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The Soul of Our Country Is Being Fought for in the Streets and Cities Across America Right Now Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=36361"><span class="small">Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page</span></a>   
Sunday, 30 August 2020 08:15

Reich writes: "Even at the end of a summer marked by historic protests against racial injustice and police killings, officer shootings of unarmed Black people are still occurring at a devastating frequency."

Former Clinton labor secretary Robert Reich. (photo: Steve Russell/Toronto Star)
Former Clinton labor secretary Robert Reich. (photo: Steve Russell/Toronto Star)


The Soul of Our Country Is Being Fought for in the Streets and Cities Across America Right Now

By Robert Reich, Robert Reich's Facebook Page

30 August 20

 

ven at the end of a summer marked by historic protests against racial injustice and police killings, officer shootings of unarmed Black people are still occurring at a devastating frequency.

This time it happened in Kenosha, Wisconsin. Rusten Sheskey of the Kenosha Police Department shot an unarmed Black man, Jacob Blake, seven times in the back as his three children watched. He is now paralyzed from the waist down, and doctors say it will take a miracle for him to ever walk again.

I won’t pretend to understand what it’s like to be terrorized, brutalized, or murdered for the color of my skin, or to feel unsafe simply by existing. What I do understand is that there are serious, systemic disparities between how I am treated as a white man and how those in the Black community are treated.

I am committed to using my privilege and platform to participate actively in upending systems of control, like police and prisons, that have perpetuated white supremacist violence and the oppression of Black people for centuries.

That’s why I am asking you to use the below link to make a donation to the Movement for Black Lives — a collective of 150 organizations representing Black people from across the country — to help build a world free of police killings and systemic oppression, in which the full humanity and dignity of Black people is recognized.

The Movement for Black Lives supports the local protests at the forefront of the Black Lives Matter movement, and is mobilizing to create a shared vision and policy agenda to win rights, recognition, and resources for Black people through grassroots organizing and legislative action.

Tomorrow, they’re holding a Black National Convention to present the Democratic National Committee with a shared policy agenda, including restoration of the Voting Rights Act, immediate demilitarization of police and an end to private prisons, abolishing the Electoral College, breaking up Big Banks, and guaranteeing universal health care.

You can tune in to the convention here: https://m4bl.org/events/the-black-national-convention/

The soul of our country is being fought for in the streets of Kenosha, Louisville, Oakland, and cities across America right now. The stakes could not be higher, and we must all come together to support the movement.

So please, use the link below to stand with the Black Lives Matter movement and the protestors literally risking their lives in Kenosha by making a donation to the Movement for Black Lives Fund today. And, if you can, set up a recurring donation to sustain the work.

In solidarity, Robert Reich

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Leverage Is Everything: The Striking NBA Players Have Inherent Power, but So Do You Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=53341"><span class="small">Hamilton Nolan, In These Times</span></a>   
Sunday, 30 August 2020 08:01

Nolan writes: "The power of a nuclear bomb is not so much generated as it is unleashed. Atoms carry that mighty power at all times - it just takes an action to let it out."

NBA players are on strike. (photo: Kevin C. Cox/Getty Images)
NBA players are on strike. (photo: Kevin C. Cox/Getty Images)


Leverage Is Everything: The Striking NBA Players Have Inherent Power, but So Do You

By Hamilton Nolan, In These Times

30 August 20

he pow­er of a nuclear bomb is not so much gen­er­at­ed as it is unleashed. Atoms car­ry that mighty pow­er at all times?—?it just takes an action to let it out. Work­ing peo­ple have the same kind of pow­er. It’s lever­age. Many of us walk around car­ry­ing it for our entire lives with­out ever using it. See­ing that pow­er demon­strat­ed is the best way to remind every­one that they can use it, too. 

We are in the midst of an unprece­dent­ed wave of wild­cat strikes in major sports leagues. (With­hold­ing labor is a strike; a wild­cat strike is when work­ers strike on their own, with­out the for­mal approval of their union and often in vio­la­tion of their con­tract. Don’t call it a “boy­cott.”) We can’t real­ly call them sud­den, because they’re a reac­tion to hun­dreds of years of racial oppres­sion, but they are hap­pen­ing with stun­ning speed. 

Wednes­day, the bas­ket­ball play­ers on the Mil­wau­kee Bucks decid­ed on their own to sit out of their NBA play­off game in protest of the shoot­ing of Jacob Blake by police in Kenosha, Wis­con­sin. Play­ers on oth­er teams, inspired, fol­lowed their lead, caus­ing the league to hasti­ly “post­pone” all of the day’s play­off games, to avoid being forced to can­cel them one by one due to play­er walk­outs. With­in hours, play­ers in the WNBA and in Major League Soc­cer and in Major League Base­ball and even announc­ers were stop­ping work as well. His­to­ry is being made, just that fast. 

Here I just want to make a sim­ple point: these NBA play­ers may be rich and famous, but in this case, they are not doing any­thing that you can’t do too. The pow­er they are exer­cis­ing here is not ath­let­ic pow­er, but labor pow­er. They are mem­bers of a union, the Nation­al Bas­ket­ball Play­ers Asso­ci­a­tion, and that union has a con­tract with the NBA, and that con­tract pro­hibits them from strik­ing. Yet they struck. And not only did they get away with it, but it was a spec­tac­u­lar pub­lic suc­cess. They pulled off a wild­cat strike because they have lever­age. Because they can. That is the only pow­er that real­ly mat­ters in the work­place. Every­thing else is imag­i­nary. 

Think about it: What would hap­pen if the NBA start­ed wav­ing its con­tract, with the “no strike” clause, and crit­i­ciz­ing the play­ers for their work stop­page, and threat­en­ing harsh legal retal­i­a­tion? The NBA would be crushed by a wave of bad PR, first of all. That would be bad for busi­ness. And what would be worse for busi­ness would be the fact that there would be no busi­ness?—?if the play­ers don’t play, there is no NBA. Peri­od. Being a pro­fes­sion­al bas­ket­ball play­er is cer­tain­ly a more elite and high-skill pro­fes­sion than what you or I do for a liv­ing, but these play­ers are exer­cis­ing lever­age that we all have in com­mon. 

If we don’t work, there is no busi­ness, and there is no mon­ey for the boss. The entire his­to­ry of cor­po­rate labor rela­tions in Amer­i­ca has been one long effort by employ­ers to obscure, hide, and sti­fle this fact. Yet it remains the case that we have the pow­er, because we do the work. And boss­es will go to great lengths, and make many con­ces­sions, to ensure that they’re nev­er forced to do the work them­selves. 

The rules that gov­ern orga­nized labor in Amer­i­ca are not fair. The bulk of labor law has been writ­ten to favor busi­ness, which has the mon­ey and finan­cial incen­tive to spend decades lob­by­ing to make labor laws more and more hos­tile to work­ers. The law harsh­ly restricts who is allowed to union­ize, and what rights they have, and when they are legal­ly allowed to strike. 

The Mil­wau­kee Bucks have per­formed the valu­able ser­vice of show­ing us that all of those laws don’t mean jack shit. Lever­age is time­less and sits out­side the law. It is root­ed in the fab­ric of real­i­ty, like physics. Why did the NBA rush to release state­ments about how it “sup­ports” these unau­tho­rized strikes which very well may end their sea­son? In what sense do the own­ers of these teams “sup­port” these actions, which may cost them mil­lions of dol­lars, that they would have warned against right up until the moment they hap­pened? They “sup­port” the play­ers here in the sense that they have no choice but to do so. What would hap­pen if the NBA respond­ed to these unau­tho­rized strikes by lock­ing the play­ers out next sea­son, as would be their right under the con­tract? Would all of the world’s NBA fans sit calm­ly and con­tin­ue tithing mon­ey to bas­ket­ball team own­ers in order to pre­serve the sanc­ti­ty of con­tracts? No. What would hap­pen is there would be no NBA. 

And if all of the play­ers got sick of the own­ers and their con­tracts and decid­ed to pack up and start their own bas­ket­ball league that they them­selves ran, fans would watch that, because that is where the good bas­ket­ball would be. The play­ers make mon­ey for the own­ers, not vice ver­sa. This is the key to their lever­age. With an under­stand­ing of this fact, their options are lim­it­less. The league can holler and yell and cajole and object, but ulti­mate­ly it will come along. The work­ers have the pow­er. 

What is hap­pen­ing in pro sports is inspir­ing. But I under­stand that some may also find it dispir­it­ing, because they may think, “I am not a pro ath­lete. I am not rich or famous. I have a reg­u­lar job with lit­tle pow­er. I can­not exer­cise lever­age in the same way.” 

Wrong. Though it is eas­i­er for the boss to replace you or me at work than it is to replace an NBA play­er, it is hard for any boss any­where to replace every­one. To func­tion, busi­ness­es require work­ers. Col­lec­tive action, there­fore, is the real source of your lever­age. It is the abil­i­ty of you and your cowork­ers to deprive the busi­ness of the labor it needs to func­tion. Sol­i­dar­i­ty is pow­er for every­one. 

I once went to a union ral­ly for a group of jan­i­tors at an air­port in Min­neapo­lis. As they marched through the ter­mi­nal wav­ing signs, they chant­ed: “Let the boss­es clean the toi­lets! Let the boss­es clean the toi­lets!” They under­stood lever­age. It’s true that NBA play­ers have pow­er because the boss­es can’t dunk. But the boss­es don’t want to clean the toi­lets either. You might be sur­prised what you can win by threat­en­ing to make the own­er­ship class give up its most trea­sured priv­i­lege: to be paid with­out doing real work.

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Protecting African Wildlife: A Defense of Conservation Territories Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=55919"><span class="small">Leif Brottem, Mongabay</span></a>   
Sunday, 30 August 2020 07:52

Brottem writes: "African Parks Network (APN) recently announced it would formally take over the management of the Benin side of W National Park, which comprises a major portion of the largest intact ecosystem in West Africa."

West African giraffe herd. (photo: Giraffe Conservation Foundation/Mongabay)
West African giraffe herd. (photo: Giraffe Conservation Foundation/Mongabay)


Protecting African Wildlife: A Defense of Conservation Territories

By Leif Brottem, Mongabay

30 August 20

 

frican Parks Network (APN) recently announced it would formally take over the management of the Benin side of W National Park, which comprises a major portion of the largest intact ecosystem in West Africa.

Such transfers are often criticized as de facto privatization by critics of territorial conservation strategies but I have seen first hand the benefits that professional managers can bring and the damage caused by negligent or under-funded public agencies. The most important question remains: will wildlife be protected and will local people be able to pursue their livelihoods at the same time?

W National Park, which spans Benin, Niger, and Burkina Faso, was once a “paper park” that had essentially been abandoned by the conservation community. Yet now it, along with the adjacent Pendjari National Park, represents one of the last hopes for wildlife in western Africa.

Nearly 20 years ago, I served as a Peace Corps volunteer in a community adjacent to W National Park  and was fortunate enough to work closely with the ECOPAS Project, which played a major role in getting the protected area back on its feet from 2001 to 2008.

One of its major initiatives was to establish a buffer zone for sustainable resource use by local communities along the boundary of the park.  During my two years of service, I worked closely with the farmers and livestock herdsmen in the zone and felt a great deal of optimism that I was seeing a “win-win” for parks and people. But it was not to be, as the European Union-funded project ended and its buffer zone management dissipated or disappeared altogether.

Fast forward 18 years and APN is essentially trying to pick up where ECOPAS left off.  The park buffer zone has been all but forgotten in many places as agriculture – the most destructive form of land use for biodiversity – has expanded right up to the park boundary. Once hoped-for tourism has failed to materialize as my recent trip to a now dilapidated elephant viewing station revealed.

Creating yet another buffer zone would likely lead to the same outcome given that local people and Benin’s economy remain dependent on agriculture and especially cotton, which contributes 40% to the country’s gross domestic product.  To the chagrin of conservation critics, the only strategy that seems to have worked for W National Park is old-school enforcement of its boundaries.

As someone who cares about and tries to work towards both conservation and rural development goals in Africa, I have been frustrated by critics who remain overly dismissive of the necessary role that protected areas play in the preservation of Africa’s imperiled species. Such territories require some level of security and, yes, surveillance in order to serve their purpose.

One tragic example, the Boucle du Baoule National Park in Mali is a vast, intact stretch of woody savanna that is almost entirely devoid of wildlife due to the history of rampant poaching in the area; not by local people but well-armed and organized groups coming from afar.

This is not a unique story. When I recently asked a former park director in the Central African Republic how many of his rangers had been killed by poachers, he grew visibly upset and angry that I wished to discuss the matter. The answer was 25 people.

They were not killed by locals – who comprised the bulk of the anti-poaching brigade and retained the right to hunt – but heavily armed hunting parties supplying the ivory market in Khartoum, which has served world markets for over a century.

The Central African Republic is another story of disappearing wildlife but the country also illustrates the problematic past and present of African conservation. Parks are the vestiges of a violent colonial era in the region and park rangers still behave badly.

This does not, however, delegitimize protected areas, but instead reveals the need to remain vigilant about their management and accountability to local people.

Conservationists struggle to provide social benefits across sub-Saharan Africa. Organizations such as African Parks Network and the Wildlife Conservation Society should therefore rethink conventional approaches to community engagement as they invest in moribund reserves in Central Africa as a well-justified means to protect biodiversity.

In Chad, poaching caused the sizable elephant population in Zakouma National Park to drop by 90 percent during the 2000s but a concerted management effort by APN has led to an astonishing recovery.

One gets a visceral sense of the price paid when looking at the portraits in the park’s field headquarters of rangers killed in the line of duty. On the other hand, cattle breeders and others living just outside of Zakouma struggle, as they do outside of W Park, to access the natural resources they need. This is the crux challenge for conservation across sub-Saharan Africa but especially in places like Chad, where the boundaries of once forgotten parks are being revived.

Africa Parks’ announcement about W National Park describes the same “win-win” scenario that I had hoped to see in the early 2000s. It even discusses the same activities – notably, beekeeping – that were deployed to support local livelihoods back then.

They need to succeed. If that means deploying “fences and fines” so be it, but it will clearly require some fresh thinking about the people living around the park. Why didn’t it work the first time?

In 2019, I returned to a village on W Park’s boundary for the first time in 13 years, and people there told me they knew nothing about the buffer zone where, on paper, their homes and fields were located. Local authorities told me the buffer zone was part of the park, not territory they were responsible for.

The forgotten W Park buffer zone, with all its legal, territorial, and even moral ambiguities, reflects how not to achieve buy-in from people – the locals – in whose hands “win-win” conservation scenarios ultimately lie.

And therein lies the fatal problem that Africa Parks must address if it is to avoid the fate of ECOPAS.

Read the origonal story at Mongabay

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Al Gore: Trump Is Putting 'Knee on the Neck of Democracy' Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=21172"><span class="small">Joseph Ax, Reuters</span></a>   
Saturday, 29 August 2020 13:18

Ax writes: "Former U.S. Vice President Al Gore on Tuesday accused President Donald Trump of trying to 'put his knee on the neck of democracy' by undermining mail-in voting and sowing doubts, without evidence, about the integrity of the Nov. 3 election."

Al Gore. (photo: Andreas Pein/Laif/Redux)
Al Gore. (photo: Andreas Pein/Laif/Redux)


Al Gore: Trump Is Putting 'Knee on the Neck of Democracy'

By Joseph Ax, Reuters

29 August 20

 

ormer U.S. Vice President Al Gore on Tuesday accused President Donald Trump of trying to “put his knee on the neck of democracy” by undermining mail-in voting and sowing doubts, without evidence, about the integrity of the Nov. 3 election.

“He seems to have no compunctions at all about trying to rip apart the social fabric and the political equilibrium of the American people, and he’s strategically planting doubts in advance,” Gore, a Democrat, said during a Reuters Newsmaker event with Reuters Editor-in-Chief Stephen Adler and Editor-at-Large Harold Evans.

Gore, who served as vice president from 1993 to 2001 during Bill Clinton’s presidency and lost the 2000 presidential election to Republican George W. Bush, called Trump’s actions a “despicable strategy.”

Trump has made unsubstantiated claims that voting by mail, a regular feature of U.S. elections that is expected to increase this year amid the coronavirus pandemic, will cause widespread fraud, while also refusing to say he would accept the election result should he lose to Democratic challenger Joe Biden.

Gore said Americans must be prepared for vote tallies that take days to complete after Election Day, and that the candidate who appears to be winning in initial results may end up losing once all ballots are counted.

In 2000, Gore and Bush were separated by only a few hundred votes in the battleground state of Florida, whose electoral votes would determine the election’s outcome.

The result remained in limbo until more than a month after Election Day, when the conservative-majority U.S. Supreme Court resolved the contest in Bush’s favor, prompting Gore - who had won the nationwide popular vote but lost in the complex state-by-state Electoral College - to concede.

“It turns out there’s no intermediate step between a final Supreme Court decision and violent revolution,” Gore said, smiling, of his decision to concede. “It seemed to me that respect for the rule of law and respect for the needs of American democracy were the orders of the day.”

“You can always explore the option of dragging something out, tearing the country apart, mobilizing partisans against one another in the streets and all of that, but it was not a wise course for our country,” Gore added.

‘NOT REALLY UP TO HIM’

Gore said he believes the rule of law would hold fast this year, even if Trump does not accept the election results.

“It’s not really up to him,” Gore said, noting that Trump’s term would end on Jan. 20, 2021, if he loses, under parameters set by the U.S. Constitution.

U.S. Secret Service and other military and security forces would answer to the new president as of that date, Gore added.

Trump’s attacks on mail-in ballots, coupled with Postal Service cuts that already have caused delivery delays, have raised concerns among his critics that he is seeking to depress voter turnout.

“To try to deprive people who are scared of the pandemic from voting by mail by dismantling the Postal Service - he’s attempting to put his knee on the neck of democracy,” Gore said.

In response, Trump campaign spokeswoman Thea McDonald said Gore and other Democrats should “quit pushing their conspiracy theories.”

“Al Gore is brazenly laying the groundwork for Joe Biden to dispute November’s election results when President Trump wins - just as Gore himself did back in 2000,” McDonald said.

Trump trails Biden in opinion polls as he seeks re-election amid a pandemic that has killed more than 177,000 Americans.

U.S. Postmaster General Louis DeJoy, a Trump ally and campaign donor, has told Congress he has made Postal Service changes to lower costs, not to disrupt mail-in voting.

‘STILL TIME’

Gore, a Nobel Peace Prize-winning environmental advocate, said policymakers cannot afford to ignore global climate change even as they grapple with the pandemic.

The two crises “are braided together,” Gore said. In both cases, scientists with “their hair on fire” have warned of potentially deadly consequences - and both have exposed racial and economic inequities that undergird society, Gore added.

Unlike the pandemic, which triggered economic shutdowns intended to curb the pathogen’s spread, climate change can be mitigated by investing in the economy’s future, Gore said.

The two fastest-growing jobs in the United States are solar-energy panel installer and wind-turbine technician, Gore said, demonstrating the so-called green economy’s potential.

Gore praised Biden for putting a major investment in environmental jobs in his economic plan and for promising if elected to rejoin the 2015 Paris agreement that set emissions goals for nearly 200 nations. Trump intends to withdraw from the accord on Nov. 4, the earliest possible date.

“There is still time,” Gore added, “to solve this crisis before it reaches its catastrophic stage. Damage has already been done, and more will be done. But we still can avoid the worst of the consequences.”

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The Thin Blue Line Between Violent, Pro-Trump Militias and Police Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=29592"><span class="small">Ryan Devereaux, The Intercept</span></a>   
Saturday, 29 August 2020 13:13

Devereaux writes: "The videos that preceded Anthony Huber's killing on the streets of Kenosha, Wisconsin, are jarring."

Armed civilians outside of a gas station during unrest in Kenosha, Wisconsin, August 25, 2020. (photo: Alex Lourie/Redux)
Armed civilians outside of a gas station during unrest in Kenosha, Wisconsin, August 25, 2020. (photo: Alex Lourie/Redux)


The Thin Blue Line Between Violent, Pro-Trump Militias and Police

By Ryan Devereaux, The Intercept

29 August 20


Police in Kenosha told armed vigilantes, “We appreciate you guys. We really do.” Then one of them killed two protesters.

he videos that preceded Anthony Huber’s killing on the streets of Kenosha, Wisconsin, are jarring. Among the most chilling is one from the parking lot of an auto repair shop. Several shots ring out. In the distance, you see the gunman in jeans and a green T-shirt. A man rushes up behind him. The gunman turns. More shots ring out and the man collapses to the ground. The gunman circles a parked car, then comes back to the man laid out on the pavement. He looks down at him and pulls out his cellphone. “I just killed somebody,” the shooter says, before jogging off. The man on the ground twitches and stares up at the sky, gasping deeply as bystanders work desperately to put pressure on his wound. Some cry, others yell for someone to call the police.

In a second video, the gunman can be seen jogging down the center of a two-way street as bystanders yell that he just shot someone. He falls to the ground. A handful of men run toward him; Huber is one of them. The 26-year-old swings his skateboard at the shooter and reaches for his rifle. The shooter pulls the trigger. Huber staggers back, then collapses in the street. A second man, appearing to hold a handgun, takes a bullet in the arm. The gunman rises to his feet and jogs, then walks, toward a column of approaching emergency vehicles. Again, bystanders yell that he just shot people. The gunman, with his hands in the air, is seemingly ordered out of the way and the police move on. In a third video, shot before the killings took place, the same young gunman is seen interacting with law enforcement in an armored vehicle, accepting a bottle of water as thanks for the efforts he and others in a group of armed vigilantes were putting in. An officer in the vehicle says over a loudspeaker: “We appreciate you guys. We really do.”

Hours after the videos were taken, 17-year-old Kyle Rittenhouse, the suspected shooter, was arrested on charges of first-degree intentional homicide. By that point, he was miles away, in Antioch, Illinois, despite the fact that he had approached police and several bystanders identified him as the gunman whose shots law enforcement were ostensibly responding to. Rittenhouse is accused of killing Huber and Joseph Rosenbaum, a 36-year-old father who leaves behind a fiancée and young daughter, and wounding Gaige Grosskreutz, a volunteer street medic. The killings came on the third night of protests over the police shooting of Jacob Blake, an unarmed Black man who was left paralyzed after being shot in the back in front of his children. Like other moments around the country, the response to the police violence has featured large-scale peaceful demonstrations, vandalism, and property damage. Blake remains hospitalized and, according to his father, has been shackled to his bed despite being unable to move.

Heidi Beirich, the chief strategy officer at the Global Project Against Hate and Extremism, said she was unsurprised when she woke up to the news of violence in Kenosha Wednesday morning. The summer of 2020 has already seen the targeting of Black Lives Matter protesters with a bomb plot in Nevada, the targeted killing of a federal court security officer and the murder of a sheriff’s deputy by a suspected right-wing extremist in California, and a Ku Klux Klan leader driving his car into a crowd of police brutality protesters in Virginia.

“As we’re approaching the election and Trump is hyping fear over the protests and ginning these people on with all this of law order stuff, it’s going to get worse,” Beirich told The Intercept. “I don’t expect this, unfortunately, to be the end of it.”

At a press conference Wednesday, Kenosha County Sheriff David Beth offered no explanation as to why Rittenhouse was permitted to leave the scene of the shootings; in addition to being identified as a shooter out after curfew, the 17-year-old was not old enough to legally carry the weapon he did. “I don’t have a clue,” the sheriff told reporters, later adding, “I don’t even know the man’s name.” When asked why law enforcement gave armed vigilantes bottles of water, the sheriff said it was common practice. “Our deputies would toss a water to anybody.”

Hours before the shootings took place, the Kenosha Guard, a local militia group, issued a “call to arms” on Facebook, amplified by the conspiracy theory website InfoWars, urging armed citizens to come out in defense of private property. At Wednesday’s press conference, Beth indicated that the group had sought to be deputized by his office — a request that the sheriff claims he rejected.

Violent Pro-Trump Militias

The events in Kenosha are the latest in a long line of cases in which self-styled vigilantes have gathered under the banner of the “thin blue line” — a flag and movement devoted to the defense of law enforcement and the president — and engaged in violence with counterprotesters while police stood back.

Days before the killings in a Wisconsin, a so-called Back the Blue rally in Gilbert, Arizona, saw armed pro-police demonstrators beating counterprotesters while law enforcement looked on. In the run up to the confrontation, which are now a weekly event, supporters of the rally posted violent fantasies online and death threats against their critics. Days later, police in Portland stood by as gun-toting men waving “thin blue line” flags brawled with leftist protesters in the city’s streets. The clash came just weeks after Portland authorities acknowledged that a former Navy SEAL who had boasted about infiltrating “ANTIFA” was under investigation in connection with the detonation of an explosive device near protesters. Pro-police protests New York have also devolved into violence.

Mike German, a former FBI agent who went undercover in far-right groups in the 1990s and who is now at the Brennan Center for Justice, noted that law enforcement’s tendency to back off in the face armed right-wing protests was evident in altercations during Trump’s 2016 run for office, and has continued throughout his administration. “To see the police continuing to treat these far-right militants as friendlies is troubling,” he said. During the 1990s, German explained, law enforcement understood that the most violent members of right-wing groups, those with criminal records that exposed them to risk of arrest, did not show up at public protests. That’s no longer the case.

“There are people who have been engaged in protests in Portland for years now,” German said. “They’re well identified. I know them and I don’t live in Portland. Several of them are under court orders not to attend another protest because of the violence they’ve already perpetrated. And yet, they can engage with the police as if they’re auxiliaries. It’s really astonishing — people can point guns at people in broad daylight and not be arrested.”

Data collected by the Center for Analysis of the Radical Right and shared with HuffPost Friday charted nearly 500 instances of right-wing extremists gathering in response to Black Lives Matter protests since the police killing of George Floyd in late May, leading to 64 cases of simple assault, 38 vehicle assaults, and nine cases of shots fired at demonstrators resulting in three deaths.

Among the myriad factors contributing to the political violence and unrest the country is now witnessing is an inversion of the relationship between some elements of the armed right and the federal government, Beirich argued. “The anti-government movement is no longer anti-government in the sense that the federal government is no longer its enemy,” she said. “Trump has changed that calculation — the militias, the larger anti-government world, is essentially a pro-Trump political formation.” German, who published a report this week on extremist infiltration of law enforcement agencies, described the increasingly public alignment of the far right, police on the ground, and the White House as “a widening of the umbrella” for extremist groups.

“The president has identified the Black Lives Matter protests and so-called antifa as the enemy and that sends a message to the police as to who to go after but also to these groups,” he said. “So these groups and the police seem to have aligned on a common enemy, but law enforcement is making a very big mistake if they think that because they are enemies of your enemies, they are your friends. They are not your friends, as they have demonstrated and as they will continue demonstrating as law enforcement tries to regulate their violence.”

A Surge of Far-Right Extremism

The election of Barack Obama was followed by a surge in right-wing extremist activity that then exploded under President Donald Trump, Beirich explained. “There’s been this slow drumbeat of one white supremacist attack or militia anti-government attack, and then another, and then another,” she said. “It just kept accelerating into the explosion that we’ve seen lately.”

In Obama’s second term, the surge in right-wing activity became intermingled with a visible pro-police movement that took hold in response to the Black Lives Matter movement. Rittenhouse came of age during this critical moment. On Wednesday, BuzzFeed News reported that the teenager had a front-row seat at a rally Trump held in January, and was part of a cadet program at a local police department that provided ride-alongs and firearms training. Speaking to Vice News on Thursday, former classmates described Rittenhouse as a “ride or die” Trump supporter who loved “triggering the libs.”

If the notice to appear drawn up by the Antioch Police Department is accurate, Rittenhouse was born on January 3, 2003, late in the 18-month window between the September 11 attacks and the invasion of Iraq. He came into the world just a few weeks before the Department of Homeland Security, and he was likely still in elementary school when the “thin blue line” flag that he included in the background of his Facebook profile became the symbol of a movement forged in reaction to Obama-era police brutality protests.

Posts Rittenhouse made on social media indicate that his worldview was drenched in a militarized culture that has animated large swaths of the country after nearly two decades of war and the emergence of law enforcement as a powerful cultural and political constituency. Embedded in that worldview is a “tactical” community with its own symbols and language, built around the idea of constant threat, good guys versus bad guys, and the sacred role of guns in maintaining social order. In a video taken before Tuesday’s killings, the teenaged Rittenhouse can be heard articulating his role at the protest in terms that echo the language of modern American police, which consistently strives to center police officers’ willingness to run toward danger.

“People are getting injured and our job is to protect this business, and a part of my job is to also help people,” Rittenhouse told a reporter from the right-wing website Daily Caller. “If there’s somebody hurt, I’m running into harm’s way. That’s why I have my rifle because I need to protect myself, obviously, but I also have my med kit.”

If Rittenhouse forged his political identity online in the past half decade, and it appears he did, he would have encountered a largely unchecked universe of blended pro-police and right-wing ideas, memes, and imagery, Beirich noted. “Just remember that none of the social media companies in this kid’s lifetime had really dealt with the issue of militias on their system,” she said. “He would have been exposed to every militant idea — the need for war, arming yourself — all that stuff would have been widespread where kids like this guy lived.”

Online support for Rittenhouse has exploded since his arrest, with fundraisers and “Free Kyle” memes spreading widely against the backdrop of a profoundly fraught political moment.

From the beginning, Trump courted the hard-right edge of American law enforcement, gathering endorsements in his 2016 run for office from unions representing Border Patrol agents, ICE officers, and the Fraternal Order of Police. That courtship has continued into 2020, with the NYPD’s Police Benevolent Association, which represents 24,000 officers, throwing its support behind the president. In Philadelphia earlier this summer, a meeting between Vice President Mike Pence and the local police union also featured members of the Proud Boys, a right-wing street-fighting gang that often shows up at pro-police protests to brawl with leftists.

The killings in Kenosha came one day after a couple from St. Louis, Missouri, who used guns to threaten a Black Lives Matter protest outside their mansion, appeared as speakers at the Republican National Convention. The couple’s message, and the message of the Republicans and the Trump administration as the president seeks reelection, is that the protests that have roiled the country are a threat and that Americans, when threatened, are entitled to defend themselves. “How shocked are we that 17-year-olds with rifles decided they had to maintain order when no one else would?” Fox News host Tucker Carlson told his millions of viewers Wednesday night. Referring to Rittenhouse on Twitter, Ann Coulter, the far-right commentator whose political views Donald Trump is known to consider as bellwether for his base, added: “I want him as my president.”

“That’s the message that’s going to be pounded every day until November 3,” Beirich said — and it should be deeply troubling. “When political figures and public figures take advantage of fraught situations in this way it always ends in violence.” Beirich added, “I can’t think of anything more irresponsible than what the RNC and Trump are doing. It’s unbelievable.”

The bullet that took Anthony Huber’s life pierced his heart, tearing through his aorta, his pulmonary artery, and his right lung. On Wednesday night, Huber’s partner, Hannah Gittings, put out a call to friends to meet at the local skatepark in Kenosha; a GoFundMe launched in his name soon raised thousands of dollars for the family he left behind. In addition to being a talented and known figure in the local skate scene, Huber’s friends remembered him as a “peaceful person” and a “defender” who “put his life on the line for others.” Gittings told a local CBS affiliate that he was the smartest, kindest, and most loving man she ever knew.

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