — elements of two mutually reinforcing strategies through which the Salvadoran state habitually attempts to manage (though not resolve) the instability created by long term extreme unemployment.

The horrifying reality of quarantine containment centers — hurriedly established to detain people returning from overseas, as well as some workers who violate the mandatory domestic quarantine — further shows that what is unstable in normal times may well prove disastrous in times of crisis.

Without the state infrastructure to facilitate a program of contact tracing (despite some early attempts to do so, when the illness was still largely concentrated in a few rural areas), Bukele has chosen to deploy elements of the state’s security apparatus in a clumsy attempt to regulate public health.

Containment centers have swelled in size over the past several months, and reports of staff carelessness and overcrowded conditions are widespread. People held in these containment centers have claimed on several occasions that security guards often mix populations arriving from different parts of the world upon arrival and, even more recklessly, sometimes co-house people who test positive for the disease with untested or uninfected detainees.

On March 13, sixty-seven-year-old Carlos Henríquez Cortez, who showed no symptoms of the virus, was mistakenly intercepted at the airport while returning from a short trip to Guatemala (people over the age of sixty are to be quarantined at home, not in containment centers). He contracted COVID-19 after being housed with detainees who had tested positive and died five weeks later, becoming the eighth person in El Salvador to die from the novel coronavirus.

Bukele’s government has also turned to the state’s coercive institutions to enforce the country’s mandatory stay-at-home order, which was intensified on May 7 with the announcement of new rules regulating out-of-home tasks like grocery shopping. As of May 11, 2,424 people had been arrested for violating the stay-at-home order, more than double the total number of positive cases in the country (998).

In Central America, as in so much of the world, things will likely get worse before they get better. The region is historically tied to the United States through an elaborate circuitry of migration, travel, and exchange. In the context of this pandemic, the relative density of those transnational connections indexes darkly to the extent of contagion in each country. Panama is still the worst-hit country in the isthmus, with 9,867 positive cases as of May 12, with Honduras (2,955), Guatemala (2,133), and El Salvador (1,571) also experiencing significant outbreaks.

By extending meager cash relief with one hand and imposing mass imprisonment with the other, Bukele embodies the two souls of neoliberal populism in the context of mass labor market exclusion. But the global coronavirus pandemic now presents a crisis that cannot be postponed or papered over. The structural barriers inhibiting humane and effective crisis-mitigation, in El Salvador and across the former Third World, can no longer be ignored.

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The News From Manhattan: Friday, May 22, 2020 Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=47905"><span class="small">Garrison Keillor, Garrison Keillor's Website</span></a>   
Saturday, 23 May 2020 13:00

Keillor writes: "People are suffering around us and I know it. A long talk with an old friend who is isolated at home alone and he launches into a long story that doesn't seem to have a point or an end, and then he admits he's not seen anybody for a week."

Garrison Keillor on Grand Avenue in St. Paul, near his bookstore Common Good Books in 2014. (photo: Jean Pieri/Pioneer Press)
Garrison Keillor on Grand Avenue in St. Paul, near his bookstore Common Good Books in 2014. (photo: Jean Pieri/Pioneer Press)


The News From Manhattan: Friday, May 22, 2020

By Garrison Keillor, Garrison Keillor's Website

23 May 20


I love to meet people on Zoom,
You can speak very boldly, ka-boom,
Be frank, let her blow,
Forty minutes or so,
Then sweep them away with a broom.
I pick up a cellphone and talk
For half an hour as I walk,
And I exercise
While I socialize,
I’m an intellect and I’m a jock.

day of triumph for Jenny yesterday — she baked bread and it came out beautifully. She was haunted by old bread-baking failures and intimidated by her Swedish grandma’s baking, but finally broke through and now her self-esteem has risen a notch. I used to fly around the country doing shows and staying in nice hotels and now, thanks to the plague, I get to observe my true love close up. She’s a reader, a musician, a woman with many close friends, an art lover, but the other day she admitted to me that she loves a clean kitchen. She loves to cook. The bread-baking was a big challenge and she was proud that she succeeded. My staunch urban feminist wife has secret hausfrau leanings. We’ve had cleaning ladies forever but she takes pride in her ability to clean a bathroom floor and do it very very well. I should not be divulging this to you and if you tell her I will never speak to you again and I will put your name into my novel in a way you’ll regret. Loose lips sink ships.

People are suffering around us and I know it. A long talk with an old friend who is isolated at home alone and he launches into a long story that doesn’t seem to have a point or an end, and then he admits he’s not seen anybody for a week and his mind is “going wild” — news that a high-school classmate and good friend is in an old-folks warehouse in Minneapolis, penniless, with signs of dementia, and what can one do? She was a small-town intellectual and a good person and now she’s going into the dark for the long goodbye. An old friend went into that dark last week. I’d known her since 1976 and she was lively and sassy and full of enthusiasm and I saw her a year ago and she was friendly but she had no idea who I am. Now she’s gone. I’m at an age when part of one’s day is taken up with mourning. It’s just how it is.

The novel is whistling along and September is the pub date and I’m thinking maybe in spring 2021 I can get back to doing shows so that leaves a gap of six months that I need to plan for. This Wobegon novel has been so much fun, I should write another. Maybe Donald J. Trump moves to town. He got drubbed in November and his empire crashed in the recession and he’s under threat of prosecution from a dozen eager lawmen and people are writing vicious salacious memoirs about him and he comes to the Little Town That Time Forgot to be forgotten and gets a job pumping gas and is completely happy in a cabin by the lake. He takes up fishing. He gardens. His problem is that his father was born before he was and his father left him all that money and put him in a bewildering NY social circle and LW is what he was meant for. He becomes a nice guy. He gains quite a bit of weight. He stops coloring his hair. He changes his name to Danny Trondheim. He’s unrecognizable as a former POTUS but he confesses to me, his confidante. He is who he is, forgetful, small-minded, vain, but he makes a good gas jockey. He has no regrets because his memory is poor. He loves being a nobody, it’s what he was meant for.

Time for Morning Prayer. Today is Friday. Make it good.

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RSN: 20 Ways Vote by Mail Could Revolutionize Our Democracy and Save Our Nation - if Election Protection Activists Make It Happen Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=6004"><span class="small">Harvey Wasserman, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Saturday, 23 May 2020 12:31

Wasserman writes: "Vote by Mail will decide the 2020 election. Trump and 50,000 of his armed backers will try to say otherwise."

An election worker sorts vote-by-mail ballots. (photo: Jason Redmond/AFP/Getty Images)
An election worker sorts vote-by-mail ballots. (photo: Jason Redmond/AFP/Getty Images)


20 Ways Vote by Mail Could Revolutionize Our Democracy and Save Our Nation - if Election Protection Activists Make It Happen

By Harvey Wasserman, Reader Supported News

23 May 20

 

ote by Mail will decide the 2020 election. Trump and 50,000 of his armed backers will try to say otherwise.

But VBM could turn us forever from hackable touch screens to paper ballots. To make that happen, election protection activists must overcome Vote by Mail’s many vulnerabilities to make mail-in paper ballots an instrument of real democracy.

The odds are long, but the chances are real.

To follow an ongoing compendium of stories on this election as they unfold, go to the Election Protection portal at the Free Press website. You can also join our national COVID-19 Emergency Zoom call on election protection this Tuesday 5:00-6:30 p.m. Eastern Time (2:00-3:30 Pacific Time) by writing to me for the link.

In the Big Picture, Trump loudly hates VBM. But his followers LOVE it in states they control.

They fear Vote by Mail in swing states because it might deliver actual ballots to the Millennials and minorities who’ll decide this election, and it might actually lead to them being fairly counted.

US senators Amy Klobuchar and Ron Wyden have proposed a bill to support VBM nationwide. It includes key funding and deadline provisions that are essential to its proper use.

But Trump’s Republicans have already pledged $20 million to hire 50,000 “volunteers” to “patrol” the polls this fall. Many are likely to be carrying guns. Their mission will be to intimidate and assault “suspicious” or “fraudulent” voters, i.e. citizens of youth, color, and limited means.

To neutralize them, a half-million democracy activists must come out before, during, and after election day. They must be “armed” with a firm grip on voting with VBM’s many challenges in each individual state and county. (Our weekly Zooms — upcoming on Tuesday — discuss this in great detail.)

The election protectors must be prepared to stand across from these intimidators at the polls and make voters feel safe and protected. They must safeguard paper ballots arriving in the mail, make sure they are safely stored, and guarantee that they’re fairly counted.

Oregon, Washington, Colorado, Utah, and Hawai have long voted by mail. So will California this fall. (Trump has complained that with VBM “no Republican in this country will ever win another election,” but a California Republican Congressional candidate just did.)

All states have long provided absentee ballots. But this fall most will be severely stretched to handle massively increased VBM volume, and to deal with a system being used on this scale for the first time in their history.

Anyone committed to a fair 2020 election must consider immediately joining local election boards, becoming a poll worker and/or a vote counter, etc. Above all, they must know every detail of how voting will proceed in every state and county.

Here is some of what the election protection movement must overcome in just five months:

1. Printing and Publishing

Paper VBM ballots must first be designed, printed, and published. Ballots can be extremely complex, especially where referenda are involved. Accidental typos and deliberate manipulations are common.

The infamous “butterfly ballots” printed in south Florida in 2000 induced thousands of elderly voters to choose Pat Buchanan when they thought they were voting for Al Gore. Absentee ballots mailed to voters in southwestern Ohio in 2004 omitted the name of Democratic presidential nominee John Kerry. Democratic primary ballots in California 2016 and 2020 omitted Bernie Sanders, costing him more than a half-million votes, according to Greg Palast.

Legitimate complications can arise when candidates drop out, with other technicalities as deadlines approach, or with simple incompetence or overwork.

Election protection activists must proofread all ballots BEFORE they go to the printing houses.

They must also guarantee that enough paper ballots are printed to enfranchise all voters slated to receive them by mail, and to be available at voting stations for all new registrants and for other unforeseen challenges.

Hackable touchscreens must NOT be allowed to swing this election on the excuse that enough paper ballots are not available.

Computerized machines that may be needed to print out ballots in multiple languages at polling stations require heavy independent scrutiny and mechanical maintenance.

Ink specifications must verified so ballots will be readable in electronic imaging machines. Barcoded ballots can be especially susceptible to disarray from the use of inferior printing materials.

Once printed, the ballots must be carefully protected during delivery from the print houses to the election boards, and then be safely stored, with clear chain of custody.

2. Protecting the Voter Registration Rolls

Researcher Greg Palast estimates some 17 million Americans have been stripped from the voter rolls based on age, race and class. Andrea Miller’s People Demanding Action is among those working on this. Stripping the voter rolls has become a huge potential pitfall in the coming election, and will be discussed in detail in a future report.

3. Who Gets a Ballot & How?

The most democratic VBM procedure is for the state and county election boards to simply send ballots to all registered voters.

But in Ohio and elsewhere, partisan legislators, secretaries of state, governors, etc. have contrived to first send a postcard ... then (maybe) an application ... then (maybe) a ballot. All must meet firm deadlines.

Such flimsy, complex, time-consuming procedures add to the risk of document(s) being lost in the mail, ignored at home, trashed at the election board, etc. Where inner city voters are involved, that seems in many cases to be the partisan purpose.

This multi-layered process can mean many citizens get no ballot, or get them too late to mail back in time to be accepted and counted.

All democracy activists in all states and counties need thorough knowledge of these procedures. Their ability to monitor and act on them could decide the fall election’s outcome.

4. The Military, Diplomats, and Other Overseas Americans

The US military votes by mail, or electronically. There are always widespread reports that some officers may illegally intimidate soldiers into voting a certain way. Deadlines and counting procedures can be problematic.

Former diplomat Jennifer Roberts says others voting from afar include overseas workers with the US Commercial Service, USDA, USIA, AID, and more; corporate executives and contractors working overseas with international companies; students studying abroad; teachers. Hundreds of thousands of ballots can be involved. Unless protected, these votes can be lost, stolen or manipulated.

5. Will Return Applications & Ballots Be Pre-stamped or Mass Harvested?

Mailed-in applications and ballots require pre-paid envelopes. To do otherwise is to levy a poll tax. Democracy advocates must guarantee voters get a stamp for mailing in their ballots, or help in hand-delivering them to VBM boxes or the election boards themselves.

But “ballot-harvesting” (i.e. the mass gathering of ballots) has already been linked to criminal fraud in North Carolina and elsewhere.

Gray areas include “ballot parties” in elder/nursing homes conducted by partisan activists, where witnessing and/or notarizing can be accomplished.

Overall, the complex and often corrupted ways ways VBM ballots go to voters and back to election boards and voting stations demands extreme vigilance from those who would protect the franchise.

6. Will There Be a Postal Service?

Technically, if the US Postal Service is gone or compromised, ballots could go both ways with UPS, FedEx, or other private services. But prices would certainly be affected.

Nor do UPS & FedEx deliver first-class mail to rural areas. Many Indigenous, impoverished and homeless have P.O. boxes, not street addresses. FedEx/UPS would be unlikely to handle them, or senior centers, or those in prison, or students on campus, etc.

Post Office box addresses are also problematic for voter registration where election boards require a street address.

In sum: a destroyed/undermined USPS will pose huge challenges to a fair VBM election.

7. Where Will the Ballots Go, and When?

VBM ballots mostly need to be returned to election boards, whose offices can be few and far between. Some may offer special drop boxes, which will require special security to keep them from being stolen and/or destroyed.

Ohio’s 2020 primary featured a single election center per each of the state’s 88 counties. The one in Franklin County (population: 1.5 million) was in an abandoned Kohl’s department store in a remote corner of Columbus. There were no drop boxes. Long lines (mostly in cars) built up through election day with voters trying to drop off their ballot or to obtain one. (Rural counties had no such problems.)

To properly serve the voting public, election centers must open at least two weeks before the election. Plentiful, secure drop boxes must be well-advertised and easy to find for a fair VBM outcome.

8. Chain of Custody

Convenient, decentralized voting centers should be universally available two or three weeks prior to election day. But those ballots demand serious protection.

Chain of control must be clearly established so ballots in certain key areas don’t wind up in rivers and trash burners.

9. Voting Centers

Most VBM voting goes without face-to-face exposure. But well-advertised and convenient voting centers are still needed.

For two or three weeks prior to election day, at universally known voting centers, citizens should be able to pick up and/or drop off ballots, register, consult with poll workers to straighten out registration issues, etc. Centers should be open and staffed with long hours to avoid long lines that cause deadly back-ups, and to provide services in a timely, accurate, friendly way. If Trump does mobilize thousands of armed thugs, election protection activists must be at the voting centers to meet them.

10. The Surrender Rule

The “surrender rule” requires that voters who do receive their paper ballots in the mail but want to vote at a voter center bring the ballot in with them to use to vote, or to “surrender” for a different kind of ballot.

Those who show up without the ballot that’s been sent to them will almost certainly be forced to vote provisionally, meaning their ballot will likely be pitched in the trash.

11. Election Protection at the Voting Centers

Trump’s hired “volunteers” are likeliest to threaten intimidation and violence at the voting centers. Nonviolent election protection activists must be present in great numbers to neutralize the expected Trump assault.

12. Will Vote by Mail Mean Universal Paper Ballots?

True election protection requires that all voting centers provide paper ballots for hand-marking by those capable of doing so.

Voting machines can serve those with special needs. But hand-markable paper ballots must be available for all those who want them and who don’t want or need to vote on hackable electronic machines.

Especially during this pandemic, touchscreens can spread infection. So election protection activists must be present to guarantee that paper ballots are universally available both by mail and at voting stations to all those who are eligible and capable of casting them.

13. When Will the Ballots Be Mailed Out?

Deadlines for ballot mail-out, postmarking, and/or receipt can vary widely. The courts defeated attempts in Wisconsin’s 2020 primary to extend postmarking deadlines for returned VBM ballots. But many ballots arriving with no postmark were apparently accepted for counting in some precincts, while being rejected in others.

Thus an entire election could be turned by an arbitrary decision by a single county official. A US Supreme Court decision left some 30,000 ballots in play in this spring’s Wisconsin primary.

In many elections over the years, thousands of ballots were never actually sent to voters, or were sent too late to come back on time. Thousands have been stolen after being sent. Thousands more never arrived for various reasons. All this demands extreme scrutiny from election protection activists.

Guaranteeing timely delivery and return of legitimate ballots is at the heart of election protection and the VBM system.

14. When Are the Ballots Due Back?

Deadlines vary from state-to-state and county-to-county for when a ballot must be postmarked and/or received to be counted.

With this year’s expected massive influx of VBM paper ballots (especially in states that haven’t done VBM before, or which are corrupted with partisan legislatures), many state and local deadlines for reception and final tabulation are unrealistic.

In Florida 2000 and 2018, tens of thousands of votes were simply trashed because arbitrary counting and recounting deadlines weren’t met. Such deadlines have had decisive impacts on races for the presidency, governorships, US Senate seats, and more.

Election protection demands litigation to make deadlines for returns and reporting as realistic as possible.

15. Voter ID, Signature Verification, and Witness & Notarization Requirements

Some states have imposed arbitrary photo ID and other requirements that can allow election boards to trash as many ballots as they want, in highly discriminatory ways.

First-time Wisconsin voters must submit a photo ID to get a ballot. In Texas a hunting or gun license gets you a ballot, but a student ID does not. Photo IDs and other screens can be used to thin the voter rolls by race, gender, age, class, etc.

A signature on an electronic device at a motor vehicle bureau or voting station can be a wavy line rendered by a fingernail or a stylus. But a signature on another type of document might be entirely different.

Many states have set demands for notarization, one or two witnesses, etc. In some elder homes, where voters are immobile, signatures from employees and attendants are banned, making getting a witness virtually impossible.

16. Internet Voting, Vote by Phone, and Digital Divide

Voter registration and voting by phone or internet are all being proposed in some states. Theft, manipulation and disappearance are possible side effects. Florida 2000 and Ohio 2004 were both significantly turned by electronic manipulation.

Rural, elderly, uneducated, and low-income households can be disenfranchised by their lack of computer/internet capability.

17. Early Counting

In addition to the challenges of safely storing them, early VBM ballots could tempt locals officials to do early counting, and then to leak results (real or imagined) that could affect the remainder of the election. This must not be allowed to happen!

18. Counted How?

Paper ballots must be counted either by hand or machine or both, either as mail-in ballots or when deposited in person at election centers.

This year’s volume will be immense. Hand-counts could require days or weeks, especially in a time of social distancing. Sufficient work forces may not be readily available for timely tallies, especially in urban centers.

Electronic ballot image machines can convert inserted paper ballots to electronic images which are then readily readable for a quick vote count. The original ballot itself is preserved for a hard, reliable recount if necessary.

According to John Brakey, such machines are already available in more than 80 percent of the nation’s voting centers.

Many election protection activists worry about these machines being hacked or breaking down, accidentally or otherwise.

If they preserve the actual paper ballots, recounts could be made fair and reliable. But for ballot imaging machines to work, they must be turned on, which many local officials refuse to do.

19. (Re)Counted by When?

Even if ballot imaging is used for a fast initial vote count, recounts using the preserved paper ballots are inevitable. And reporting deadlines which must be met to validate the (re)counts vary widely.

In southern Florida 2000, the US Supreme Court infamously stopped the process in urban areas, making George W. Bush president. In Ohio 2004, the legally-mandated recount never happened. US Senate and governor’s races in Florida 2018 were decided when dense southern counties couldn’t meet recount deadlines.

In 2020, election protection activists must guarantee that thorough, reliable recounts happen in a timely manner.

20. The Six, Twelve or Eighteen Swing States

There is widespread speculation on which key swing states will make the definitive difference in the final 2020 Electoral College vote count. National Popular Vote says it could all boil down to Wisconsin, Michigan, Pennsylvania and Florida.

Other swing states in play may include North Carolina, Minnesota, Ohio, New Hampshire, New Mexico, Nevada and Iowa. Given Trump’s volatility and the instability of our national scene, even Georgia, Texas, Kansas, Montana, Kentucky, and West Virginia could become critical.

In all of them, how the ballots are mailed out, brought back in and counted will be key.

Five months remain to produce a workable VBM infrastructure with reliable standards and procedures, created in many states this year virtually from scratch.

Mundane stuff like warehousing, security, registration checking, tabling, ballot collection, counting, and other details could decide the fate of the Earth.

VBM’s challenges are daunting, but reasonably clear. They’ll turn on the strength of grassroots election protection organizations in each key state, and how quickly they can get up and running.

Just weeks ago, few could see how thoroughly COVID-19 would demand the birth of a nationwide Vote by Mail system.

But its effective implementation and protection — state by state, county by county — will depend on an unprecedented national grassroots movement dedicated to a fair outcome for the 2020 election. That movement has just five months to produce a system, mostly based on Vote by Mail, that will reasonably reflect the will of the People.

And it will apparently have to be done in the face of intense, well-paid opposition, much it heavily armed.



Harvey Wasserman convenes the national COVID-19 Emergency Election Protection Zoom call (contact him via www.solartopia.org to participate). He wrote The People’s Spiral of US History at www.solartopia.org and co-wrote with Bob Fitrakis The Strip & Flip Disaster of America’s Stolen Elections (www.freepress.org). His radio shows are podcast at prn.fm and broadcast at KPFK/Pacifica 90.7 fm, Los Angeles.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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