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Your 'Surge Capacity' Is Depleted - It's Why You Feel Awful Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=56132"><span class="small">Tara Haelle, Medium</span></a>   
Thursday, 10 September 2020 12:21

Haelle writes: "Surge capacity is a collection of adaptive systems - mental and physical - that humans draw on for short-term survival in acutely stressful situations, such as natural disasters. But natural disasters occur over a short period, even if recovery is long. Pandemics are different - the disaster itself stretches out indefinitely."

Here's how to pull yourself out of despair and live your life. (photo: iStock)
Here's how to pull yourself out of despair and live your life. (photo: iStock)


Your 'Surge Capacity' Is Depleted - It's Why You Feel Awful

By Tara Haelle, Medium

10 September 20


Here’s how to pull yourself out of despair and live your life

t was the end of the world as we knew it, and I felt fine. That’s almost exactly what I told my psychiatrist at my March 16 appointment, a few days after our children’s school district extended spring break because of the coronavirus. I said the same at my April 27 appointment, several weeks after our state’s stay-at-home order.

Yes, it was exhausting having a kindergartener and fourth grader doing impromptu distance learning while I was barely keeping up with work. And it was frustrating to be stuck home nonstop, scrambling to get in grocery delivery orders before slots filled up, and tracking down toilet paper. But I was still doing well because I thrive in high-stress emergency situations. It’s exhilarating for my ADHD brain. As just one example, when my husband and I were stranded in Peru during an 8.0-magnitude earthquake that killed thousands, we walked around with a first aid kit helping who we could and tracking down water and food. Then I went out with my camera to document the devastation as a photojournalist and interview Peruvians in my broken Spanish for my hometown paper.

Now we were in a pandemic, and I’m a science journalist who has written about infectious disease and medical research for nearly a decade. I was on fire, cranking out stories, explaining epidemiological concepts in my social networks, trying to help everyone around me make sense of the frightening circumstances of a pandemic and the anxiety surrounding the virus.

I knew it wouldn’t last. It never does. But even knowing I would eventually crash, I didn’t appreciate how hard the crash would be, or how long it would last, or how hard it would be to try to get back up over and over again, or what getting up even looked like.

In those early months, I, along with most of the rest of the country, was using “surge capacity” to operate, as Ann Masten, PhD, a psychologist and professor of child development at the University of Minnesota, calls it. Surge capacity is a collection of adaptive systems — mental and physical — that humans draw on for short-term survival in acutely stressful situations, such as natural disasters. But natural disasters occur over a short period, even if recovery is long. Pandemics are different — the disaster itself stretches out indefinitely.

“The pandemic has demonstrated both what we can do with surge capacity and the limits of surge capacity,” says Masten. When it’s depleted, it has to be renewed. But what happens when you struggle to renew it because the emergency phase has now become chronic?

By my May 26 psychiatrist appointment, I wasn’t doing so hot. I couldn’t get any work done. I’d grown sick of Zoom meetups. It was exhausting and impossible to think with the kids around all day. I felt trapped in a home that felt as much a prison as a haven. I tried to conjure the motivation to check email, outline a story, or review interview notes, but I couldn’t focus. I couldn’t make myself do anything — work, housework, exercise, play with the kids — for that whole week.

Or the next.

Or the next.

Or the next.

I know depression, but this wasn’t quite that. It was, as I’d soon describe in an emotional post in a social media group of professional colleagues, an “anxiety-tainted depression mixed with ennui that I can’t kick,” along with a complete inability to concentrate. I spoke with my therapist, tweaked medication dosages, went outside daily for fresh air and sunlight, tried to force myself to do some physical activity, and even gave myself permission to mope for a few weeks. We were in a pandemic, after all, and I had already accepted in March that life would not be “normal” for at least a year or two. But I still couldn’t work, couldn’t focus, hadn’t adjusted. Shouldn’t I be used to this by now?

“Why do you think you should be used to this by now? We’re all beginners at this,” Masten told me. “This is a once in a lifetime experience. It’s expecting a lot to think we’d be managing this really well.”

It wasn’t until my social media post elicited similar responses from dozens of high-achieving, competent, impressive women I professionally admire that I realized I wasn’t in the minority. My experience was a universal and deeply human one.

An unprecedented disaster

While the phrase “adjusting to the new normal” has been repeated endlessly since March, it’s easier said than done. How do you adjust to an ever-changing situation where the “new normal” is indefinite uncertainty?

“This is an unprecedented disaster for most of us that is profound in its impact on our daily lives,” says Masten. But it’s different from a hurricane or tornado where you can look outside and see the damage. The destruction is, for most people, invisible and ongoing. So many systems aren’t working as they normally do right now, which means radical shifts in work, school, and home life that almost none of us have experience with. Even those who have worked in disaster recovery or served in the military are facing a different kind of uncertainty right now.

“I think we maybe underestimate how severe the adversity is and that people may be experiencing a normal reaction to a pretty severe and ongoing, unfolding, cascading disaster,” Masten says. “It’s important to recognize that it’s normal in a situation of great uncertainty and chronic stress to get exhausted and to feel ups and downs, to feel like you’re depleted or experience periods of burnout.”

Research on disaster and trauma focuses primarily on what’s helpful for people during the recovery period, but we’re not close to recovery yet. People can use their surge capacity for acute periods, but when dire circumstances drag on, Masten says, “you have to adopt a different style of coping.”

Understanding ambiguous loss

It’s not surprising that, as a lifelong overachiever, I’ve felt particularly despondent and adrift as the months have dragged on, says Pauline Boss, PhD, a family therapist and professor emeritus of social sciences at the University of Minnesota who specializes in “ambiguous loss.”

“It’s harder for high achievers,” she says. “The more accustomed you are to solving problems, to getting things done, to having a routine, the harder it will be on you because none of that is possible right now. You get feelings of hopelessness and helplessness, and those aren’t good.”

That’s similar to how Michael Maddaus, MD, a professor of thoracic surgery at the University of Minnesota, felt when he became addicted to prescription narcotics after undergoing several surgeries. Now recovered and a motivational speaker who promotes the idea of a “resilience bank account,” Maddaus had always been a fast-moving high achiever — until he couldn’t be.

“I realized that my personal operating system, though it had led to tremendous success, had failed me on a more personal level,” he says. “I had to figure out a different way of contending with life.”

That mindset is an especially American one, Boss says.

“Our culture is very solution-oriented, which is a good way of thinking for many things,” she says. “It’s partly responsible for getting a man on the moon and a rover on Mars and all the things we’ve done in this country that are wonderful. But it’s a very destructive way of thinking when you’re faced with a problem that has no solution, at least for a while.”

That means reckoning with what’s called ambiguous loss: any loss that’s unclear and lacks a resolution. It can be physical, such as a missing person or the loss of a limb or organ, or psychological, such as a family member with dementia or a serious addiction.

“In this case, it is a loss of a way of life, of the ability to meet up with your friends and extended family,” Boss says. “It is perhaps a loss of trust in our government. It’s the loss of our freedom to move about in our daily life as we used to.” It’s also the loss of high-quality education, or the overall educational experience we’re used to, given school closures, modified openings and virtual schooling. It’s the loss of rituals, such weddings, graduations, and funerals, and even lesser “rituals,” such as going to gym. One of the toughest losses for me to adapt to is no longer doing my research and writing in coffee shops as I’ve done for most of my life, dating back to junior high.

“These were all things we were attached to and fond of, and they’re gone right now, so the loss is ambiguous. It’s not a death, but it’s a major, major loss,” says Boss. “What we used to have has been taken away from us.”

Just as painful are losses that may result from the intersection of the pandemic and the already tense political division in the country. For many people, issues related to Covid-19 have become the last straw in ending relationships, whether it’s a family member refusing to wear a mask, a friend promoting the latest conspiracy theory, or a co-worker insisting Covid-19 deaths are exaggerated.

Ambiguous loss elicits the same experiences of grief as a more tangible loss — denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance — but managing it often requires a bit of creativity.

A winding, uncharted path to coping in a pandemic

While there isn’t a handbook for functioning during a pandemic, Masten, Boss, and Maddaus offered some wisdom for meandering our way through this.

Accept that life is different right now

Maddaus’ approach involves radical acceptance. “It’s a shitty time, it’s hard,” he says. “You have to accept that in your bones and be okay with this as a tough day, with ‘that’s the way it is,’ and accept that as a baseline.”

But that acceptance doesn’t mean giving up, he says. It means not resisting or fighting reality so that you can apply your energy elsewhere. “It allows you to step into a more spacious mental space that allows you to do things that are constructive instead of being mired in a state of psychological self torment.”

Expect less from yourself

Most of us have heard for most of our lives to expect more from ourselves in some way or another. Now we must give ourselves permission to do the opposite. “We have to expect less of ourselves, and we have to replenish more,” Masten says. “I think we’re in a period of a lot of self discovery: Where do I get my energy? What kind of down time do I need? That’s all shifted right now, and it may take some reflection and self discovery to find out what rhythms of life do I need right now?”

She says people are having to live their lives without the support of so many systems that have partly or fully broken down, whether it’s schools, hospitals, churches, family support, or other systems that we relied on. We need to recognize that we’re grieving multiple losses while managing the ongoing impact of trauma and uncertainty. The malaise so many of us feel, a sort of disinterested boredom, is common in research on burnout, Masten says. But other emotions accompany it: disappointment, anger, grief, sadness, exhaustion, stress, fear, anxiety — and no one can function at full capacity with all that going on.

Recognize the different aspects of grief

The familiar “stages” of grief don’t actually occur in linear stages, Boss says, but denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance are all major concepts in facing loss. Plenty of people are in denial: denying the virus is real, or that the numbers of cases or deaths are as high as reported, or that masks really help reduce disease transmission.

Anger is evident everywhere: anger at those in denial, anger in the race demonstrations, anger at those not physically distancing or wearing masks, and even anger at those who wear masks or require them. The bargaining, Boss says, is mostly with scientists we hope will develop a vaccine quickly. The depression is obvious, but acceptance… “I haven’t accepted any of this,” Boss says. “I don’t know about you.”

Sometimes acceptance means “saying we’re going to have a good time in spite of this,” Boss says, such as when my family drove an hour outside the city to get far enough from light pollution to look for the comet NEOWISE. But it can also mean accepting that we cannot change the situation right now.

“We can kick and scream and be angry, or we can feel the other side of it, with no motivation, difficulty focusing, lethargy,” Boss says, “or we can take the middle way and just have a couple days where you feel like doing nothing and you embrace the losses and sadness you’re feeling right now, and then the next day, do something that has an element of achievement to it.”

Experiment with “both-and” thinking

This approach may not work for everyone, but Boss says there’s an alternative to binary thinking that many people find helpful in dealing with ambiguous loss. She calls it “both-and” thinking, and sometimes it means embracing a bit of the irrational.

For the families of soldiers missing in action in Vietnam that Boss studied early in her career, or the family members of victims of plane crashes where the bodies aren’t recovered, this type of thinking means thinking: “He is both living and maybe not. She is probably dead but maybe not.”

“If you stay in the rational when nothing else is rational, like right now, then you’ll just stress yourself more,” she says. “What I say with ambiguous loss is the situation is crazy, not the person. The situation is pathological, not the person.”

An analogous approach during the pandemic might be, “This is terrible and many people are dying, and this is also a time for our families to come closer together,” Boss says. On a more personal level, “I’m highly competent, and right now I’m flowing with the tide day-to-day.”

It’s a bit of a Schrödinger’s existence, but when you can’t change the situation, “the only thing you can change is your perception of it,” she says.

Of course, that doesn’t mean denying the existence of the pandemic or the coronavirus. As Maddaus says, “You have to face reality.” But how we frame that reality mentally can help us cope with it.

Look for activities, new and old, that continue to fulfill you

Lots of coping advice has focused on “self-care,” but one of the frustrating ironies of the pandemic is that so many of our self-care activities have also been taken away: pedicures, massages, coffee with friends, a visit to the amusement park, a kickboxing class, swimming in the local pool — these activities remain unsafe in much of the country. So we have to get creative with self-care when we’re least motivated to get creative.

“When we’re forced to rethink our options and broaden out what we think of as self-care, sometimes that constraint opens new ways of living and thinking,” Masten says. “We don’t have a lot of control over the global pandemic but we do over our daily lives. You can focus on plans for the future and what’s meaningful in life.”

For me, since I missed eating in restaurants and was tired of our same old dinners, I began subscribing to a meal-kit service. I hate cooking, but the meal kits were easy, and I was motivated by the chance to eat something that tasted more like what I’d order in a restaurant without having to invest energy in looking through recipes or ordering the right ingredients.

Okay, I’ve also been playing a lot of Animal Crossing, but Maddaus explains why it makes sense that creative activities like cooking, gardening, painting, house projects — or even building your own imaginary island out of pixels — can be fulfilling right now. He references the book The Molecule of More, which explores how dopamine influences our experiences and happiness, in describing the types of activities most likely to bring us joy.

“There are two ways the brain deals with the world: the future and things we need to go after, and the here and now, seeing things and touching things,” Maddaus says. “Rather than being at the mercy of what’s going on, we can use the elements of our natural reward system and construct things to do that are good no matter what.”

Those kinds of activities have a planning element and a here-and-now experience element. For Maddaus, for example, it was simply replacing all the showerheads and lightbulbs in the house. “It’s a silly thing, but it made me feel good,” he says.

Focus on maintaining and strengthening important relationships

The biggest protective factors for facing adversity and building resilience are social support and remaining connected to people, Masten says. That includes helping others, even when we’re feeling depleted ourselves.

“Helping others is one of those win-win strategies of taking action because we’re all feeling a sense of helplessness and loss of control about what’s going on with this pandemic, but when you take action with other people, you can control what you’re doing,” she says. Helping others could include checking in on family friends or buying groceries for an elderly neighbor.

Begin slowly building your resilience bank account

Maddaus’ idea of a resilience bank account is gradually building into your life regular practices that promote resilience and provide a fallback when life gets tough. Though it would obviously be nice to have a fat account already, he says it’s never too late to start. The areas he specifically advocates focusing on are sleep, nutrition, exercise, meditation, self-compassion, gratitude, connection, and saying no.

“Start really small and work your way up,” he says. “If you do a little bit every day, it starts to add up and you get momentum, and even if you miss a day, then start again. We have to be gentle with ourselves and keep on, begin again.”

After spending an hour on the phone with each of these experts, I felt refreshed and inspired. I can do this! I was excited about writing this article and sharing what I’d learned.

And then it took me two weeks to start the article and another week to finish it — even though I wanted to write it. But now, I could cut myself a little more slack for taking so much longer than I might have a few months ago. I might have intellectually accepted back in March that the next two years (or more?) are going to be nothing like normal, and not even predictable in how they won’t be normal. But cognitively recognizing and accepting that fact and emotionally incorporating that reality into everyday life aren’t the same. Our new normal is always feeling a little off balance, like trying to stand in a dinghy on rough seas, and not knowing when the storm will pass. But humans can get better at anything with practice, so at least I now have some ideas for working on my sea legs.

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RSN | A Triple Tragedy for the Farmworkers: Covid 19, Racism, and the Fires This Time Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=39146"><span class="small">Dennis J Bernstein, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Thursday, 10 September 2020 11:53

Bernstein writes: "The dual pandemics of Covid-19 and economic racism have taken a costly toll on America's farmworkers, who do the hardest work - and have now been recognized as essential workers - but still cannot get the safety protections and the medical care demanded by the worst pandemic in over a hundred years."

Migrant workers harvest strawberries at a farm near Oxnard, California, Ventura County. (photo: Joe Klamar/Getty)
Migrant workers harvest strawberries at a farm near Oxnard, California, Ventura County. (photo: Joe Klamar/Getty)


A Triple Tragedy for the Farmworkers: Covid 19, Racism, and the Fires This Time

By Dennis J Bernstein, Reader Supported News

10 September 20


An interview with United Farm Worker president Teresa Romero

he dual pandemics of Covid-19 and economic racism have taken a costly toll on America’s farmworkers, who do the hardest work – and have now been recognized as essential workers – but still cannot get the safety protections and the medical care demanded by the worst pandemic in over a hundred years. Add to this the outbreak of massive fires across the state of California and, yes, we have nothing short of a perfect storm of human disaster.

I sat down this week with the president of the United Farm Workers (UFW), Teresa Romero, the first Latina and first immigrant woman to become president of a national labor union in the U.S. Romero has been burning the candle at both ends, in her quest to bring some semblance of economic justice to the farmworkers in the age oftCovid-19. The UFW is without question the most effective union representing field workers and fruit and vegetable pickers in the U.S., but they are in a life and death battle for those whom they represent.

Romero, for her part, has taken on the multiple struggles facing farmworkers, including the battle for better, less crowded living conditions, the basics in health care, easy access to testing during the pandemic – particularly for those many workers who do not have insurance protections, and a structure for emergency pay when farmworkers are being forced to face off with the fire to save the grape harvest.

I spoke with Romero on September 4th in Southern California.

Dennis J Bernstein: Welcome. Thank you for joining us, President Romero. 

Teresa Romero: It is nice to be with you.

DB: The United Farm Workers are now facing multiple pandemics – triple pandemics of Covid-19, burning flames across the hills and fields where they work, and the endless pandemic of racism. So do you want to just give us a general take? What does it look like at ground zero level? 

TR: You know, Dennis, the workers are suffering from a perfect storm. Because in addition to what you just mentioned, we’re talking about Covid-19. Covid-19 has affected all of us. But it affects agricultural workers because they are more vulnerable. They often live, commute and labor in crammed, overcrowded and unsanitary conditions. So that makes them more vulnerable. They do not have the equipment to protect themselves that they need. The federal government considers them essential, but they are not treated as such. They are dealing with the horrible temperatures that we’ve been having, in California several days over 100°. And as you know, in addition to the immigration issues that the workers are facing, in some areas the workers are having to work under dangerous conditions because of the fires and the air quality. And unfortunately, the employers are not providing the equipment that is needed to protect them. So it is very difficult.

DB: It is interesting and quite troubling to see the owners heading for the hills, if you will – or away from the hills, I should say – while the farmworkers are facing off in some instances with the flames. These are essential workers, and I know you strongly believe and are advocating not only for special hazard pay but also for the sorely needed expanded protections that are consistent with the dangers that they’re facing now. Is there anything happening on that front?

TR: For example, if we talk about Covid, the employers are supposed to provide equipment. The employers are supposed to keep the workers informed. We negotiated with the State of California to include farmworkers on paid sick leave if they contract Covid. But unfortunately, employers are not informing the workers of these rights. So it is even more difficult for them to demand what they don’t know they are entitled to. And when you have the fires, for example — I think there are 51 grape growers/vineyards who requested a special permit to continue harvesting. And they got it. But they weren’t there harvesting – it was the farmworkers. The owners are not in the field suffering the risks the farmworkers are suffering.  

DB: So this is in the face of Covid and fires.

TR: Yes, it is. Yes Dennis, from the beginning we have been distributing face masks to farmworkers. You know the farmworkers are under contract. We are able to communicate with the owners; we put in place safety precautions, and they go above and beyond; we work with them. But many workers are not under contract; they are – like you said earlier – undocumented. And they work from sun-up to sundown, and nobody is willing to go in the fields and let them know about their rights. And in many cases, even when you do that, when you tell them what their rights are, they get fired. We have a case right now in Kern County of a pistachio company, Primex, whose workers came to us. There were a lot of workers who were testing positive, a couple of workers died, and the workers who started demanding their rights were fired.  

So it is one of the problems that we have, like you said earlier. That’s why I’m calling it a perfect storm, because all these are happening at once. Workers know that they’re going to get fired, know that they’re undocumented, and many members of the family work at the same company, so they have a lot to lose. And they don’t want to risk not having the money to pay the rent, not having the money to feed their families, because all these programs and help that the federal government is approving are not including the farmworkers.

DB: We’re talking about a very difficult situation for the farmworkers, President Romero. It’s of course always tough for the people you represent, but now it’s a pandemic, it’s fire, and it’s racism and neglect. And I want to ask you, I want to really ask you to put a human face on this – a couple of very specific examples of what has been happening to the people you represent.

TR: The people, the farmworkers, they are the people that are harvesting and doing work that probably most of us would not be able to do, Dennis. And like I said earlier, we have always known that they are essential workers, but now the federal government is recognizing them as essential. And when you talk to them and they hear that they’re essential, to them it’s laughable because they are saying we still have no protections, we still have no extra benefits. We received a donation of N95-type masks from the Port of LA because they knew the farmworkers were working in fire areas. And when you go there and see them and give them the masks, the gratitude on their faces is just unbelievable. It is something that they deserve, but when you give it to them they are so thankful. We have been working trying to – not only the masks, like I said, but we have kind donations. Our sister organization, the U.S. Dahlia Foundation, got a donation of 800,000 masks that we’re distributing right now, but these are not to protect them from the air quality in the fire area. But we also have done food distribution, meal distribution in different areas, agricultural areas, to help farmworkers. As you know, they are workers that are in many cases seasonal. They work 7-8 months a year, but they still have to survive 12 months of the year. What is saving lives is the protections that we helped get California to implement, and since 2015 when they were implemented, thank God we haven’t had any death of a farmworker in the fields because of the high temperatures.

DB: We know that in the White House and State Department, particularly in the White House, people are tested at least one or two times a day. How many times a day could a farmworker expect to get tested? Or a week or a month or a year?

TR: Oh my God! You know there are companies – and like I said, I’m going to give you the example again of this company that is a pistachio company – they have never tested the workers. And that’s why the infection got so high and workers died. We are dealing right now with one contra company, Foster Farms in Livingston, where we’ve been demanding that the workers are tested because, to date, up to 9 workers have died in that plant.

DB: Foster Farms, right? Is that what you’re talking about?

TR: Foster Farms in Livingston, California, yes. The Livingston plant is where we work with them and we have been pushing for them to do testing. And they have been pushing back and doing partial testing, but unfortunately with this virus you cannot do partial testing. We have to ensure that everybody gets tested; we have to ensure that those who are testing positive are not coming to the plant until they test negative. Actually the county — we’ve been working with the county, with the authorities and with the Attorney General, but the county finally is shutting it down, and they agreed to shut down the plant tonight so they can test all the workers. When you have one place where 8 workers have died, it’s not acceptable. We need to do more to protect the lives of workers.

DB: 8 people.

TR: And that is the plant that is being closed by the health department. What we are doing is demanding that workers are paid during the closing of the plant, ensuring that the workers are tested, and that they will not come back to work until they get the results and they are negative, and then continuing to work with the company so they can continue testing the workers every two weeks. But it is a dangerous situation when you have 8 workers that have died. We often ask how many more? How many more did you need to see to do something?

DB: What kind of medical care do the people you represent generally have? And in terms of living situations, is that problematic as well?

TR: It is problematic in the sense that many times you have in one household multi-generational families. You have the mom, the grandpa, the grandma and the children, so that can be difficult. And in many cases, they live in the camps that the growers have for the workers. In many cases you have 2 or 3 families living in one household. And the majority of the farmworkers do not have health insurance. So they have to find a way for the company to test them, or where they are not going to have to pay $100 for tests themselves, because they cannot afford it.

DB: And is there a fear of showing up positive, and maybe a tendency to hide it, because it could be used against you in a variety of ways?

TR: Oh I’m sure there is, especially in those areas where the workers are not aware, or not told, that they have by law the protection where they can take two weeks off and the employer has to pay them. What the employers are doing is firing them, so workers don’t have the information that they need, don’t have the support that they need, don’t have the representation that they need. I’m sure many of them would prefer not to say anything so they are not fired. But that is why it’s important that the employer tell all the farmworkers that work for them, if you test positive you can stay home and we will pay you for the two weeks. Which would be the 14 days that we need for the virus to leave our bodies.

DB: I want to come back to the vineyards getting special dispensation or permission to force the field workers to keep working. Why would expensive grapes, luxury grapes – we know wine is generally a luxury item – why would farmworkers be forced to work? It’s not like this is crucial medicine in terms of life and death situations. These are grapes. Why would that take precedent over the lives of farmworkers?

TR: Dennis, if I knew the answer to that! It is a special interest. They don’t want to lose money; they don’t want to — they prefer to risk the lives of the workers than to risk their profits. And there is an index that says above a certain number of the air quality, the workers should not be working without a special mask. And if it gets above a certain number, even at that point even with a mask they can’t work. But these are things that happen. Fire lasts a week, two weeks, and by the time workers realize what their rights are, the fire is already in the past. But to me it is nothing but special interests, because farmworkers are still – and I go back to what you said earlier – they are still undocumented and they prefer to accept this rather than lose their jobs. Remember, they have a family to support. If they tell them if you don’t work you are fired, they’re going to work. They are going to do everything they can to support their family.

DB: You know people sometimes like to say we’ve come a long way, but not very far when it comes to the folks who do some of the most difficult work and important work, the farmworkers. Many cannot afford to buy the food that they break their back to pick for others. And yet it seems like it’s going to get a lot worse before it gets better.  

There’s a presidential election coming up. Has the UFW taken a stand? I’m remembering back when – I’ll date myself – I remember very well as a young activist, when Robert Kennedy went into the fields, went in to see Cesar Chavez, went in to sort of sit with him during his fast and feel the sweat of the suffering and get some kind of understanding. What’s the word from Biden? 

TR: Joe Biden has always been in our corner. When we needed bills when he was in the Senate, he was always in support of farmworkers. He understands the important work that they do. And right now, unfortunately, we have an administration that has demonized immigrants and has made it okay to talk about people of color as if we were inferior and as if we did not belong here. And that is even a more difficult thing nowadays, because everybody says farmworkers in surveys, well, they shouldn’t be here. If they don’t like it, they can go home. That is the wrong position, but that’s what he is motivating his followers to say. Vice President Biden and Senator Harris, both of them, have been tremendous supporters of farmworkers’ rights, tremendous supporters of immigrants’ rights. And I think it is important that we know that if we want change in this country, we are going to have to make sure that we vote, our family members vote, not only in California but every State of the Union. We need to go out there and vote and have somebody there that is going to be representing us – we the people, not special interests.

DB: And of course we know that the brown vote, the Spanish-speaking vote in this country can and will make the difference.

TR: Voting is going to be crucial. But you know Dennis, it’s not just the presidential voting. We need to vote and get engaged in our local elections: county elections, city elections, state elections. It is vital – the presidential election and voting in the presidential election, especially when there is so much at stake, it is vital. But we can’t forget, we need to ensure that we get the senators there that we trust, that we know are going to represent us all, the Congress people, the Assembly members, the mayor. At every level, we need to make sure we’re engaged and we vote.

DB: Right. And so are you sure your mailbox is still out front there? Because they seem to be disappearing these days. You might want to go out there and chain it down right now.

TR: I hear you. I shouldn’t laugh because this is a very serious matter. But we know that we have a challenge on our hands. We know that the decision to remove mail boxes, the decision to remove the machines that sort the mail in the post office is a decision geared to keep people from voting. But we need to understand how important it is, and if we wear masks and we have to wear double masks or a shield or something, we need to make sure that we vote. We need to make sure that we bring our ballot to the post office early enough so we don’t wait until the last minute and people can use that as an excuse to invalidate our votes.



Dennis J Bernstein is the host of Flashpoints, on Pacifica Radio, and the author most recently of Five Oceans in a Teaspoon, recipient of the 2020 IPPY Gold Medal in Poetry.

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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FOCUS: Trump Must Go. He Knew. He Lied. Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=35918"><span class="small">Michael Moore, Michael Moore's Facebook Page</span></a>   
Thursday, 10 September 2020 11:11

Moore writes: "Quit. Leave. You knew. You lied."

Michael Moore. (photo: The New York Times)
Michael Moore. (photo: The New York Times)


ALSO SEE: NY Times Editorial Board | Mr. Trump Knew It
Was Deadly and Airborne

Trump Must Go. He Knew. He Lied.

By Michael Moore, Michael Moore's Facebook Page

10 September 20

 

rump — 

Quit.

Leave.

You knew.

You lied.

You’re not stupid. You’re not incompetent. You’ve always known EXACTLY what you were doing. Which makes you a psychopath. Which makes what you’ve done a criminal act. You had the power to save a hundred thousand lives. But it was more fun to see how many you could just let die. You held the power of life and death in your hands and it made you God-like and it felt good. You were once that troubled boy who liked to see what happened to the fly as you plucked its wings off, one by one. The power felt exhilarating. Power! It’s always been such a rush, hasn’t it? Forcing women to have sex with you. Humiliating your sons in front of others. Telling the public on TV what a great fuck your daughter would be. Denigrating and making fun of the disabled. Getting 63 million Americans to vote for you not because they support your policies (you have none), but because you were going to be the last old white man to sit in the Oval Office and you were promising to wreak as much havoc on Black America as you could. You promised the rich a two-trillion dollar tax break and they got it. You put hundreds of new wacko right-wing judges on the federal bench. You’ve decimated the EPA. You’re now trying to rig the vote by gutting the post office. 

And for some unexplainable reason, you woke up this morning — and you’re still in our House! What the fuck are you doing there?! Get the hell out! NOW! If the Dems had any real guts, they’d impeach your ass by the weekend. If the Republicans in the Senate had any integrity, they’d escort you to the Florida state line. They all need to go. We the people continue the uprising and all Trump enablers are on the block. 

Trump — Save us all the trouble. Leave today. Do NOT stay there tonight. The 200,000 dead all have family and friends. QUICK. LEAVE. Throw Pence in the back with the Andrew Jackson portrait and haul ass out of town.

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Stop Training Police Like They're Joining the Military Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=56129"><span class="small">Rosa Brooks, The Atlantic</span></a>   
Thursday, 10 September 2020 08:05

Brooks writes: "When I entered the Washington, D.C., police academy in 2016 as a recruit officer in the district's volunteer police reserve corps, I quickly discovered that I was joining a paramilitary organization."

Police in riot gear prepare to advance on protesters rallying after the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis, US on May 30, 2020. (photo: John Minchillo/AP)
Police in riot gear prepare to advance on protesters rallying after the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis, US on May 30, 2020. (photo: John Minchillo/AP)


Stop Training Police Like They're Joining the Military

By Rosa Brooks, The Atlantic

10 September 20


If policing is to change, the spotlight must turn toward police academies, where new recruits are first inculcated into the folkways of their profession.

hen I entered the Washington, D.C., police academy in 2016 as a recruit officer in the district’s volunteer police reserve corps, I quickly discovered that I was joining a paramilitary organization. My classmates and I practiced drill and formation, stood at attention when senior officials entered the room, and were grilled on proper boot-polishing methods. “Brilliantly shined boots are a hallmark of police uniforms,” an instructional handout informed us. “They indicate devotion to duty and attention to the smallest detail … You are required to maintain boots that are polished to a luster … In the most exceptional cases boots can be shined so that a person’s reflection may be seen in the finish.” We had instructors who rolled their eyes at this sort of thing, but we also had instructors who seemed to be channeling the Marine drill sergeant in Full Metal Jacket, bawling insults and punishing minor infractions with sets of push-ups.

As a law professor and writer with a long-standing interest in the blurry boundaries between war and “not war,” my experiences with the paramilitary aspects of the D.C. police academy—and, later, my experiences as a reserve police officer on patrol in some of the city’s poorest neighborhoods—were part of my research. (My next book, Tangled Up in Blue: Policing the American City, is based on my experiences as a D.C. reserve officer.) But even as a recruit with a quasi-anthropological perspective, I found the academy more than a little intimidating. I don’t think I’ve been yelled at as much since high-school gym class more than three decades ago.

The nation is now debating how to “fix” American policing, and much of the criticism of current police practices relates to the paramilitary aspects of policing. It’s an important critique, but one that often focuses narrowly on police uniforms, weapons, and equipment, rather than on underlying issues of organizational culture and structure. If we want to change policing, we need to also turn the spotlight onto police academies, where new recruits are first inculcated into the folkways of their profession.

It’s not hard to see the link between paramilitary police training and the abuses motivating the past several weeks’ protests. When police recruits are belittled by their instructors and ordered to refrain from responses other than “Yes, Sir!,” they may learn stoicism—but they may also learn that mocking and bellowing orders at those with less power are acceptable actions. When recruits are ordered to do push-ups to the point of exhaustion because their boots weren’t properly polished, they may learn the value of attention to detail—but they may also conclude that the infliction of pain is an appropriate response to even the most trivial infractions.

Many police recruits enter the academy as idealists, but this kind of training turns them into cynics, even before their first day on patrol. And although most police officers will go through their entire careers without ever firing their weapons, others will inevitably get the wrong lessons from their paramilitary training, and end up like the fired Minneapolis officer Derek Chauvin.

D.C.’s police academy has changed a lot in the short time since I graduated, and even in 2016, it was relatively relaxed compared with the rigid spit-and-polish atmosphere that prevails in many other training programs. The majority of law-enforcement academies in the United States are loosely modeled on military boot camps. Proponents of this approach argue that cops are a lot like soldiers: They have to follow orders regardless of their personal feelings; they have to run toward gunfire, not away from it; and they have to remain cool and professional in the face of chaos, threats, and harassment. In this view, paramilitary training takes undisciplined young recruits and turns them into lean, mean fighting machines, ready to handle the rigors of street patrol.

In most police departments, paramilitary traditions extend well beyond the academy. Senior police officials commonly refer to patrol officers as “troops,” chain of command is rigidly enforced, and it’s undeniably true that many departments have made enthusiastic use of federal authorities such as the Defense Department’s 1033 Program, which provides surplus military equipment—including armored vehicles and grenade launchers—to domestic law-enforcement agencies. (Since its inception, the program has transferred more than $7 billion worth of military equipment to more than 8,000 U.S. law-enforcement agencies; ironically, small-town and rural agencies, rather than large city departments, have been most likely to request heavy equipment such as mine-resistant vehicles.)

The paramilitary aspects of police culture are so deeply entrenched that most officers and police chiefs take them for granted, rarely questioning the need for boot polishing, drill and formations, and rigorous mandatory workouts as a central part of police training. But the paramilitary model is as pernicious as it is ubiquitous, and any meaningful approach to police transformation needs to confront it head-on.

Nothing about paramilitary policing is inevitable, and historically speaking, the vision of policing as a paramilitary enterprise is of relatively recent vintage. In early colonial America, police departments as we think of them today did not exist. Public safety was a communal responsibility, and in many New England towns, appointed sheriffs were supplemented by a town watch comprising ordinary citizens. In the frontier towns of the American West, sheriffs made do by deputizing citizens into temporary posses when needed. In the southern United States, policing was also seen as a shared public responsibility, albeit one distorted by the brutal institution of slavery: Many southern towns and counties established volunteer “slave patrols” charged with capturing runaways and returning them to their owners, dead or alive. As one slave patroller put it, his job was to “apprehend any negro whom we found from his home, and if he made any resistance, or ran from us, fire upon him immediately.” The toxic legacy of these patrols remains alive today.

In the mid-19th century, industrialization, rising income inequality, and the growth of cities led to increases in both violent crime and property crime. As communities became more populous and urbanized, the relatively informal mechanisms of social control that had prevailed in colonial America and the early years of the republic began to be perceived by elites as inadequate, and police organizations were formalized and professionalized in most major American cities. New York established its first police department in 1845, and in 1861 Washington, D.C., followed suit with the creation of the Metropolitan Police Department. Policing quickly ceased to be viewed as a collective obligation and became, instead, the work of a permanent body of paid specialists.

From their inception, and in contrast to earlier models of law enforcement, these newly created police departments in the 19th century were paramilitary in nature. In Washington, D.C., for instance, President Abraham Lincoln insisted that General George B. McClellan be consulted on the appointment of the first police superintendent. Ultimately, William Webb, a major in the D.C. militia, was chosen, and Webb quickly recruited several other Union soldiers into the department’s ranks.

America’s new police departments adopted military-style titles, rank structures, and uniforms. In Los Angeles, for instance, the first citywide law-enforcement officers, the Los Angeles Rangers, were citizen volunteers authorized by the city council in 1853; they wore no uniforms, but sported white ribbons identifying them as “city police.” By 1869, however, the city had hired its first paid professional police, kitting them out in surplus Union Army uniforms, and as in D.C., many early recruits came from a military background. (The path from military service to law enforcement remains well trod; currently, almost 20 percent of police officers are military veterans, although veterans make up just 6 percent of the general population).

Today, a century and a half after the emergence of professional police organizations, American policing is in crisis. As the protesters pouring into the streets are reminding the nation, police in the United States fatally shoot roughly 1,000 people a year, a per capita rate of violence unparalleled in other democratic countries.* Relative to their representation in the overall population, a disproportionate number of those killed by U.S. police have been black- or brown-skinned.

Police killings are of course not the only fuel for the mass protests. Beyond the deaths of Americans such as George Floyd and Breonna Taylor lie countless other large and small indignities—the massive stop-and-frisk program practiced by the NYPD until a court order declared it unconstitutional, the needlessly aggressive execution of warrants—that also fall most heavily on people of color and the poor.

But many of the most egregious police abuses are avoidable, and the anger over them has created an opportunity for real police reform. The nation must jettison paramilitary approaches to policing. That means moving beyond shallow critiques of “police militarization,” most of which focus narrowly on federal programs allowing the transfer of military equipment to police, and looking at subtler and more entrenched aspects of police culture as well.

To be sure, federal military-surplus transfers like those through the Defense Department’s 1033 Program do little good, and much harm: Police departments obtaining used Army filing cabinets at cost isn’t cause for concern, but there’s no earthly reason for small-town cops to wear military fatigues, ride around in mine-resistant Humvees, or carry bayonets. Studies suggest that police departments that receive such equipment see no measurable improvement in officer safety or crime rates, but greater quantities do seem to correlate with higher rates of officer-involved shootings and reduced public trust.

Federal programs that allow the provision of military equipment to domestic police departments are only part of the problem, however. Although tightening the restrictions on such programs would be a good first step, the training that police recruits go through must also be reformed.

We’re living in a dark moment: President Donald Trump’s threat to send in active-duty federal troops to quell protests further blurred the line between policing and the military. But some hopeful signs have emerged.

For one, some progressive police leaders are questioning the value of paramilitary academies. In Washington State, for instance, former King County Sheriff Sue Rahr, now the head of the state’s Criminal Justice Training Commission, has pioneered an academy-training approach centered on a vision of police as guardians, not warriors. Rahr calls her training method “LEED,” for “Listen and Explain with Equity and Dignity.” Instead of an emphasis on yelling and standing at attention, her recruits are trained to engage others in courteous conversation, and are evaluated during role-play exercises on their ability to listen, show empathy, explain their actions, de-escalate tense situations, and leave everyone they encounter “with their dignity intact.”

In another hopeful sign, Washington, D.C., police training is also moving in the right direction. The Metropolitan Police Department has brought civilian teachers and adult-learning specialists into many senior police-academy positions, instead of staffing the academy solely with sworn officers. More and more, D.C. police recruits are being encouraged to question and debate policies instead of just memorizing them, and the academy’s commander has welcomed a crucial range of diverse voices into the recruit curriculum.

The department has also partnered with several local universities, including Georgetown, where I teach and co-direct the Innovative Policing Program, to develop programs designed to push both recruits and more experienced officers to critically engage with the history and practices of their profession. All officers now visit the Holocaust Memorial Museum and the National Museum of African American History and Culture, and spend a day discussing the role of police officers in perpetuating—or ending—atrocities and injustice. Meanwhile, a select group of young D.C. officers take part in the Georgetown program’s Police for Tomorrow Fellowship. The fellows participate in intensive workshops on many of the toughest and most controversial issues in policing, including race and the legacy of racial discrimination, over-criminalization, alternatives to arrest, poverty, addiction, and homelessness. Officers visit prisons and homeless shelters and meet with local teens, and each fellow undertakes a capstone community project. In New Orleans, a similar fellowship program for young police officers, the Crescent City Corps, launched in 2019.

Such programs can be transformative. In D.C., many of the young officers who go through these programs credit them with changing how the officers think about their role—and their thoughtful feedback has helped fuel internal changes within the department, including some recent changes at the police academy itself. Last October, the Metropolitan Police Department, the New Orleans Police Department, and Georgetown’s Innovative Policing Program teamed up to host a national gathering of police-academy directors from more than 20 major police departments. First up on the group’s agenda: considering alternatives to paramilitary approaches to police training. The topic was controversial, and the discussion is continuing, but it was a start.

A diverse, democratic society needs police officers who engage thoughtfully with their profession’s troubled history and value meaningful, equitable interactions with members of the communities they serve. If the past few weeks have taught us anything, it’s this: America needs brave, empathetic guardians—not martinets in shiny boots.

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The Electoral College Will Destroy America Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=56117"><span class="small">Jesse Wegman, The New York Times</span></a>   
Wednesday, 09 September 2020 12:56

Wegman writes: "I still cannot fathom why, in a representative democracy based on the principle that all votes are equal, the person who wins the most votes can - and does, repeatedly - lose the most consequential election in the land."

'The Electoral College as it functions today is the most glaring reminder of many that our democracy is not fair, not equal and not representative.' (photo: Getty)
'The Electoral College as it functions today is the most glaring reminder of many that our democracy is not fair, not equal and not representative.' (photo: Getty)


The Electoral College Will Destroy America

By Jesse Wegman, The New York Times

09 September 20

 

ast week, Nate Silver, the polling analyst, tweeted a chart illustrating the chances that Joe Biden would become president if he wins the most votes in November.

The “if” is probably unnecessary. It’s hard to find anyone who disputes that Mr. Biden will win the most votes. This isn’t a liberal’s fantasy. In a recent panel discussion among four veteran Republican campaign managers, one acknowledged, “We’re going to lose the popular vote.” Another responded, “Oh, that’s a given.” The real question is will Mr. Biden win enough more votes than President Trump to overcome this year’s bias in the Electoral College.

Mr. Silver’s analysis is bracing. If Mr. Biden wins by five percentage points or more — if he beats Donald Trump by more than seven million votes — he’s a virtual shoo-in. If he wins 4.5 million more votes than the president? He’s still got a three-in-four chance to be president.

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