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The Ghost of Joe McCarthy Slithers Again Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=18165"><span class="small">Bill Moyers and Michael Winship, Bill Moyers & Company</span></a>   
Friday, 27 April 2012 09:20

Intro: "We've talked at times about George Orwell's classic novel 1984, and the amnesia that sets in when we flush events down the memory hole, leaving us at the mercy of only what we know today. Sometimes, though, the past comes back to haunt, like a ghost. It happened recently when we saw Congressman Allen West of Florida on the news."

Left: Rep. Allen West, R-Fla., July 28, 2011 (photo: Harry Hamburg/AP); right: Senator Joseph McCarthy, R-Wis., June 9, 1954. (photo: AP)
Left: Rep. Allen West, R-Fla., July 28, 2011 (photo: Harry Hamburg/AP); right: Senator Joseph McCarthy, R-Wis., June 9, 1954. (photo: AP)



The Ghost of Joe McCarthy Slithers Again

By Bill Moyers and Michael Winship, Bill Moyers and Company

27 April 12

 

e’ve talked at times about George Orwell’s classic novel 1984, and the amnesia that sets in when we flush events down the memory hole, leaving us at the mercy of only what we know today. Sometimes, though, the past comes back to haunt, like a ghost. It happened recently when we saw Congressman Allen West of Florida on the news.

A Republican and Tea Party favorite, he was asked at a local gathering how many of his fellow members of Congress are "card-carrying Marxists or International Socialists."

He replied, "I believe there’s about 78 to 81 members of the Democrat Party who are members of the Communist Party. It’s called the Congressional Progressive Caucus."

By now, little of what Allen West says ever surprises. He has called President Obama "a low level socialist agitator," said anyone with an Obama bumper sticker on their car is "a threat to the gene pool" and told liberals like Harry Reid and Nancy Pelosi to "get the hell out of the United States of America." Apparently, he gets his talking points from Fox News, Rush Limbaugh, or the discredited right wing rocker Ted Nugent.

But this time, we shook our heads in disbelief: "78 to 81 Democrats … members of the Communist Party?" That’s the moment the memory hole opened up and a ghost slithered into the room. The specter stood there, watching the screen, a snickering smile on its stubbled face. Sure enough, it was the ghost of Senator Joseph McCarthy, the Wisconsin farm boy who grew up to become one of the most contemptible thugs in American politics.

Back in the early1950’s, the Cold War had begun and Americans were troubled by the Soviet Union’s rise as an atomic superpower. Looking for a campaign issue, McCarthy seized on fear and ignorance to announce his discovery of a conspiracy within: Communist subversives who had infiltrated the government.

In speech after speech, McCarthy would hold up a list of names of members of the Communist Party he said had burrowed their way into government agencies and colleges and universities. The number he claimed would vary from day to day and when pressed to make his list public, McCarthy would stall or claim he accidentally had thrown it away.

His failure to produce much proof to back his claims never gave him pause, as he employed lies and innuendo with swaggering bravado. McCarthy, wrote historian William Manchester, "realized that he had stumbled upon a brilliant demagogic technique… Others deplored treachery, McCarthy would speak of traitors."

And so he did, in a fearsome, reckless crusade that terrorized Washington, destroyed lives, and made a shambles of due process.

Millions of Americans lapped it up, but in the end, Joe McCarthy would be done in by the medium that he had used so effectively to spread his poison: television. In 1954, legendary broadcaster Edward R. Murrow bravely exposed McCarthy’s tactics on the CBS program, See It Now.

"This is no time for men who oppose Senator McCarthy’s methods to keep silent," Murrow declared. "We can deny our heritage and our history, but we cannot escape responsibility for the result. There is no way for a citizen of a Republic to abdicate his responsibilities."

Later that same year, for 36 days on live TV, during Senate hearings on charges McCarthy had made questioning the loyalty of the U.S. Army, we saw the man raw, exposed for the lout and cowardly scoundrel he was. The climactic moment came as the Boston lawyer Joseph Welch, defending the Army, reacted with outrage when McCarthy accused Welch’s young associate Fred Fisher of Communism. "Let us not assassinate this lad further, Senator," Welch said as he shook his head in anger and sadness. "You’ve done enough. Have you no sense of decency, sir, at long last? Have you left no sense of decency? … If there is a God in heaven it will do neither you nor your cause any good."

McCarthy never recovered. His tactics had been opposed from the outset by a handful of courageous Republican senators. Now they pressed their case with renewed vigor. One of them, Senator Ralph Flanders of Vermont, introduced a motion to censure Joseph McCarthy. When it eventually passed 67 to 22, McCarthy was finished. He soon disappeared from the front pages. Three years later, he was dead.

All of this came rushing back as Congressman West summoned his foul spirits from the vast deep. The ghost stepped out of the past.

Like McCarthy, the more Allen West is challenged about his comments, the more he doubles down on them. Now he’s blaming the "corrupt liberal media" for stirring the pot against him - a trick for which McCarthy taught the master class. And the congressman’s latest fusillades continue to distort the beliefs and policies of those he smears - no surprise there, either.

To help him continue his fight for "the heart and soul" of America he’s asking his supporters for a contribution of ten dollars or more. There could even be a super PAC in this - with McCarthy’s ghost as its honorary chairman.

Plenty of kindred spirits are there to sign on. Like the author of the book The Grand Jihad, who wrote that whether Obama is Christian or not, "The faith to which Obama actually clings is neo-communism." Or the blogger who claims Obama is running the country into the ground "by way of the same type of race-baiting and class warfare Communism cannot exist without," and that his policies are "unbecoming to an American president."

From there it’s only a short hop to the kind of column that popped up on the right wing website Newsmax hinting of a possible coup "as a last resort to resolve the ‘Obama problem.’" Military intervention, the author wrote, "is what Obama's exponentially accelerating agenda for ‘fundamental change’ toward a Marxist state is inviting upon America." The column was quickly withdrawn but not before the website Talking Points Memo exposed it.

So beware, Congressman West, beware: In the flammable pool of toxic paranoia that passes these days as patriotism in America, a single careless match can light an inferno. You would serve your country well to withdraw your remarks and apologize for them. But if not, perhaps there are members of your own party, as possessed of conscience and as courageous as that handful of Republicans who took on Joseph McCarthy, who will now abandon fear and throw cold water on your incendiary remarks.

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Plutocrats Deserve Public Scorn Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=7118"><span class="small">Carl Gibson, Reader Supported News</span></a>   
Thursday, 26 April 2012 15:45

Gibson writes: "It isn't about Republican vs. Democrat anymore. It's about if somebody's end goals and policies are geared towards helping the top 0.1%, or everyone else."

(illustration: Columbia Records)
(illustration: Columbia Records)



Plutocrats Deserve Public Scorn

By Carl Gibson, Reader Supported News

26 April 12

 

Reader Supported News | Perspective

While sipping on an iced coffee and getting some work done in a Starbucks in the white, conservative, wealthy part of Connecticut, I kept hearing three old, white, conservative, wealthy Connecticut men carrying on about how the Senate doesn't work anymore because the Democrats haven't been able to pass a budget in three years. Unable to concentrate, I set my coffee down, turned to them, and said:

"The Senate doesn't work anymore because the Republicans will filibuster absolutely everything that isn't in lockstep with their plutocratic views."

The Starbucks got really quiet. One guy chided me about how "brainwashed" I was, and asked me how the Kool-Aid tasted. His friend, the more outspoken one, decided to engage.

"The Democrats control the Senate. And they haven't passed a budget in three years," he spat.

"Did you know the Republicans actually stopped the Buffett Rule from even coming to a vote? They wouldn't even allow debate on a bill that would make the top half of the top 1 percent pay the same tax rate as me and you," I said, feeling my blood start to run hot. "If you don't make a million dollars a year, the Republicans don't care about you. Unless you have a lobbyist. Do you have a lobbyist?"

The guy who chided me about drinking Kool-Aid stood up and walked back over to the counter and let his friend fend for himself.

"The Democrats still haven't passed a budget," he continued. "And any bill that comes out of the House just gets thrown to the side."

"That's because the House Republicans put in a clause to build the Keystone XL pipeline in every bill they pass, even if it's something like a resolution commending the kid who won the spelling bee," I retorted.

I felt the eyes of everyone in the Starbucks on me. So I went on the offensive.

"Why are you shilling for these guys, anyway? How many lobbyists do you have?" I asked.

"I don't have any lobbyists," he replied.

"You know GE hired one lobbyist for every three members of Congress in 2010? And that GE got a $3.2 billion tax refund that year instead of paying federal taxes? Think there's a connection there?"

"Corporations don't pay taxes," he said predictably. "If corporate taxes go up, they raise the prices on their goods. The customers pay the corporate taxes."

"No, they don't," I said, laughing. "I'm a small business owner. I have revenue and costs. If my revenue and my costs zero out, then I pay zero taxes. If my revenue exceeds my costs, I pay taxes on those profits. The cost of my service is in no way affected by the taxes I pay. It's like Puff and Biggie said - 'Mo Money, Mo Problems.'"

The hip-hop reference was lost on the guy. "We definitely need to reform the tax code. You know, 47% of Americans don't pay any taxes at all," he said nauseatingly. "We need to make sure everybody pays something."

"You know 83% of the top 100 corporations didn't pay taxes for at least one year over a 7-year period?" I asked him. "The dollar in my pocket is a dollar more than Bank of America, Wells Fargo, Citigroup and GE all paid in federal taxes since 2008, combined."

The guy's friends all got quiet, watching me with their noses turned up. I continued:

"And that 47% already pays a third of their income in sales, property, payroll and excise taxes. Now you want to tax those people more instead of make millionaires and big corporations pay the same tax rate we already do?"

"You're obviously too brainwashed for me to save," he said. "So I'll close with this: Your generation is already going to pay tens of thousands of dollars because of Obama's debt. And he's going to make the debt hit $20 trillion by 2020. That means we'll have to make cuts of $800 billion a year. Everyone with common sense knows we need to balance the budget with spending cuts and tax increases."

I didn't let him go.

"I totally agree with you. As far as spending cuts go, we can start with ending the wars and the F-35 program. That's $1.5 trillion that hasn't done a thing. Even John McCain says it's wasteful. That's a few hundred billion a year right there. And as far as the tax code is concerned, all you need to do is five things."

"Five things?" he scoffed. "It'll take a lot more than that."

"No, it won't," I said. "First thing - new tax bracket for households making over a million a year."

"That won't make a dent," the guy said.

"Let me finish. That's about $100 billion a year, every year. Next, you put in a 3-cent financial transaction tax on derivatives and other speculative trading. That's $1.5 trillion in ten years. Then you close excessive corporate tax loopholes, and make those guys pay what small businesses pay. That's another $155 billion a year. Then you progressively tax estates worth $5 million on up. Not even $3 million, just five. All that equals $4 trillion in ten years. Know what number five is?"

"What?"

"Use all that new revenue we just gained to reverse all the budget cuts at the state level, and create a massive WPA-style jobs program to cut unemployment in half and fix all of our roads and bridges and schools and parks. And we'd still have a couple trillion left over to put towards the debt. But since most of that debt comes from tax cuts for billionaires and the wars, we won't even have a deficit."

The coffee shop was quiet. The guy's friend was still watching me from the counter.

"Look! I just fixed the economy and it only affected 0.1% of the population!"

The guy's friends left shortly after he did.

Maybe some folks might be critical of me for launching into a sensitive political conversation on a Saturday afternoon at a coffee shop. But the only way to get the GOP (Guardians Of Plutocracy) out of office is to vilify them in public and shame their supporters. It isn't about Republican vs. Democrat anymore. It's about if somebody's end goals and policies are geared towards helping the top 0.1%, or everyone else. We shouldn't be afraid to call people out when we hear them shill for Plutocrats.

And I guarantee you if those guys see me in public again, they'll shift the conversation toward sports.

 


Carl Gibson, 24, of Lexington, Kentucky, is a spokesman and organizer for US Uncut, a nonviolent, creative, direct-action movement to stop budget cuts by getting corporations to pay their fair share of taxes. He graduated from Morehead State University in 2009 with a B.A. in Journalism before starting the first US Uncut group in Jackson, Mississippi, in February of 2011. Since then, over 20,000 US Uncut activists have carried out more than 300 actions in over 100 cities nationwide. You may contact Carl at This e-mail address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it .

Reader Supported News is the Publication of Origin for this work. Permission to republish is freely granted with credit and a link back to Reader Supported News.

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Facebook and Google Turned Into Government Spies? Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=13795"><span class="small">Steven Rosenfeld, AlterNet</span></a>   
Thursday, 26 April 2012 15:42

Rosenfeld writes: "It is reprehensible because ... it gives the federal government too much access to the private lives of every Internet user ... It turns Facebook and Google into 'government spies.'"

CISPA would turn Google and Facebook into government spies. (photo: Gawker)
CISPA would turn Google and Facebook into government spies. (photo: Gawker)



Facebook and Google Turned Into Government Spies?

By Steven Rosenfeld, AlterNet

26 April 12

 

he U.S. House of Representatives is expected to pass a reprehensible cyber-security bill this week that seeks to protect online companies - giant social media firms to data-sharing networks controlling utilities - from cyber attack. It is reprehensible because, as Democratic San Jose Rep. Zoe Lofgren said this week, it gives the federal government too much access to the private lives of every Internet user. Or as Libertarian Rep. Ron Paul also bluntly put it, it turns Facebook and Google into “government spies.”

But that’s not the biggest problem with the Congress’s urge to address a real problem - protecting the Internet from cyber attacks. While House passage launches a process that continues in the Senate, the bigger problem with the best known of the cyber bills before the House, CISPA, the Cyber Intelligence Sharing and Protection Act, is not what is in it - which is troubling enough - but what is not on Congress’s desk: a comprehensive approach to stop basic constitutional rights from eroding in the Internet Age.

“I don’t think the current cyber-security debate is adequately protecting civil liberties,” said Anjali Dalal, a resident fellow with the Information Society Project at Yale Law School (and a blogger). “CISPA seems to place constitutionally suspect behavior outside of judicial review. The bill immunizes all participating entities ‘acting in good faith.’ So what happens when an ISP hands over mountains of data under the encouragement and appreciation of the federal government? We can’t sue the government, because they didn’t do anything. And we can’t sue the ISP because the bill forbids it.”

What happens is anybody’s guess. But what does not happen is clear. The government, as with the recently adopted National Defense Authorization Act of 2012, does not have to go through the courts when fighting state "enemies" on U.S. soil. Instead, CISPA, like NDAA, expands extra-judicial procedures as if America’s biggest threats must always be addressed on a kind of wartime footing. Constitutional protections, starting with privacy rights, are mostly an afterthought.

The CISPA bill takes an information-sharing approach to fight cyber attacks. Nobody has said there’s a problem with the government giving classified information to private firms to stop attacks. It is the opposite of that - Internet companies sharing information about users and their online activities - that raises civil liberties red flags. In general, the courts distinguish between public and private aspects of online activity, holding, for example, that e-mail addresses, subject lines and traffic patterns are like snail-mail addresses on the outside of a paper envelope - they are public. But just as a letter’s contents are private, courts have said that is true with online activity - although in a recent Supreme Court case involving wireless surveillance, Justice Sonia Sotomayor raised the question of how much privacy people should expect in their online activities.

For now, however, the government generally needs a search warrant to look at the details of people’s online activities. That is because the Constitution protects civil liberties by restricting government intrusion into citizens' lives. However, a private company doing the government’s work for it does not face the same restrictions.

CISPA’s fine print does an end run around the judicial hurdles. It essentially fights cyber threats by deputizing the tech sector to police the net and share everything - online activities, history, searches, transactions, mail - with various federal agencies, including possibly national security agencies. Internet firms would not be required to tell clients when their information was given to the government.

The latest Intelligence Committee amendments - which were submitted to the House Rules Committee on Wednesday morning (it decides what will be debated on the House floor on Thursday) - said the information given to the government would be used for “cybersecurity purposes,” or degrading, disrupting or destroying a network or system, as well as unauthorized taking of information. Cyber security purposes also is defined as protecting people from “danger of death or serious bodily harm,” which presumably means terrorism, and protecting minors from “child pornography,” “sexual exploitation” and “kidnapping.” This specificity was missing in earlier versions of the bill.

Critics in the civil liberties community have said CISPA’s wording is too vague, deputizes private actors, leaves no legal recourse, is open to mission creep and offers inadequate public protections, such as requiring ISPs to anonymize personal identifying information, or limiting the government’s use and retention of the data. Private firms cannot be expected to safeguard privacy, they said, especially after Congress has freed them from liability.

House Democrats have tried to amend the Intelligence Committee bill to clarify what is a cyber security threat, impose limits on the government's use and retention of shared data, and to protect privacy by urging the encryption of records, and also saying that what is gathered cannot be used for other regulatory purposes. CISPA’s authors said they have addressed critics' concerns, but late on Wednesday the White House, in its first comments on the bill, said it would veto it in its current form. Previously, the executive branch signaled that it preferred the approach in a Senate bill co-sponsored by Sen. Joe Lieberman, I-Connecticut, and Sen. Susan Collins, R-Maine, saying it offers more privacy assurances while protecting critical infrastructure and online platforms.

One of the biggest unknowns with government data mining - whether by federal agencies or contractors - is what will be done with all the information that is gathered. People may assume that more data means more confusion by analysts, but the opposite actually is true, according to experts such as Jeff Jonas, a senior scientist at IBM and a blogger. He says the public has little idea “what is computationally possible with Big Data,” which can predict - drawing on what is online - what someone is likely be doing at a certain time of day.

“Big Data is making it harder to have secrets,” Jonas wrote on his blog. He explains:

Unlike two decades ago, humans are now creating huge volumes of extraordinarily useful data as they self-annotate their relationships and yours, their photographs and yours, their thoughts and their thoughts about you… and more. With more data, come better understanding and prediction. The convergence of data might reveal your "discreet" rendezvous or the fact you are no longer on speaking terms with your best friend. No longer secret is your visit to the porn store and the subsequent change in your home’s late-night energy profile, another telling story about who you are… again out of the bag, and little you can do about it. Pity… you thought that all of this information was secret.

In the commercial world, consultants like Jonas tell clients that the best business practice is for companies to alert clients when third parties look at their data. But that courtesy, or legal requirement, is not part of the House’s CISPA bill. Indeed, as the San Jose Mercury News, the daily newspaper of Silicon Valley, noted in a Wednesday editorial urging the House to kill the bill, “personal privacy protection is all but nonexistent.”

But the biggest concern is not being touched at all: how to shore up constitutional rights, not chip away at them, when the Internet makes it harder for everyone to have secrets and the government deputizes the private sector to snoop for it without any judicial review.

“I think our First and Fourth Amendment rights aren’t being adequately considered,” said Yale Law School’s Dalal. “We have a right to be free from government intrusion into our private thoughts, actions and effects without a warrant. We also have a right to speak freely without government interference. Authorizing private surveillance of everything we do on the Internet with the understanding that government can be a recipient of that surveillance information threatens our right to speak freely, and to be free from unlawful search and seizure.”

It is almost certain that the GOP-controlled House will pass a version of CISPA on Friday. As was the case when the House passed legislation granting immunity to the telecom industry three years ago - for warrantless wiretapping of every American’s phone records to detect terrorist communications - the proponents will likely make many declarations about the price of freedom being vigilance. And its defenders will also declare that compromises were made to protect privacy rights.

However, every successive legislative "achievement" that gives government a deeper reach into people’s lives doesn’t just undermine specific civil liberties, it shrinks the Constitution. Indeed, it would be a rare day in Washington if Congress looked at constitutional protections first, not at the tail end, of every phase of the legislative process.

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Fear of a Koch Planet Print
Written by <a href="index.php?option=com_comprofiler&task=userProfile&user=6699"><span class="small">Julian Brookes, Rolling Stone</span></a>   
Tuesday, 24 April 2012 16:55

Brookes writes: "If the Koch brothers didn't exist, the left would have to invent them. They're the plutocrats from central casting - oil-and-gas billionaires ready to buy any congressman, fund any lie, fight any law, bust any union, despoil any landscape, or shirk any (tax) burden to push their free-market religion and pump up their profits."

Screen grab of the Koch Brothers from Robert Greenwald's 'Koch Brothers Exposed.' (image: Robert Greenwald/Brave New Films)
Screen grab of the Koch Brothers from Robert Greenwald's 'Koch Brothers Exposed.' (image: Robert Greenwald/Brave New Films)



Fear of a Koch Planet

By Julian Brookes, Rolling Stone

24 April 12

 

f the Koch brothers didn't exist, the left would have to invent them. They're the plutocrats from central casting - oil-and-gas billionaires ready to buy any congressman, fund any lie, fight any law, bust any union, despoil any landscape, or shirk any (tax) burden to push their free-market religion and pump up their profits.

But no need to invent - Charles and David Koch are the real deal. Over the past 30-some years, they've poured more than 100 million dollars into a sprawling network of foundations, think tanks, front groups, advocacy organizations, lobbyists and GOP lawmakers, all to the glory of their hard-core libertarian agenda. They don't oppose big government so much as government - taxes, environmental protections, safety-net programs, public education: the whole bit. (By all accounts, the Kochs are true believers; they really buy that road-to-serfdom stuff about the the holiness of free markets. Still, you can't help but notice how neatly their philosophy lines up with their business interests.) They like to think of elected politicians as merely "actors playing out a script," and themselves as supplying "the themes and words for the scripts." Imagine Karl Rove’s strategic cunning, crossed with Ron Paul’s screw-the-poor ideology, and hooked up to Warren Buffett's checking account, and you’re halfway there.

For years, the brothers shunned the spotlight. David Koch used to joke that the family business, the Wichita, Kansas-based Koch Industries - with annual revenues* estimated at $100 billion, it's the second-biggest private firm in America - was "the largest company you’ve never heard of." But when Barack Obama became president, the Kochs, like a lot of right-wingers, flipped out. They threw their weight behind a stealth campaign to turn back the president’s "socialist" agenda: They were early backers, some say puppet masters, of the Tea Party movement, and when the tea-infused GOP retook the House in the famous midterm "shellacking" of 2010, it was with a big assist from Koch money. (They later blessed the brief, ill-fated presidential run of Tea Party-favorite Herman Cain. That's how crazy - or cynical - these guys are.) Progressive activists and the news media started paying attention - most notably ThinkProgress and Jane Mayer of The New Yorker - and pretty soon the Kochs had become the poster boys of "the 1 percent" and a surefire fundraising tool for the Democratic Party; at the mere mention of the Koch name, liberal wallets fall open.

Now the Kochs are the subject of a blistering (but to all appearances factual) documentary by the activist filmmaker Robert Greenwald. Koch Brothers Exposed aims to show how the brothers' machinations affect the lives of "living, breathing human beings," as Greenwald put it to me at the film’s New York premiere in late March. "When I learned about the damage the Kochs were doing to our democracy, I wanted to make sure more Americans understood what they're up to."

On the evidence of Koch Brothers Exposed, the more relevant question is: What aren't they up to? The film - scrappy and low-budget, but effective all the same - weaves together a string of shorter videos produced over the past year by Greenwald’s nonprofit Brave New Films, each looking at a separate tentacle of the "Kochtopus," as lefty wags have dubbed the Kochs' network. It recounts how the brothers have:

helped fund efforts to undo a model diversity policy in the Wake County school system in North Carolina, effectively resegregating the district - part of a larger campaign, the film alleges, to weaken the public school system and prepare the way for widespread privatization;

pushed voter ID laws - purportedly aimed at combating ballot fraud but really designed to keep Democrats from voting - through their financial support for the American Legislative Exchange Council, an increasingly radioactive business group specializing in the drafting of corporate-friendly pick-up-and-pass legislation for state lawmakers. (ALEC is also behind the insane "Stand Your Ground" gun laws at issue in the Trayvon Martin shooting case);

pumped millions of dollars into more than 150 colleges and university in exchange for control over hiring and curriculum decisions, to ensure students will be exposed to the free-market fundamentalism of Ayn Rand, Freidrich von Hayek and like minds;

bankrolled a coordinated campaign to swing public opinion in favor of privatizing Social Security, deploying Koch-funded think tanks, experts, and pundits to spread the myth that the program is on the brink of bankruptcy.

(Greenwald might equally well have documented Koch-funded efforts to repeal Obama's health care law, deny climate change, undermine collective-bargaining rights, or block Wall Street reform, but there's only so much a single film can cover.)

All diabolical stuff, from the liberal point of view. Of course, you might want to argue that even if the scale of the Kochs' doings puts them in a league of their own, they're just exercising their constitutional right to play politics at the platinum level, like plenty of other high rollers on the right (and on the left, for that matter). Which of course gets at the basic problem - the gigantic power of money in American politics makes a joke of our democracy. And, for sure, without ever touching the subject directly Greenwald's film makes a powerful case for campaign finance reform, by showing the malign sway a couple of rich guys with radical views can have over millions of lives. But Greenwald isn't just saying the system is rotten, or that the Kochs are wrong (though he is saying both); he wants to persuade us - viscerally - that these guys are bad.

He makes a strong circumstantial case. The film brings us to Penn Road in Crossett, Arkansas, a low-income black community where, by all appearances, the residents who haven't already died from cancer are stuck at home, tethered to oxygen tanks. Could all this death and illness have anything to do with the stream of stinking toxic waste water out back oozing downstream from the Koch-owned Georgia-Pacific plant? The residents sure think so. A woman named Dolores Wimberley sobs at the grave of her non-smoking, non-drinking 43-year-old daughter, who died of lung cancer, and says, "I feel that Georgia Pacific and Koch is responsible for my daughter’s death."

Koch Industries vehemently denies any responsibility for the cancer deaths in Crossett and touts its environmental record as "exemplary." As ThinkProgress and others have documented, it is not: Koch Industries has been named one of the top ten worst polluters in the country and found criminally liable in more than one pollution-related case, including one involving the discharge of (carcinogenic) benzene. And, wouldn't you know, the company has lobbied hard to prevent the E.P.A. from classifying formaldehyde, produced in huge quantities by none other than Georgia-Pacific, as a "known carcinogen" in humans.

Greenwald lays it on a bit thick here and there, but that's kind of the point. "A lot of progressives really believe that if we can turn out one more white paper with bullet points about how to fix Problem X, we can fix it," Greenwald says. "But that's not primarily the way you reach people or move them. You reach the heart first. What I always try to do is make the political personal."

But you have to ask: Who’s going to watch, or even hear about, Koch Brothers Exposed? The film isn't being released to theaters, since Greenwald reckoned few moviegoers would be willing to pony up $10 or more to see a no-frills documentary about a couple of oldster ideologues, however powerful or well researched. So to get the word out Brave New Films has teamed up with 40-plus progressive membership organizations and labor unions to form a far-flung anti-Koch coalition. The idea is that groups and individuals will hold screenings everywhere from their homes to bowling alleys, church basements, college campuses, and union halls. "The ultimate goal," Greenwald told Alternet, another partner, is "organize, organize — and then, organize." (Lefty activists are notoriously single-issue, but the all-enveloping reach of the Kochtopus makes opposing the brothers something all liberals can get behind: education, environment, labor rights, campaign finance, corporate malfeasance - everyone’s cause is on the line.) Available via streaming outlets and cable video-on-demand starting May 8, the film has the potential at least to reach beyond the choir into millions of American homes.

Have the Kochs caught Greenwald's flick? It has certainly crossed their radar. Google "Koch Brothers Exposed" and the first thing you see is a paid text ad that reads, "YouTube propagandist-for-hire dishonestly attacks Koch for cash." It links to Kochfacts.com, the company’s all-purpose damage-limitation website. A lawyer for Koch industries recently fired off a statement to Deadline Hollywood saying, "Mr. Greenwald's statements are maliciously false and misleading, and we urge the news media not to republish them," conveniently forgetting that the news media (from The New Yorker to the New York Times and the Los Angeles Times) is a major source of Greenwald's information. The film maker is pushing back with his Top Ten Koch Facts and a busy media schedule.

Whether or not Greenwald’s film reaches its hoped-for audience, we can expect to hear plenty about the Koch brothers this campaign season. Obama and the Democrats are going to make the election a referendum on a Republican Party hijacked by ideological zealots, 1 percenters, and religious nuts - we’re a long way from hope and change here - and the Kochs make a handy proxy for two out of the three. Team Obama regularly beats the Koch drum in their fundraising emails, leading to an angry public back-and-forth recently between a Koch lieutenant and the president's campaign manager. Meanwhile, Mitt Romney has been discreetly courting the Kochs, who backed him for president in 2008 and are said to have pledged to raise $100 million to defeat Obama. As Greenwald put it in a recent interview, Charles and David Koch "are going to do everything their money will allow them to do to influence this election negatively."


http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=89nAQMDZ7tg

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Why the IRS Should Revoke ALEC's Charitable Status Print
Tuesday, 24 April 2012 16:45

Bob Edgar writes: "They call it the American Legislative Exchange Council, or ALEC, cloak it in rhetoric about free speech and free markets, and whine like spoiled children when someone dares to tell the truth about what it's up to."

ALEC, the shadowy corporate-funded proponent of so-called 'model legislation,' was the source of regressive state Voter ID and 'Stand Your Ground' laws. (photo: shutdownthecorporations.org)
ALEC, the shadowy corporate-funded proponent of so-called 'model legislation,' was the source of regressive state Voter ID and 'Stand Your Ground' laws. (photo: shutdownthecorporations.org)



Why the IRS Should Revoke ALEC's Charitable Status

By Bob Edgar, Guardian UK

24 April 12

 

Would the American Legislative Exchange Council tout its lawmaking influence to corporate backers if it wasn't a lobbyist?

ou'd think that an American business taking part in a scheme to secretly lobby for the passage of state laws tailored to fattening its profits at the expense of the public good would be shunned by customers and marginalized in the marketplace.

But today, mega-companies like Walmart, Koch Industries, Pfizer and State Farm Insurance are openly, if quietly engaged in just such an effort. They call it the American Legislative Exchange Council, or ALEC, cloak it in rhetoric about free speech and free markets, and whine like spoiled children when someone dares to tell the truth about what it's up to.

This Monday, Common Cause is announcing a whistleblower complaint against ALEC filed with the Internal Revenue Service. We've submitted several thousand pages of ALEC's internal records that we believe demonstrate, beyond debate, that ALEC is evading federal taxes by masquerading as a charity and misleading the IRS and the American public about its activities.

We're asking the IRS to end this charade, cancel ALEC's tax exemption, collect years of unpaid taxes and "impose necessary penalties." The complaint (pdf) includes ALEC memos, emails, "issue alerts," "talking points" and draft press releases touting ALEC's "model" bills. Lawmakers introduce ALEC's legislation, which often is drafted for them by corporate lobbyists, without disclosing its ALEC lineage; and they accept ALEC's backroom coaching to guide it to passage.

"ALEC boasts about how frequently its bills are introduced in state legislatures to show its influence over the legislative process," the complaint notes. In one annual scorecard, ALEC's executive director, Samuel Brunelli, told corporate backers that, with a success rate higher than 20%, "ALEC is a good investment. Nowhere else can you get a return that high."

Up to now, most press and public attention has focused on ALEC's support for legislation like the Florida "Stand Your Ground" gun law at the center of the Trayvon Martin case, and voter identification requirements that would turn hundreds of thousands of students, elderly, disabled and minority voters away from the polls. But Common Cause's tax filing focuses on a less-noticed, but perhaps more fundamental problem with ALEC - its attack on democratic values.

ALEC specializes in stealth, investing millions of dollars to entertain and lobby elected officials at swank resorts; it writes and refines their legislation through task forces where its business members wield a veto power, then stays in the background while shepherding the finished "model" bills to passage. Their mission accomplished, ALEC's business members reward their legislative allies with campaign contributions - nearly $400 million from 2000-2010 - to keep the party going.

ALEC does all this, and has the audacity to call itself a charity and claim a tax exemption. That's just wrong.

One final point: ALEC's leaders have accused Common Cause and other ALEC critics of attacking free speech; they say we want to deny business a seat at the table where public policy is made.

Nonsense. Our efforts are focused on bringing ALEC into the open, so that everyone can see and hear and evaluate its agenda, so that it will no longer be able to sweet-talk elected officials behind closed doors to work its will. The companies leaving ALEC have done so not because their speech was muzzled, but because it was amplified.

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