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FOCUS: A Message From the Most Bombed Nation on Earth Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=55908"><span class="small">Ian Zabarte, Al Jazeera</span></a>   
Saturday, 29 August 2020 12:51

Zabarte writes: "More than 900 nuclear tests were conducted on Shoshone territory in the US. Residents still live with the consequences."

An atomic bomb test at what was then called the Nevada Proving Grounds, later the Nevada Test Site. (photo: Interim Archives/Getty Images)
An atomic bomb test at what was then called the Nevada Proving Grounds, later the Nevada Test Site. (photo: Interim Archives/Getty Images)


A Message From the Most Bombed Nation on Earth

By Ian Zabarte, Al Jazeera

29 August 20


More than 900 nuclear tests were conducted on Shoshone territory in the US. Residents still live with the consequences.

ou never know what is killing you when it is done in secret.

I watched my uncle suffer from horrible cancer that ate away at his throat and my grandfather die of an auto-immune disease that is known to be caused by exposure to radiation. They say he had a heart attack, but when your skin falls off, that puts stress on your heart.

Many of my cousins have died. Last year, my cousin, who is about 50, had a defibrillator put in his chest. Now his daughter, who is a toddler, has heart problems as well. At around the same time, one of my cousins told me his mom has cancer. And then a week later, he found out he has it, too.

A few months ago, an elder here died from a rare form of brain cancer.

Every family is affected. We have seen mental and physical retardation, leukaemia, childhood leukaemia, all sorts of cancers.

The US military industrial complex

I am the Principal Man of the Western Bands of the Shoshone Nation of Indians - the most bombed nation on earth.

Our country is approximately 40,000 square miles (25.6 million acres), from just west of Las Vegas, Nevada all the way to the Snake River in Idaho, including a 350-mile (563km) wide strip in the Great Basin. There are approximately 25,000 to 30,000 Shoshone lineal descendants but the United States places the number much lower based on blood quantum (a percentage of ancestry).

We have been on this land for at least 10,000 years.

Our relationship to the US is based upon the Treaty of Ruby Valley signed in 1863. In the treaty, the Shoshone continued to own the land but we agreed that in exchange for $5,000 a year for 20 years, paid in cattle and other goods, the US could establish military posts on the land, that US mail and telegraph companies could continue to operate telegraph and stage lines on it, that a railway could pass through it, that the US could mine for minerals on it.

But shortly before the end of World War II, we started to be overrun by the US military industrial complex, in ways we are only now beginning to understand.

Nuclear fallout

In 1951, in violation of the treaty, the US established the Nevada Proving Grounds (what would later become known as the Nevada Test Site and is now known as the Nevada National Security Site) on Shoshone territory and began testing nuclear weapons - without our consent or knowledge. We suspect that Nazi scientists brought to the US as part of Operation Paperclip - to help the US develop nuclear weapons - were involved.

On January 27, 1951, the first nuclear test took place on our land, when a one-kilotonne bomb was dropped from a plane flying over the site.

Over the next 40 years, it became the premier testing location for American nuclear weapons. Approximately 928 nuclear tests took place on the Shoshone territory - 100 in the atmosphere and more than 800 underground.

When the US dropped an atomic bomb on Hiroshima in 1945, 13 kilotonnes of nuclear fallout rained down on the Japanese city. According to a 2009 study in the Nevada Law Journal, between 1951 and 1992, the tests conducted on our land caused 620 kilotonnes of nuclear fallout.

I was born in 1964, a year after above-ground testing of nuclear weapons was banned. But the US continued to test weapons of mass destruction under our land almost every three weeks until 1992.

The downwinders

The fallout from these tests covered a wide area, but it was Native American communities living downwind from the site who were most exposed - because we consumed contaminated wildlife, drank contaminated milk, lived off contaminated land. For Native American adults, the risk of exposure has been shown to be 15 times greater than for other Americans, for young people that increases to 30 times and for babies in utero to two years of age it can be as much as 50 times greater.

When the fallout came down, it killed the delicate flora and fauna, creating these huge vulnerabilities across thousands of square miles of Shoshone territory. The pine trees we use for food and heating were exposed, the plants we use for food and medicine were exposed, the animals we use for food were exposed. We were exposed.

As a result, we have watched our people die. Some of the strongest defenders of our land, of our people, just gone.

But we have to protect our land and our people. Our identity is the land. Our identity is the pure pristine water coming out of the ground, flowing for millions, tens of millions, hundreds of millions of years. We see that pure water as a medicine. People need that pure water to heal.

But what we find is that we have the US brokering for the nuclear industry, brokering for the mining industry, the destruction of our property for profit.

We cannot endure any further risk, whether from nuclear weapons testing or coal ash or oil tracking, any radiation source at all.

Hammers and nails

We are beginning to understand what has happened to us. For more than 50 years, we have been suffering from this silent killer and the US government's culture of secrecy keeps it silent. But we need relief.

In every other part of the world where there have been nuclear catastrophes or nuclear testing - such as Kazakhstan, Japan, even Chernobyl - there are health registries to monitor those who have been exposed, even if the numbers are kept artificially low in some places. We do not have that here in the US. We do not have that for Native American downwinders. We need that kind of testing. We need health registries. We need monitoring. We cannot wait any longer for the health disparities we are experiencing to be identified.

We are having to fight the US to get it to understand our basic health needs.

We have managed to obtain documents that were declassified in the 1990s. But there are almost two million pages. Trying to understand all of that is daunting. We do not have any funding and we do not have the support of the US to get that work done. So we are having to do this ourselves as we suffer through this continuing health crisis.

And all the while, military activities are still being conducted on our land.

We continue to endure and we live with the understanding that the radiation is there on the ground, it is there in our plants, in our animals, and inside of our people.

Killing Shoshone people was never part of the treaty we signed. Our people would never have engaged in something that would result in our own destruction.

Our custom is sharing, but when all you have is a hammer, everything is a nail, and that is what the US military has been doing, hammering the Shoshone with bombs.

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FOCUS: Trump Thinks Racism Is His Best Chance Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=6853"><span class="small">Frank Rich, New York Magazine</span></a>   
Saturday, 29 August 2020 12:34

Rich writes: "It was on what Democrats and even Republicans might agree was the most tedious night of this outrageous convention - Wednesday, when the star attraction was the soporific vocal stylings of Mike Pence - that I started to see how Trump could win reelection in spite of everything."

Supporters react as U.S. president Donald Trump holds a campaign rally in Minneapolis, Minnesota. (photo: Leah Millis/Reuters)
Supporters react as U.S. president Donald Trump holds a campaign rally in Minneapolis, Minnesota. (photo: Leah Millis/Reuters)


Trump Thinks Racism Is His Best Chance

By Frank Rich, New York Magazine

29 August 20


Most weeks, New York Magazine writer-at-large Frank Rich speaks with contributor Alex Carp about the biggest stories in politics and culture. Today, the message of the Republican convention.

uring a week of police violence and vigilante murder in Wisconsin, in a year of preventable deaths and growing poverty, the Republican convention emphasized loyalty to Donald Trump, casting aside matters of policy and campaign law in favor of grievance. Was the convention just another concession to his outsize ego, part of the strategy to energize the party’s base in the run-up to November, or an attempt to win over undecided voters?

It was on what Democrats and even Republicans might agree was the most tedious night of this outrageous convention — Wednesday, when the star attraction was the soporific vocal stylings of Mike Pence — that I started to see how Trump could win reelection in spite of everything. And to fear that if he didn’t, he would stop at nothing to take an already teetering country down with him. Next to that commanding reality, the usual morning-after questions we ask about political conventions seem almost quaint and beside the point.

Sure, the convention was designed to energize the party’s base, but I dare say that any voter who was motivated to watch all or large chunks of this convention is already motivated to show up to vote. And sure, the entire spectacle was a monument to Trump’s ego, to the point of requisitioning and demeaning the actual monuments of Washington for that enterprise. As for those coveted undecided voters in battleground states, how many were actually tuned in? Harry Enten, the poll guru at CNN, says that “maybe 15 percent of voters” are watching either convention, “most of whom are hardcore partisans.”

The RNC was so boring Wednesday night that Tucker Carlson cut away early on, ditching the nattering Tennessee congresswoman Marsha Blackburn so he could launch into his now notorious defense of Kyle Rittenhouse’s killing spree in Kenosha: “How shocked are we that 17-year-olds with rifles decided they had to maintain order when no one else would?” At that instant, Carlson, implicitly speaking for Trump, the Republican Party, and its media enforcer, Fox News, crystalized what message mattered most about this convention and what message will matter most in Trump’s campaign over the crucial two months to come. As Trump would define it in a rare moment of focus during his endless drone of an acceptance speech, a vote for Joe Biden is a vote to “give free rein to violent anarchists and agitators and criminals who threaten our citizens.” The corollary, stated directly by Carlson and repeatedly embraced by Trump, is that arms-bearing white Americans can’t be faulted for wanting to take the law into their own hands.

For “anarchists and agitators and criminals,” read “Black people.” This racially tinged “law and order” message is nothing new either for Trump or a GOP that has been pursuing a “Southern strategy” since Richard Nixon codified it half a century ago. As many have noted, Trump is at a logical disadvantage in using it since, unlike Nixon, he is the incumbent president and the disorder he keeps decrying is happening on his watch. But what grabbed my attention on the convention’s sleepy third night was how Trump, on the ropes in summer polling, is nonetheless determined to take that message to a new and even more dangerous level by fomenting racial violence if need be. He will not only continue to boost arms-bearing white vigilantes as he has from Charlottesville to Portland, but, when all else fails, unabashedly pin white criminality on Black Lives Matter protesters.

Literally so. While the unrest in Kenosha was referenced repeatedly on Wednesday night, no one mentioned that the violence was all committed by white men: Rittenhouse, and Rusten Sheskey, the police officer who shot Jacob Blake seven times in the back while his three young sons looked on. Then along came Pence to raise the ante in his closing address. While trying to pound in the fear that Biden will coddle and encourage violent thugs, he brought up the ominous example of an officer who had been “shot and killed during the riots in Oakland, California.” The implication, of course, was that the officer had been killed by black rioters in that “Democratic-run city” when in fact the victim was murdered by a member of the far-right extremist movement known as “boogaloo” boys. 

Next to this incendiary strategy, the other manifest sins of the week, though appalling, seem less consequential as we approach the crucial post–Labor Day campaign. They did keep those of us in the press busy. The news media were unstinting in calling out every lie and alternative fact in every speech as well as every violation of the Hatch Act. Full notice was paid to every shameless rhetorical feint and stunt contrived to create an alternative reality in which the coronavirus and mask-wearing are in the past tense, the decimated economy is about to skyrocket, and Trump is a champion of both immigration (even from what he calls “shithole countries”) and health care covering preexisting conditions. But aside from the 42 percent or so who consistently approve of Trump no matter what he or those around him do, most other Americans will see for themselves whether COVID-19 has evaporated or their economic security has improved this fall. Those are realities that Trump, for all his subterfuge, cannot alter. But racial animus is a less tangible and more enduring factor in America’s political fortunes, and it has been a toxic wild card in every modern election.

In that sense, the most predictable alternative reality spun by the convention was the recruitment of seemingly every black Republican official in the country to testify on camera that Trump and his party love what he calls “the Black people.” This gambit is a GOP staple. At George W. Bush’s 2000 convention in Philadelphia, there were more African-Americans onstage than in the audience as the party brought on break dancers, gospel singers, and speeches by Colin Powell and the only Black Republican in Congress, J.C. Watts of Oklahoma (setting the template for Tim Scott this week). Then as now, this effort was not so much intended to woo unattainable Black voters as to “give permission” to white voters to put aside any guilt they might feel about casting votes for a party that habitually plays the race card.

But 2020 is not 2016. Bush was not widely seen as a racist. Trump is, and, unlike Bush, he commands a party that doesn’t even bother to hide its alliances with white supremacists. The suburban white women that pollsters tell us Trump has lost since 2016 know this about Trump and the GOP, and I imagine that the Trump campaign knows they know it. With the convention gone and Tim Scott’s poignant address soon forgotten, it’s time for Plan B, a fear campaign with no boundaries that might yet push defecting 2016 Trump voters back into the camp.

Biden had it exactly right when he characterized this plan on Thursday by calling out Trump for “pouring gasoline on the fire” and “rooting for more violence, not less.” That was true from day one of the convention, when the gun-toting St. Louis couple, the McCloskeys, were given a prominent spot in the festivities. The rifle that Mark McCloskey pointed toward Black Lives Matter protesters in St. Louis, an AR-15, was the same that Kyle Rittenhouse fired at protesters in Kenosha the following night.

But it’s not enough for Biden to identify the strategy that is being unleashed to derail him, and it shouldn’t have taken him most of the week to get to the point. He’s in a fight for his and the country’s life. A Democratic campaign that was pitched most of all on targeting Trump’s criminally negligent response to the pandemic must now pivot to combat the most lethal of all American viruses, racism, in its most weaponized strain.

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Cops Have Long Encouraged Armed Right-Wing Counterprotesters Like the Teenage Shooter in Kenosha Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=43875"><span class="small">Branko Marcetic, Jacobin</span></a>   
Saturday, 29 August 2020 08:20

Marcetic writes: "Since the latest uprising for racial justice began, police throughout the country have been very friendly with cop-worshipping, armed right-wingers who have shown up on the streets across America to oppose protesters. The teenage shooter in Kenosha who killed two protesters this week wasn't the first and probably won't be the last."

Law enforcement in Kenosha, Wisconsin. (photo: Brandon Bell/Getty Images)
Law enforcement in Kenosha, Wisconsin. (photo: Brandon Bell/Getty Images)


Cops Have Long Encouraged Armed Right-Wing Counterprotesters Like the Teenage Shooter in Kenosha

By Branko Marcetic, Jacobin

29 August 20


Since the latest uprising for racial justice began, police throughout the country have been very friendly with cop-worshipping, armed right-wingers who have shown up on the streets across America to oppose protesters. The teenage shooter in Kenosha who killed two protesters this week wasn’t the first and probably won’t be the last.

ou didn’t need the recent events in Kenosha, Wisconsin, to know that something is seriously rotten in American policing. But this week’s murder of two protesters by a gun-toting, cop-worshipping teenage vigilante is a visceral reminder of the human costs of law enforcement’s affinity for armed, right-wing militias.

From what we know so far, though the boy who was apprehended didn’t have ties to extremist movements, he was a wannabe police officer. Besides a Facebook page littered with pro-police words and images, he had been part of his local police department’s “Explorer” program, which trains teens and young adults in policing activities like traffic stops, domestic disputes, and firearm use, with the aim of eventually piping them into a law enforcement career. Much like the police, who view themselves as the “thin blue line” protecting civilization from lawless hordes of agitators, he apparently saw himself as protecting Kenosha’s people and property from protesters and rioters.

It seems at least some of the local police sympathized with the armed militia members who hovered menacingly around the city this past week. One video shows officers passing water out to armed men, including the eventual shooter, and telling the group that “we appreciate you guys.” Videos and eyewitness testimony both have the police passing over the armed teen gunman as they responded to reports of gunfire, even as protesters pointed to him as the one responsible. The police, it seems, already had an image of the killer in their heads; a white kid with a semi-automatic rifle apparently wasn’t it.

This is depressingly unsurprising. The sight of police responding nonviolently, even acting friendly with, armed right-wing militias and protesters has become a common theme over the past few months and years. In Portland, police regularly met nonviolent but disruptive Black Lives Matter protests with staggering violence for months, only to take a hands-off approach when far-right groups joined the fray.

It was part of a lengthy pattern for that city’s police. In 2018, draft reports from the city’s review of police handling of left- and right-wing demonstrations quoted one lieutenant who “felt the right-wing protesters were ‘much more mainstream’ than the left-wing protesters.” Later, hundreds of publicly released texts showed that Portland police had collaborated with the leader of a violent far-right group to crack down on left-wing protesters, and even gave him advice for how one of his colleagues with an active warrant for his arrest could avoid arrest.

Portland is far from alone. Many noted the glaring difference between the calm, nonviolent way police treated anti-lockdown protesters — some of them heavily armed and threatening violence against lawmakers — who invaded Michigan’s state house and otherwise confronted police in April and May, and the orgy of brutality police everywhere inflicted on unarmed Black Lives Matter protesters and even members of the press. All over the country, armed far-right and/or police-supporting groups have similarly been encouraged, protected, and even collaborated with by the same police who have driven cars into unarmed protesters and taken their eyes out with rubber bullets.

In California, police worked with and protected members of far-right groups in 2018 to go after anti-fascist activists, including one black protester who had been stabbed at a rally. Before that, federal prosecutors relied on right-wing hoax mongers Project Veritas and James O’Keefe for evidence to use against the hundreds of journalists and anti-Trump protesters they had charged with felony rioting after the events of Trump’s 2017 inauguration.

At the back of all this, we know that federal investigators have long-established links between law enforcement and white supremacists, who urge their members to join local and state police, which they have done. Several investigations have found that hundreds of current and former police officers are members of right-wing Facebook groups or have made racist, violent posts and comments. It’s little wonder that 84 percent of working officers backed Trump for president in 2016, and that police unions are all in on him this year, too.

There’s more going on here than just the slow but steady transformation of US law enforcement into a distinct political class with far-right sympathies. There’s the perennial problem of the easy availability and lax regulation of guns in the United States, which helped Kenosha’s teen gunman get hold of a firearm his mother didn’t own and carry it around on the streets despite the fact that he was too young to legally do so.

And there’s the increasingly violent and extreme nature of the Right in the United States, with commentators across the right-wing spectrum demonizing and playing up the threat of anti–police brutality protesters the past few months, and now defending and justifying this latest tragedy.

But more than anything, it’s a bad sign that state and local law enforcement around the country increasingly views its political interests as dovetailing with those of violent, fascistic groups, especially when there are many thousands of misguided, wide-eyed kids out there who idolize police and genuinely think a career in law enforcement will let them do some good in the world. We still only know fragments about what exactly motivated that teenager to get hold of an assault rifle and hang around with armed militias in Kenosha. The scariest thing is that he may be just the first.

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Is QAnon the Future of the Republican Party? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=55903"><span class="small">William Sommer and Ryan Grim, The Intercept</span></a>   
Saturday, 29 August 2020 08:20

Excerpt: "QAnon is a far-ranging conspiracy theory that alleges, among other things, that a patriotic Trump supporter (or supporters) embedded in the highest levels of the U.S. government has been using internet forums to send coded messages to the American public about a secret plan to arrest and/or execute a global cabal of child-torturing, blood-drinking, Satan-worshipping pedophiles."

'The mantle of QAnon has been taken up by a huge number of mostly right-wing Americans.' (photo: The Nation)
'The mantle of QAnon has been taken up by a huge number of mostly right-wing Americans.' (photo: The Nation)


Is QAnon the Future of the Republican Party?

By William Sommer and Ryan Grim, The Intercept

29 August 20


Guest host Ryan Grim discusses the past, present, and future of the bizarre conspiracy theory.

Anon is a far-ranging conspiracy theory that alleges, among other things, that a patriotic Trump supporter (or supporters) embedded in the highest levels of the U.S. government has been using internet forums to send coded messages to the American public about a secret plan to arrest and/or execute a global cabal of child-torturing, blood-drinking, Satan-worshipping pedophiles. Despite its self-evident implausibility, the mantle of QAnon has been taken up by a huge number of mostly right-wing Americans, including a shocking number of Republican politicians. Guest host Ryan Grim talks to Intercept reporter Aída Chávez and the Daily Beast’s Will Sommer about the future of QAnon.

William Sommer: QAnon could potentially become more dangerous if Trump loses, because these are people who have become convinced that Trump is gonna solve all their problems. When that doesn’t happen, I think they’re gonna go, like, “Holy smokes, maybe I have to take action myself.”

[Musical interlude.]

Ryan Grim: Welcome to Deconstructed, I’m Ryan Grim, DC bureau chief for The Intercept, filling in this week for Mehdi.

At the DNC, Democrats laid out the choice in the upcoming election as one between light and darkness. This week at the RNC, Republicans continued with that theme, promising renewed American greatness with the re-election of Donald Trump, and warning of a nightmare of darkness if the country falls into the hands of Joe Biden.

President Donald J. Trump: He is the destroyer of America’s jobs, and, if given the chance, he will be the destroyer of American greatness.

RG: Behind the carefully-crafted scenes though, a different story has been playing out among the Republican base. A growing number of Republican voters — and even some politicians — have gone completely nuts.

WS: They believe that Trump will basically arrest all of his foes, like Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton, and, you know, either ship them to Guantanamo Bay or just execute them outright.

RG: That’s my first guest today, Daily Beast politics reporter Will Sommer, who has been reporting for the last few years on the bizarre, and increasingly popular conspiracy theory, known as QAnon.

After that, we’ll check in with Intercept politics reporter Aída Chávez, who’s noticed her own friends and acquaintances drifting toward Q in recent months.

But first, we’re going to go back in time a bit. Because as it turns out, panics about satanic child abuse are not a new phenomenon in America.

So today on the show: What is QAnon, where did it come from, and is it the future of the Republican party?

In the fall of 1909, one of the nation’s most widely read magazines, Woman’s World, delivered a shocking exposé to more than two million doorsteps around the country. A few months later, a best-selling book, called “War on the White Slave Trade,” became a national phenomenon. It sparked a moral panic that would reshape the country.

White parents across the country were warned that their girls were being snatched off the street and sold into sex slavery. The book, which was the collective work of Chicago clergy and prosecutors, warned that: “Ice cream parlors of the city and fruit stores combined, largely run by foreigners, are the places where scores of girls have taken their first step downward.” The result, the authors said, was: “The blackest slavery that has ever stained the human race.”

The conspiracy was vast, and for the “safety and purity of womanhood,” federal laws were needed.

The panic set off by that book had been building for a decade or more. In 1881, the YWCA in New York started offering typing classes to women. Pretty soon there were at least 60,000 women working as typists; that number kept climbing. The typewriter — and the income that came with it — started to affect the role of women in economic and social life.

As you can imagine, not everyone was thrilled with that development. For some, the simple sight of women walking alone in the city was a shocking affront. Women, unaccompanied by men, going to dance halls and ice cream parlors, was simply beyond the pale. And most shocking of all, some of these newly liberated white women were choosing to date black men.

Trafficking exposés like “War on the White Slave Trade” provided the public with the perfect outlet for their fear and rage. Whipped into a frenzy, they demanded that the government save the children, and the book’s authors helped write and pass the White Slave Traffic Act of 1910. Better known today as the Mann Act, it banned the transportation of any girl or woman across state lines for any ‘immoral’ purpose.

To enforce the Mann Act, the federal government needed cops. Two years earlier, Teddy Roosevelt had deputized a few dozen former secret service officers as “special agents” of the Department of Justice. Those agents were assigned the task of enforcing the White Slave Traffic Act, and they decided to call themselves the Bureau of Investigation. Within two years, there were some 300 special agents and as many support staff. Though no law ever officially authorized their existence, they’re now known as the Federal Bureau of Investigation.

The Mann Act passed on June 25, 1910. Nine days later, on July 4, Jack Johnson, the first black heavyweight champion, fought former champion James Jeffries, dubbed the “great white hope.” Johnson was a racial lightning rod, reviled by many whites for dating white women — the highest crime of the Jim Crow era — and for unapologetically flaunting the wealth his boxing had brought him. He showed no interest in knowing his place. Johnson knocked Jeffries out, and whites around the country rioted.

The real purpose of the Mann Act became clear pretty quickly. Federal agents arrested Jack Johnson under the new law for crossing state lines with his white girlfriend, who would soon be his wife. He eventually fled to Europe, not returning until 1920, when he was forced to serve his prison term.

The next wave of women’s liberation came in the 1970s, and again it produced a panic — the so-called satanic panic of the 1980s — as Americans became convinced that satanic day care centers were turning children into sex slaves. The message was clear: Their mothers should have stayed at home.

Then in 2016, with Hillary Clinton seemingly on her way to the White House, the panic surged back. This time, children were being trafficked not out of an ice cream parlor, but a pizza parlor, Comet Ping Pong in Washington DC, and the conspiracy involved people at the highest levels of government. When Trump took office, the theory went, he would expose and smash this conspiracy, and save the children.

In 2018, the conspiracy theory was given legs when the extremist anti-abortion group, Operation Rescue, claimed falsely it had damning new evidence about the evil deeds of Planned Parenthood. The next year, Jeffrey Epstein, at the center of a real-life elite child sex trafficking ring, was arrested and then died mysteriously.

It was up to an anonymous government insider (or maybe a group of them), known as Q, to end this evil. It was his followers’ job to help prepare the country for this Trump-led counterrevolution.

Pro-Q video: The good guys, with control over the NSA, began the Q intelligence dissemination program to invoke an online, grassroots movement that came to be called, the Great Awakening.

RG: This is QAnon, a movement that is now electing members of congress and threatening to infect the entire Republican Party. And it got its biggest boost yet when Trump was asked about it last week.

DJT: Well, I don’t know much about the movement, other than I understand they like me very much, which I appreciate.

RG: This week at the RNC, Republicans continued their dance, exploiting the energy of QAnon but never explicitly embracing it. Today, we’re going to explore this phenomenon because, as history shows, conspiracy theories don’t have to be true to change the world.

[Musical interlude.]

RG: My guest today is a politics reporter at The Daily Beast. Will Sommer has spent the last few years doing a deep, journalistic dive into the world of right-wing conspiracy theories, and he joins me now.

RG: Will Sommer, thank you so much joining Deconstructed.

WS: Hey, thanks for having me.

RG: It’s great to talk to you. Your reporting that you’ve done on QAnon is endlessly fascinating. And I wanted to get from you your take on where does this come from?

WS: Sure. So QAnon really sort of draws on all sorts of sources that we have in our culture, and really just going back decades or even centuries: there’s antisemitic tropes, there’s all these conspiracy theories — everything from the JFK assassination to 9/11 truth to pizzagate. So really QAnon, I mean, the genius of it is it draws on so many things, and it really sort of offers something for everybody.

RG: So who is Q?

WS: Yeah, so Q, this is sort of a big mystery about who Q is. We don’t know if it’s a person, if it’s a man or a woman, if it’s a bunch of people; we don’t know if it’s been the same group of people in control the whole time, or if it’s — basically we have no idea. I mean, QAnon believers think that it’s someone in the Trump administration who is sort of offering them clues. That’s obviously fake, but we don’t really know who it is.

RG: For people who don’t know the driving idea behind Q, what is their kind of central claim and mission?

WS: Sure. So QAnon is huge, and there’s a lot going on, but the way to sum it up is that the world has been controlled by a satanic cabal of pedophile cannibals or, as they call them, pedavores.

QAnon video: I believe that there is a move to wipe the world clean of pedophiles, pedavores, satan worshippers.

WS: These are prominent people in banking and Hollywood, in the Democratic Party, the criminals I’m

QAnon video: The criminals I’m referring to are famous politicians, actors, singers, CEOs, and celebrities, people who have earned our trust, respect, and admiration.

WS: And this cabal is sort of responsible for all the evil in the world, all the problems we have as societies.

RG: And that’s how you get back to JFK assassination and all of that.

WS: Right. And so, like, JFK, the thing was, he was about to take down the cabal, so they got him.

RG: Gotcha.

WS: And so then every president since then has been what they call a slave president, working for the cabal, until Donald Trump. And so Trump comes in because — in their telling — the military is like: We gotta get rid of this cabal. And so they hire — they basically recruit — Trump to run for president to bring down these satanic pedophiles.

QAnon video: Donald J. Trump, President of the United States of America, is not only taking on the restoration of our country, but the world in general.

WS: And so the big kind of moment QAnon believers are focused on is called the storm. And this is when they believe that the day they think Trump will basically arrest all of his foes, like Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton, really just like thousands, maybe tens of thousands of people across the country.

QAnon video: These people are going to face prosecution, they’re going to face serious jail time, and some of them will face the death penalty. There is no other way forward.

RG: And why hasn’t the storm happened yet?

WS: [Laughs.] I think it’s because QAnon is fake.

RG: [Laughs.]

WS: But certainly, I mean QAnon people tell themselves, it’s, you know, it’s like, it’s the dang deep state that this is such a significant problem, that it’s just really hard to uproot.

And so, you know, they QAnon believers see themselves as sort of these evangelists who are telling the world about what’s gonna happen, so that when the storm does happen, everyone’s like, “Oh, yeah, you know, they did say that about Tom Hanks and Oprah.”

RG: And so the role of a believer here is not just to be an observer, but what exactly? Like, besides — so they need to evangelize, they need to grow the movement so that the ground is prepped for Trump’s counter revolution, is that right?

WS: Yeah, exactly. So the idea behind why Q is putting out these clues is that the Q team, the people in the Trump administration doing this whole thing, decided that, you know, if we just arrested everyone on Inauguration Day 2017, there would have been this, you know, civil war because no one would get the deal. And so Q is going to put out these signals, and then people who get into Q are part of this thing called the Great Awakening, and so they’re going to try to win over their friends or family into this whole thing.

RG: And so we talked earlier in this show about the the panic around what they called white slavery back in the early part of the 20th century. I know you’re a little bit familiar with that. Do you see any parallels between what happened then, and what’s going on now?

WS: Yeah, absolutely. I mean, this is a situation where a prosecutor in Chicago, wrote this book about these kind of fantastical claims of, you know, these kind of slavery rings kidnapping people into sexual slavery across the country. And this was a big hit. And then it went on to inspire some real-life laws.

RG: So what role does Jeffrey Epstein play in QAnon?

WS: Epstein, right now, is kind of a major gateway to QAnon. Q and QAnon believers were talking about Epstein before his most recent arrest, but obviously, a lot of that information was already public. So yeah, that doesn’t really mean Q is operating on, you know, inside info or something.

But since Epstein’s arrest and his death, and obviously Guillaine Maxwell’s arrest as well, those are kind of high-profile incidents of seemingly genuine sex trafficking rings potentially involving very elite, powerful people. And so while that’s not really what QAnon was about, it sort of served as a way to get that stuff in the headlines, and also to sort of be a low-cost way for QAnon people to say, to, let’s say, average average person, they can say, “Well, don’t you think this Epstein stuff was bad?” And they say, “Oh yeah, sure, absolutely” — understandably, and then that sort of is how you get pulled in.

RG: How has Q gotten so big? You know, the mainstream media basically never touches QAnon. Even Fox News, I don’t think goes into them very much, but correct me if I’m wrong about that.

WS: Jesse Watters has been a big QAnon proponent at times, actually.

RG: How so? What’s his line? How does he promote Q without sounding like a complete nutjob?

WS: Yeah, so he says like: You know, Q, say what you want about them, but they’ve been right about a lot of stuff.

RG: Ah. OK. And like the Epstein thing would be like, one of the things they were right about? Is that where he’s going with that?

WS: Yeah. So that gets attributed to QAnon people a lot of the time, the Epstein stuff, or just kind of vaguely, you know, this sense that like, you know, malevolent forces are afoot in the world.

RG: What about the social media platforms? You know, how did they handle them in the beginning? And how are they handling them now? Is there something in the way that Facebook brings people together that supercharged this?

WS: Yeah, I mean, I think social media has played a massive role here. And I think, unfortunately, the vast majority of the platforms have been really slow to act on this. The way QAnon works is it’s such an outlandish system of beliefs. I mean, you’re talking about, you know, Barack Obama drinking children’s blood.

RG: [Laughs.] Uh huh.

WS: So that, you know, I think in a pre-internet world, you know, these people would have been confined to maybe some zines, some mailing lists, you know, obviously, the John Birch society is sort of a precursor to this. But I think these people basically would have struggled to find validation for their beliefs because, you know, you might have one person in one town or one neighborhood who would believe this, and they wouldn’t be able to connect with people who would say: No, you’re not crazy. It’s the people who don’t see this who are crazy.

But online these people can all find each other and kind of spin off each other. You know, often what happens is QAnon believers will become alienated from their families. And then they’re like, well, but that’s OK, because QAnon is my new family, like me and all the detectives online. So they’re really able to sort of reinforce one another.

RG: So what is #SaveTheChildren and is this a new advent, kind of a new strain of QAnon that we’re seeing in the last weeks or months?

WS: Yeah, so the pandemic has kind of kicked off a new stage of QAnon. We’re seeing QAnon, right now, move beyond the classic QAnon type, which is sort of a boomer, white, probably evangelical Christian, and a Trump supporter. But the pandemic has really shot up interest in Q and QAnon more broadly. And the latest iteration of this is the #SaveTheChildren or the #SaveOurChildren hashtags.

And Save the Children is a legitimate anti-child trafficking organization. But its name has been hijacked by QAnon people who kind of gussy up their beliefs about, you know, children being eaten in this kind of vague: Don’t you think child abuse or child sexual abuse is bad? Which, you know, of course everyone does. And so they have these rallies. And while it’s this very surface level, like, you know, stop-abusing-kids stuff, then you see someone with a sign that’s like “John Podesta drinks blood,” or like pizzagate stuff.

And so this sort of serves, especially on Facebook, as a gateway to get a lot of people into it. I think what we’re seeing with #SaveTheChildren is that QAnon is moving beyond the older, white Trump-supporter demographic. The #SaveTheChildren marches in LA, for example, hundreds of people turn out, and these are often Black or Latino people, young people, women, people in their teens or 20s. So I think we’re really seeing QAnon blow up with new groups of people. And adding into that QAnon is also getting really big on TikTok, so, you know, I think a lot of teens are getting into it as well.

RG: Hmm. Can you talk a little bit about the, I don’t know if you would call them, “lone wolf” QAnon folks? You wrote recently about Cindy Abcug, the Colorado woman who was planning to assault the foster care home where her son was living. Tell us a little bit about her, and what that plot from her signifies in terms of the kind of, a next, more violent phase of QAnon where people who haven’t even heard of it are now potentially going to be on the receiving end of some of its violence.

WS: Yeah, I mean, I think one of the most fascinating things to watch about QAnon since 2018, has been the ways that it spills over into violence because, at its core, QAnon is telling people that really like the most heinous things you could possibly imagine are happening and people are getting away with it. And so what do you do about that?

So in the case of Cindy Abcug, this was a woman in Colorado who had lost custody of her son. It’s not quite clear why, but it seems like the state had a pretty strong case against her, and so her son was now in a foster home. And so she became convinced through QAnon and these various QAnon networks that not only did she not have custody of her son, and that was bad enough, but she decides that her son is basically being fed into the QAnon, cabal sex-trafficking ring and is gonna be, you know, heinously abused.

So she teamed up with these QAnon believers; they sent a guy with a gun, and who claims to be this ex-sniper. And they’re basically plotting — she gets a gun — essentially, allegedly an armed assault on this foster home. And, you know, according to what Abcug who told her daughter, who eventually tipped off the police, she claims that they were like: Yeah, you know, people are probably gonna die, people are gonna get hurt, but, again, these are satanic pedophiles, so it’s kind of like, who cares? And so she was really on the verge of this, allegedly, and then the cops moved in, and she ended up fleeing and sort of entered this network of QAnon fugitives where they kind of provide each other with material support.

RG: What’s the reaction among the broader Q community to that? Is there a strain of it that says: Listen, you know, don’t take your eye off the ball, we’re waiting for the storm? Or is it more like what you described that this kind of violence is encouraged and actually given material support through, you know, helping her hideout afterwards?

WS: Yeah. So I mean, there’s all these different sorts of factions of QAnon. Whenever a QAnon violent incident happens, typically, they say: Well, that’s a false flag, that’s not us, we’re a peaceful research movement. That’s one of their big lines.

But consistently, I mean, there’s kind of this disconnect between fantasizing about the violent murder of your enemies, saying that, you know, Donald Trump would sanction it and that these people are demons essentially, and then saying: Well, but, you know, we just screw around online about it, no one should do anything about it.

And so, you know, I mean, the images these people have, whether they’re like demon hunters or crusaders. And then you know, these spill into, obviously the Comet Ping Pong shooting was sort of an early antecedent of this: someone tried to burn down Comet Ping Pong, one guy murdered his brother allegedly, another fellow killed the the head of a mafia family, according to police, and then kind of showed up in court with a Q on his palm. You know, there have been plenty of these incidents. But each time this happens, they say: There’s a false flag, but, you know, I kind of don’t really mind that it happened, essentially.

RG: So how many Q folks are successfully running for Congress or for lower offices right now? Not precisely, but how big is this getting at the electoral level?

WS: Sure. So in the primaries, there were a huge number of them. You know, Media Matters did some great work tracking this.

Now most of the primaries are over; I believe there’s a little more than a dozen QAnon-affiliated people who have either made positive comments about QAnon, who have gone on QAnon YouTube shows, all the way to, “QAnon is real”; “I love Q.”

So there are a couple interesting cases. I think probably one of the biggest ones is Jo Rae Perkins.

Jo Rae Perkins: Hi, my name is Jo Rae Perkins, candidate for the U.S. Senate in Oregon. Where we go one, we go all. I stand with President Trump. I stand with Q and the team. Thank you Anons, and thank you patriots, and together we can save our republic.

WS: Obviously she’s not gonna win that, but this is someone who is so into QAnon, her campaign said, “No, she’s not into QAnon,” and then she broke down crying and said, you know, “Q is like Jesus to me.”

And then you know, you have Marjorie Taylor Green in Georgia, probably the most interesting case, because she just won a run-off in a really Republican District, which means that she will almost certainly win a seat in Congress in November.

RG: And tell us about Mary Ann Mendoza, activist from Arizona, who was supposed to speak at the Republican National Convention. They ended up pulling her video after she tweeted out a QAnon meme. Tell us a little bit about the dance that the Republican Party is doing here with Q folks. They clearly don’t want to be explicitly platforming and endorsing QAnon folks, but they don’t seem to be very vocally distancing themselves either.

WS: No, I mean, there is this game that the Republican Party and the Trump administration are playing.

So, basically since 2018, when Q people started showing up in force, with Q signs and Q shirts at Trump rallies. Seemingly, you know, according to on-the-ground reports, either the Secret Service or campaign security told people to cut that out and was banning QAnon paraphernalia; there was kind of this attempt to not make it as public how much of the Trump base is really into QAnon.

But then, you know, you see Trump retweets QAnon people all the time; he invited some to the White House social media summit; Dan Scavino posts these kind of wink-wink QAnon memes.

And so to the normal person, the normal voter, this is meaningless to you because you don’t know the code words. But then when you say to the Trump campaign: Geez, kind of weird you’re doing this, they say, well, I don’t know what you’re talking about.

So in this case, you know, Trump endorses Marjorie Taylor Greene, he says she’s gonna be a big Republican star. And so just over the past couple weeks, I think QAnon, the administration’s had to grapple with it more. I think the latest case we’re seeing is that they say, “well, I don’t know about that” — even though obviously, you know, you could look it up pretty easily.

In the case of Mary Ann Mendoza, this is this is one of these so-called “angel moms” whose, you know, child was killed in some sort of interaction with an undocumented immigrant. And she’s been a big Republican star and she was set to speak. And then the morning of her speech, she tweeted this, just like deranged, antisemitic QAnon thread. She referred her fans to check it out about like the Protocols of the Elders of Zion and like, let’s subjugate the goyim. So it was sort of just like a little too on the nose, I think in terms of antisemitism.

RG: And what did you make of Trump’s comments during the press conference about Q? And also what did the Q folks make of them?

WS: Yeah, I mean, so Trump’s been asked about this a couple times. The first time he kind of brushed it off. I should say here to foreground it, QAnon people are obsessed with Trump being asked about QAnon, because they say: Well, if it’s so ridiculous, someone should just ask him about it. And unfortunately, they’ve kind of gotten what they wanted out of it.

DJT: I don’t know really anything about it, other than they do, supposedly, like me.

WS: And then someone says: Well, I mean, these are people who think that you know, you’re at war with these, you know, a cabal of cannibal pedophiles. And he says:

DJT: Is that supposed to be a bad thing or a good thing? If I can help save the world from problems, I’m willing to do it, I’m willing to put myself out there. And we are actually.

RG: [Laughs.]

WS: And so for QAnon people, this was all they could ask for. He all but affirmed it, you know, in the way they’re looking at it. So you know, I talked to this one big QAnon promoter, and he was over the moon. He was like, you know, QAnon lives to fight another day, this is gonna help us win so many more people.

RG: What’s been their posture toward you? Do they think that you’re a pedophile cannibal, too?

WS: Yeah, a lot of them do. [Laughs.] My interactions with QAnon people kind of run the gamut: some of them are convinced that I’m secretly an agent for Q and that by writing all these articles about how ridiculous, dangerous QAnon is that I’m really kind of spreading the word.

You know, I had this one guy call me and he was like, “Will, like, I’m really concerned for you, you got to come clean, you gotta, you know, come on board with the Q team before it’s too late.”

But a good amount of them, they found some quote-unquote evidence that I’ve eaten pizza at Comet Ping Pong. And now they kind of use this and they like, you know, they have kind of an image macro about me, and they share, it’s like a meme, and so they’re like, you know, they kind of use it like this ultimate trump card that I’ve eaten pizza before.

RG: But where do you think this is heading, if you had to guess?

WS: Yeah, I mean, I think a big kind of crux moment for QAnon is going to be what happens in November. Either Trump wins, and then I think the Q people will, you know, kind of be emboldened, or Trump loses and I think we enter sort of a more uncertain territory.

I think there are a lot of folks who are hoping that kind of the veil will lift from QAnon believers’ eyes and that they’ll kind of blink and be like, “oh, what happened?” But I think in reality, QAnon could potentially become more dangerous if Trump loses, because these are people who have been convinced that Trump is going to solve all their problems, both personally, and in this imagined world of cannibals. But when that doesn’t happen, I think they’re going to go, like, holy smokes, maybe I have to take action myself.

RG: So one last question. If you had to guess, who is Q?

WS: [Laughs.] That is a great question.

I mean, I think Q is probably just some random person who is just a 4chan user, who may be running a YouTube account or something that’s making a little money off of QAnon? I think it’s really unclear. I mean, I think it’s someone who’s probably grifting to some extent, but it’s not, you know, going to be some big revelation, I think.

And I think most importantly, even if we found out who Q is, QAnon has built-in mechanisms to move beyond that revelation. You know, even if someone came out and said, “Yeah, I just made all this stuff up to get rich. Haha, dummies!” I think QAnon people have told themselves like, “Well, maybe Q isn’t real. But what he told us was true.” So they’re ready to move past. It’s kind of QAnon without Q is ready to go.

RG: I lied. I do have actually one more question.

WS: Sure.

RG: If you do have a family member or a loved one, you know, who’s deep into the Q phenomenon, what have you found that has worked that is able to kind of de-radicalize those people?

WS: Yeah. I mean, this is just a super, super hard question, and it’s one I get a lot from people who have really lost, you know, often older parents or, or you know, their significant others to QAnon.

A tip I got from David Nyberg, who has a book coming out about, basically how to deal with friends and family who get into conspiracy theories is — let’s say you have someone who gets into conspiracy theories, obviously you want to decide, you know, how important is this relationship to you. If it’s somebody you went to high school with on Facebook, who cares. But, you know, if it’s a parent, for example, and if they’re getting into it enough that it’s really sort of interfering in your relationship or how they operate in the world, you know, you sort of want to basically keep the lines of communication open, try not to hit them directly with facts — as tempting and understandable as that may be — and then you try to kind of figure out what personal issues it is that’s driving this person towards conspiracy theories. You know, maybe it’s sort of a feeling of hopelessness in regards to their own personal situation; a sense that the world is kind of getting out of control or something. And then you sort of try to pull them back from there and connect on a sort of personal, emotional level.

But, you know, that’s really easier said than done. And, you know, I think there’s really very few examples of this successfully working, unfortunately.

RG: Will Sommer, wild stuff. Check him out at The Daily Beast. Thank you so much for chatting with us.

WS: Thanks for having me.

[Musical interlude.]

RG: That was Daily Beast politics reporter Will Sommer. For a long time, the stereotype of the average Q fan was that they were all right-wing baby boomers. But recently, The Intercept’s politics reporter Aída Chávez has started to notice a new phenomenon on her Facebook feed. Aída, thanks so much for coming on the show.

Aída Chávez: Thanks for having me.

RG: So you’ve noticed something interesting going on in your Facebook feed. Basically, what have you seen among people you’ve grown up with lately?

AC: Sure. So I grew up in a pretty conservative place. And so it’s not unusual for me to be scrolling on Facebook and see posts about Trump or guns or other, you know, conservative issues. But I have noticed that starting a few weeks ago, I’ve just been seeing a lot of QAnon and pizzagate posts, and #SaveTheChildren and hashtags about pedophiles, and it’s actually pretty jarring to see like, such a big shift in people you’ve known your entire life.

RG: Have you spoken to any of them?

AC: Yeah, recently, I reached out to this one girl who I’ve known since like, I don’t know, maybe the fifth grade. That was our first time talking in like, a few years actually. I was asking her about when she got into QAnon and pizzagate stuff and I thought it was really telling. She said that she just started getting into it a couple weeks ago, and despite being really conservative, she wasn’t an OG pizzagate person. She just started getting into it recently.

RG: What was it that got her into it?

AC: It was actually her mom, which I thought was really interesting.

RG: Hmm.

AC: And she wasn’t the only person who I spoke with who had been indoctrinated by their parents. I spoke with another girl, interestingly enough, they’re both from law enforcement families, too.

RG: Hmm.

AC: So they had been hearing from their parents for some time about this QAnon stuff. And in one case, she thought the claims were outrageous, and she just started consuming the content, reading the books, watching the YouTube documentaries, and that sold her — and the other girl was sold right away.

RG: Are any of these young women parents themselves?

AC: Yeah, one of the friends who I interviewed, she is a stay-at-home mom to, I think, a two-year-old son. And so I think that is definitely another pattern that I found in doing interviews with my friends. I have a couple other friends who are young moms, they’re actually not conservative at all, they’re quite left-leaning, pretty liberal people, but they got into it out of just like this deep fear of trafficking and like pedophilia. And since they have a kid, like they’re young moms, they’re actually really scared. And I’ve tried explaining how trafficking and sex trafficking has been hijacked by QAnon, and this fringe, far-right movement; I guess it doesn’t really make sense to them, because they’re just like, inundated with all this fear-mongering of trafficking. And so they consider it like a very serious threat.

And you know, who can argue with that? Because, you know, trafficking is something that’s universally disgusting.

RG: Right. And to pick up on that theme, there is a there there in the sense of the Jeffrey Epstein scandal. Did Epstein come up in your conversations with any of your friends?

AC: Yeah, absolutely — all of them. And I think that is also a danger for the friends I mentioned, who are actually quite left-leaning. I think a problem is that with how Democrats didn’t really handle the Epstein stuff, they kind of ceded that ground to the far right, I think.

RG: This is fascinating. Please keep us updated.I don’t know about you, but I like to tell myself that this whole Q thing is just a bunch of old Trump supporters and not something to worry about. But I’m not so sure anymore. It is definitely something to keep watching.

Anyway, Aída, thanks so much for coming on the show and stay safe.

AC: Thanks.

[Musical interlude.]

RG: That’s our show! Deconstructed is a production of First Look Media and The Intercept. Our producer is Zach Young. The show was mixed by Bryan Pugh. Our theme music was composed by Bart Warshaw. Betsy Reed is The Intercept’s editor in chief.

I’m Ryan Grim. Mehdi will be back next week! If you haven’t already, please subscribe to the show so you can hear it every week. Go to theintercept.com/deconstructed to subscribe from your podcast platform of choice: iPhone, Android, whatever. If you’re subscribed already, please do leave us a rating or review — it helps people find the show. And if you want to give us feedback, email us at This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it . Thanks so much!

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Something I Would've Said in June, Had I Been Asked Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=47905"><span class="small">Garrison Keillor, Garrison Keillor's Website</span></a>   
Friday, 28 August 2020 12:44

Keillor writes: "Life is unfair. This is what the Class of 2020 should've been told at commencement, if there had been one."

Garrison Keillor. (photo: MPR)
Garrison Keillor. (photo: MPR)


Something I Would've Said in June, Had I Been Asked

By Garrison Keillor, Garrison Keillor's Website

28 August 20

 

gave my love an Italian cookbook Saturday and she cut the plastic off it and opened it and found recipes for leg of kid, eel, pork liver, braised snout, sweet-and-sour snout, and I could tell that we will be eating vegan for the foreseeable future. I was just finishing up a nice helping of short ribs and she gave me a moralistic look, the sort you might give a cannibal if there were one around. And yet—who in this household is worried about high cholesterol? Not me, the butcher boy. The Queen of Greens, that’s who. Thus once more we discover the fundamental unfairness of life. The good are punished while the wicked get off scot-free.

My favorite breakfast is a sirloin steak with two fried eggs. I’m only a writer at a desk but that meal makes me feel like a stevedore looking ahead to a day on the docks running a forklift. I feel young and strong. Then I sit down at the laptop and taptaptap for a while. Meanwhile, my love eats her steel-cut oatmeal and goes for a run in the park and worries about cholesterol.

I’ve been the beneficiary of injustice for many years. I was an indifferent student and slogged through useless humanities courses and read Kafka and Camus and wrote papers about existentialism, which was all the rage back then and which nobody knew what it was exactly nor even approximately, which allowed an ignorant twerp to write inscrutable term papers about it, meanwhile the best and the brightest were studying engineering or medicine or law and forging ahead, and I, because I have a somber face and no social skills, went into radio during a boom period, and they became serfs in tall buildings in fast-moving fields (especially engineering) where obsolescence set in around age thirty-five, and I did a radio show that, because it was nostalgic, defied change, and thus did the turtle outrun a great many hares.

The plague struck in March. All of the gifted artists I knew—musicians, actors, comedians—were out of work, whereas I, the writer of homely tropes and truisms, was busier than ever. Like most introverts, I enjoyed the pandemic to the utmost.

Life is unfair. This is what the Class of 2020 should’ve been told at commencement, if there had been one. They don’t need to hear about marching to a different drummer and lighting a candle and making a difference in the world because it’s the only one we have. That is a bowl of chicken wieners in canned beans in instant gravy.

No, they need to be told that they got a third-rate education and they need to toughen themselves up so they can blow up the gates and take over the world and seize from their greedy boomer parents a fair share of the national wealth. Manufacturing is dying: everything’s made in China. The farms are industrialized. The arts? Ha! You get paid in candy wrappers and bottle caps. Your future gets more limited every day. The rules are rigged and the country is at war with itself and people are stupefied by Twitter and Facebook and it’s time to storm the barricades.

The problem with revolution, though, is that life is unfair. The revolutionaries who go to the barricades never get to enjoy the rewards. Their grandchildren do.

Revolutionaries get into bitter feuds with fellow radicals and wind up in jail or exile, embittered by a long string of betrayals. Meanwhile, billionaires live in fear of losing the mansion and the grounds, the heated pool, the staff at the ready to satisfy your every whim, if only you had a whim, but billionaires don’t have time for whimsy. It’s a hard life on both sides of the battle. So skip it. Just declare victory and go live your life.

School can’t teach you to be independent so teach yourself. If you can be happy alone, then you’ve got a good start. Try sitting in a boat on water with nobody else around, or sit in the yard the morning after a rain, or walk in the woods at dusk. Fall is coming, when the world is gorgeous to all of the senses. Let your soul breathe; experience buoyancy without spending money. Once you learn to be good company for yourself, you’ve achieved the revolution and earned a fortune. Then you can go on to the next step, which is coming in out of the rain, and lying down in the bed you have made.

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